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973 005 '^ORT WAYNE & ALLEN CO.. (Mr 




3 1833 01737 2613 













VOL. Ill 



OvopririQ^tEb, 1813, .bn 31. S. f itrius dr €a. 



Birth of the Empire State — Formation of the First Constitution of New 

York, 1777, by John Austin Stevens, i 

The Globe of Vlpius, by B. F. de Costa, 17 

Oregon — The origin and meaning of the name, by J. Hammond Trumbull, 36 
The Treaty of Peace, 1783 Correspondence between William Jay and John 

Quincy Adams, ........... 39 

A Diplomatic Round Robin, London, 1786— Peters, Jefferson, Smith, . . 44 

Early proposal to annex the Valley of the Mississippi, 45 

Notes, Queries and Replies, 47, 152, 196, 259, 310, 376, 448, 511, 579,636,692, 756 
Literary Notices, . . 61, 209, 266, 320, 381, 458, 521, 586, 641, 697, 763 

Washington's Opinion of his General Officers, 81 

Washington's Headquarters at Pompton, N. J., by John Austin Stevens, . 89 
Tabulated Statement of Washington's Household Expenses, 1789, . . 91 

The Washington Family of Holland and Germany, 96 

Council of War held at New Windsor by General Washington, June 12, 

1781, 102 

Letters of Washington, now for the first time published (seventy), 1754 to 

1780 (nineteen) 1780 to 1781, ....... 104-496 

List of Washington's Letters, printed in historical and other periodicals, . 140 
Washington's Farev/ell to his Officers at Fraunces' Tavern, . 

Itinerary of General Washington, 1775 to 1783, 

Washington's Headquarters during the Revolution, .... 

Houses Visited by Washington during the Revolution, 
The Constitutional Development of the Colony of New York, by S. N, Dex- 
ter North, ............ 161 

Spanish-American Documents, printed or inedited by J. Carson Breevoort, 175 
Champlain's Astrolabe. Discovery of an Astrolabe supposed to have been 

lost by Champlain in 16 13, by O. H. Marshall, 179 

Diary of Comriiodore Edward Preble before Tripoli, 1804, . . . .182 
Americus Vespucius. i. Letter of December 9, 1508 ; 2. Biographical 

sketch of Vespucius ; 3. Signature of Vespucius, .... 193 
The Influence of New York on American Jurisprudence, by Horatio Sey- 
mour, . 217 

The Convention of Saratoga, by George W. Greene, 231 

The Dighton Rock Inscription. An Opinion of a Danish Archaeologist, by 

Charles Rau, 236 




The Howards of Maryland, by Elizabeth Read, 239 

Papers of Father Bruyas, Jesuit Missionary to Canada, 1689 to 1690, . . 250 
The Prisoners of Matamoras — a reminiscence of the Revolution of Texas, 

by Captain R. M. Potter, U. S. A., 273 

A New and Ancient Map of Yucatan, by Ph. Valentini, .... 295 
Letters of de Fersen, Aid- de-Camp to Rochambeau, written to his Father in 

Sweden, 1780 to 1782, 300, 369, 43/ 

Connecticut Elections in the Colonial Days, from the New York Mercury 

March 22, 1767, 309 

Obituary Notices. The Rev. Leonard Woods, D. D., President of Bowdoin 

College, p. 328 ; General John A. Dix, . 383 

George Clinton, Governor of New York, by William L. Stone, . . . 329 
The Battle of Monmouth, as described by Dr. James McHenry, Secretary to 

General Washington, with narrative, by Thomas H. Montgomery, . 355 
List of French Officers who served in the American Armies, with Commis- 
sions prior to the Treaties between France and the United States, . 364 
The French in Rhode Island, by John Austin Stevens, .... 385 
List of the French Fleet at Rhode Island, under de Ternay and Destouches, 423 
Officers of the French Army in America under the Count de Rochambeau, 423 
Quarters Occupied within the Town of Newport by the Army under the 
Command of the Count de Rochambeau, in Winter Quarters, 1780 to 

1781, 425 

Regiments Quartered in Newport — Colonels and Superior Officers, . . 428 

The Navy, '' '' . 429 

Quarters assigned within the Town of Providence to the Army under the 

Command of the Count de Rochambeau, 1782, 430 

Resolutions of the Inhabitants of Newport in Town Meeting and Replies of 

Rochambeau, .......... . 433 

Inscription over the Monument to Admiral de Ternay, erected in the Trinity 

Churchyard, Newport, by Order of the King of France, . . .436 

The Traditional and the Real Washington, by James Parton, . . . 465 
The Dey House, Washington's Headquarters at Preakness, N. J., by William 

Nelson, 4^0 

The Lenox Globe, by B. F. de Costa, 529 

The Old Stone Mill at Newport, by George C. Mason, Jr., . . . .541 
A Justification of General Sullivan, by Thomas C. Amory, . . . .550 
Brigadier-General Samuel Meredith, by Wharton Dickenson, . . .555 
Personal Narrative cf the Services of Lieut. John Shreve, of the New Jersey 

Line of the Continental Army, cOa 

Civil Status of tiie Presbyterians in the Province of New York, by Charles 

W. Baird, ^^3 

Old Fort Van Rensselaer, by F. H. Roof, 529 



Early American Diplomacy — Beaumarchais' opinion of Silas Deane and 

Arthur Lee, 631 

Letter of Count de Vergennes to Silas Deane, 635 

Brodhead's Expedition against the Indians of the Upper Allegheny, 1779, 

by Obed Edson, 649 

Colonel Brodhead's Report of his Expedition (from the Pennsylvania 

Packet), 1779, .672 

List of Journals, Narratives, etc., of the Western Expedition, 1779, by 

David Craft, .673 

Arnold at the Court of George IIL, by Isaac N. Arnold, .... 676 
The Skirmish at Poundridge, Westchester, 1779, by James B. Lockwood, . 685 
Journal of a March from Fort Schuyler ; Expedition against the Onondagas, 

1779, by Thomas Machin, Captain in Colonel Lamb's 2d Regiment New 

York Artillery, .... 688 

New York in 1809 — Reminiscence of the firm of Archibald Gracie & Co., 

by Charles King, 689 

The Battle of Buena Vista, by Ellen Hardin Walworth, .... 705 

Case of Major Andre, by J. C. Stockbridge, 739 

Seventy-six Stone-House, at Tappan, by John Austin Stevens, . . . 743 
Arnold the Traitor and Andre the Sufferer — Correspondence between 

Josiah Quincy, Jared Sparks and Benjamin Tallmadge, . . . 747 
Route of Andr^, 756 



The Senate House, Kingston, NY., i 

The Globe of Vlpius, 17 

Inscriptions on, Globe of Vlpius, 19 

Portrait of Pope Marcellus II, 24 

View of the Vlpius Globe, 35 

Fac-simile of a Diplomatic Round Robin, 44 

Portrait of Washington, after a miniature by Wm. Birch, . . . .81 
Fac-simile of Washington's Opinion of his General Officers, ... 84 

Washington's Headquarters, Pompton, N. J., 89 

Fac-simile of Washington's Household Expenses, 1789, . . . -91 

Fraunces' Tavern, New York City, ........ 150 

The Long Room — Fraunces' Tavern, 152 

Champlain's Lost Astrolabe. . . . . . . . . .180 

Portrait of Americus Vespucius, 193 

Fac-simile of Writing of Americus Vespucius, 194 

Belvedere — Home of Col. John Eager Howard, Baltimore, Md., . . . 239 

John Eager Howard Medal, 242 

The Howard Arms, . 249 

Portrait of General Bravo, . . . . . . . . . .294 

Portrait of Count de Fersen, 300 

De Nesmond Medal, . . . . . . . . . . .314 

Portrait of George Clinton, 329 

Clinton Coat of Arms, 354 

Second John Eager Howard Medal, . . . . . . . -377 

The Vernon House, Newport R. 1. — Rochambeau's Headquarters, . . 385 

Plan of Newport — Blaskowitz's Survey, 1777, 417 

Memorial Tablet to de Ternay, Newport, R. I., 422 

Chart of Narragansett Bay — Blaskowitz's, 1777 425 

Fac-simile of William Vernon's Account with Louis XVI, . . . .427 
Fac-simile of Rochambeau's Reply to Citizens of Newport, .... 433 
Medallion Portrait of Washington, by Tardieu, after Houdon, . . . 465 
Map showing the location of the American Army at Tottowa and Preak- 

ness, N. J., 1780, 492 

The Dey House, Preakness, N. J. — Washington's Headquarters, . . . 496 

The Lenox Globe, 529 

View of the Lenox Globe (size, three-fifths of original), .... 540 

Architectural Drawings of Old Stone Mill, Newport, 541 

Illustrations of Old Stone Mill, Newport, 544 


Old Fort Van Rensselaer, Canajoharie, N, Y., 
Route of Brodhead's Expedition, . 
The Gracie Mansion, Gracie's Point, New York, 
Plan of Battle of Buena Vista, 

Portrait of Andre, 

Seventy-six Stone House, Tappan — Andre Prison. 
Ground Plan of Seventy-six Stone House, 
Map of Tappan During the Revolution, 
Route of Andre — Erskins Map, 1779, . 










Vol. Ill JANUARY 1879 No. 1 




ON the loth May 1776, the Continental Congress adopted a 
resolution recommending to the respective assemblies and con- 
ventions of the United Colonies, where no government sufficient 
to the exigencies of their affairs had been already established, to adopt 
such government as should, in the opinion of the representatives of the 
people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents 
in general, and America in particular. This was accompanied by a 
preamble adopted on the 15th of May, declaring the necessit)^ of a total 
suppression of every kind of authority under the crown of Great Britain 
and an exercise of all the powers of government under the authority of 
the people of the colonies. 

The colony of New York was, at this period, without a regular 
government. The assembly had been for more than a year prorogued, 
the English Governor Tryon had fled for safety to the ship Duchess 
of Gordon, which lay in the bay under the guns of the men-of-war on 
the station, and public affairs were under the control of a Provincial 
Congress elected in the month of April preceding, and then sitting in 
the City Hall of New York. This Congress was in every sense a 
revolutionary and temporary body. It was the third in succession from 
that first Provincial Congress called into being by the Committee of 
Inspection, immediately after the battle of Lexington, to deliberate upon 
and from time to time to devise measures expedient for the public 

The preamble and resolutions of the Continental Congress were 
read in the Provincial Congress of New York, on the 24th of May. 
Mr. Gouverneur Morris opened the business by a long argument 


''showing the necessity of the measure and that this was the crisis in 
which it should be done, and concluded with a motion to appoint a 
committee to draw up a recommendation to the people of the colony 
for the choosing of persons to frame a government." Here was shown 
the tenacity with which even the representatives of the landed estates 
clung to the popular rights. This was not a strange view for Mr. Morris, 
whose ancestors had from the early days of English rule been staunch 
advocates of liberal opinions and unswerving opponents of the 
encroachments of the Crown. Here was the first public appearance of 
this gentleman, then but twenty-four, who later became renowned on 
both hemispheres for his varied accomplishments, versatile talents and 
commanding eloquence. His views were not concurred in at the 
moment, being opposed even by the popular leader, John Morin Scott, 
but they were not without their weight on the Convention. The whole 
subject was referred to a committee, of which Mr. Henry Remsen was 
Chairman, who reported on the 27th that they were of the opinion "that 
the right of framing, creating or new modeling civil governments is and 
ought to be in the people; " that the " old form of government was dis- 
solved, and a new and regular form of internal government and police 
had become absolutely necessary." In addition, adopting the view of 
Mr. Morris, they stated that there were doubts whether the people had 
invested the Provincial Congress with sufficient authority to frame and 
institute such government, doubts which could and of right ought to be 
removed by the good people of the colony, and recommended that the 
inhabitants of the several counties be summoned to confirm their present 
or elect new representatives, but with express authority to institute a 
new internal form of government. 

New York had always been jealous of its rights ; nowhere w^ere the 
great principles of English liberty more thoroughly understood than in 
this colony. In the words of Chancellor Kent, through the whole 
period of the colonial history "the General Assembly of New York 
rarely ceased to sustain its rights and assert its dignity with becoming 
spirit against the whole weight and influence of the delegated powers 
of royalty." This character of the House, he adds with graceful and 
forcible illustration, "was a consequence naturally flowing from the 
healthy and vigorous principle of popular elections, which, like the 
touch of Antasus of his mother Earth in his struggles with Hercules, 
always communicated fresh strength and courage to renew the contest." 

The report of the committee was agreed to; on the 31st (May) 
resolutions were adopted setting forth the causes of their action and 


recommending the new election of a new body, to meet in New York 
the second Monday in July, with power to constitute a new govern- 
ment, and on the loth June the electors were earnestly recommended to 
inform their deputies of their sentiments relative to the great question 
of independence which was then before the Continental Congress. 

The Provincial Congress continued to meet, taking action for the 
organizing of regiments and providing for the defense of the city, until 
the 30th June, when, the British fleet and army under Sir William Howe 
having entered the harbor, the public papers and treasure were removed 
to White Plains. It then adjourned to meet at the Court House in that 
town on the 2d July, and summoned the new Congress elected under 
their instructions to meet at the same place on the 8th July. The 
expiring Congress held no further session. 

On the 9th the new Provincial Congress for the colony of New 
York met at the Court House (White Plains), and a majority appearing, 
organized Avith the election of General Nathaniel WoodhuU as President 
and of John McKesson and Robert Benson for Secretaries. Immediately 
after the examination of credentials and the passing of a resolution 
empowering the General to call out the militia, a letter from the New 
York delegates in Continental Congress was read, inclosing the Declar- 
ation of Independence signed by John Hancock, President of Congress. 
The letter and Declaration were referred to a committee, which in the 
afternoon of that same day made a report which was unanimously agreed 
to, and the delegates in Congress were clothed with full power to concert 
and adopt all such measures as they deemed conducive to the happiness 
and welfare of the United States of America. It may here be properly 
noticed that the letter of John Hancock, President of Congress, dated 
the 6th July, announcing the passage of the Declaration, did not reach 
the convention till the nth, when it immediately ordered a reply to the 
effect that on information of the Declaration from the New York 
delegates the convention had anticipated the request of the Continental 

On the loth it was resolved and ordered that the style or title of the 
House be changed from that of the *' Provincial Congress of the Colony 
of New York " to that of the ''Convention of the Representatives of the State 
of New York.'' The next day the Convention appointed Tuesday, the 
1 6th July, to take into consideration the resolve of the Continental Con- 
gress, of the loth May, recommending the formation of a government. 

Meanwhile the state of affairs in and about the city of New York had 
become alarming, and the Convention was fully occupied in preparations 


to meet the attack hourly expected ; in giving aid to General Washing, 
ton who was in personal command of the defenses, and in securing the 
Highland passes and the communication with Albany. On the 12th a 
second fleet, under command of Lord Howe, arrived at Sandy Hook, 
and in the afternoon of the same day two of the ships of war, taking 
advantage of the tide and a favorable breeze, ran past the batteries, and 
came to anchor off Tarrytown in the Tappaan Zee. Nothing better 
shows the patriotic self-sacrificing spirit which governed the Convention 
than their unanimous passage of a resolution pledging to General 
Washington, if he should think it expedient for the preservation of 
the State and the general interests of America, to abandon the city of 
New York and withdraw the troops to the north side of Kings Bridge, 
their full co-operation in every measure necessary for that purpose. 
In this grave emergency there was little time for the immediate business 
for which they were convened, and on the i6th — the appointed day — the 
consideration of the necessity and propriety of establishing an independ- 
ent civil government was postponed until the ist of August. At the 
same time, to provide for a due administration of the law in the interim, 
all magistrates and other officers of justice in the State, who were well 
affected to the liberties of America, were requested until further orders 
to exercise their respective offices, provided that all processes and other 
proceedings be under the authority and in the name of the State of 
New York. 

The Convention likewise unanimously resolved that all persons abid- 
ing withiis the State and deriving protection from the laws of the same 
owed allegiance to the said laws and were members of the State, and all 
persons making a temporary stay therein were entitled to its protection 
and owed to it temporary allegiance, and finally declared that all per- 
sons, owing allegiance as above described, who should levy war against 
the State within the same or adhere to the King of Great Britain be 
guity of treason and that thereof convicted they should suffer \}iiQ pains 
and penalties of death. Proclamation of these resolutions was ordered in 
the city of New York at the City Hall after notice by ringing of the 
bells and publication made in the newspapers. 

In such manner, under the pressure of a military situation unexam- 
pled in the history of the colonies, did the State of New York emerge 
from its colonial trammels, and boldly throwing off dependence upon 
the mother country and allegiance to the King, assert the sovereignty of 
the people of whom it was composed. No more thorough or complete 
instance of an absolute popular body-politic can be imagined or devised. 


The people, retaining all the rights which had before been vested in 
them, now assumed also all the reserved right and authorities claimed 
or exercised by Parliament and the Crown. On the 29th July the Con- 
vention ordered the transfer of all their records, files and papers and the 
treasure to Harlem, where they renewed their sessions in the church on 
the 29th. 

On the 1st of Ai^ust, the day designated, on motion of Mr. Gouv- 
erneur Morris of Westchester, seconded by Mr. William Duer of 
Charlotte, a committee was appointed to report a form of government, 
and, at the suggestion of Mr. Adgate of Albany, at the same time 
directed to report a bill of rights as the foundation for such a form of 
government. This committee included the most distinguished men of 
the Convention. They were John Jay, John Sloss Hobart, William 
Smith, William Duer, Gouverneur Morris, Robert R. Livingston, John 
Broome, John Morin Scott, Abraham Yates, Henry Wisner, Sr., Samuel 
Townshend, Charles De Witt and Robert Yates. 

The committee appears to have at once set about the work entrusted 
to them, but to have been impeded by the non-attendance of Jay and 
Livingston, who were engaged upon important business on the Secret 
Committee. This secret committee, raised by the Provincial Congress 
the i8th May, 1775, to confer and advise with the Commander-in-Chief 
of the Continental forces in the colony, had been continued by the 
Convention, and was now engaged in aiding General George Clinton in 
raising and provisioning the troops and obstructing the navigation of 
the Hudson. To the letter of the Convention, inviting them imme- 
diately to attend its deliberations for the framing of a new government, 
written on the 12th, reply was made that they were informed by Clinton 
that their services in the Secret Committee could not be dispensed with. 

On the 28th August, by a resolution which declared the defenseless 
town of Harlem liable to surprise by a small body of men from the 
enemy's ships of war in the Sound and the situation of their army on 
Long Island, the Convention adjourned to Fishkill, in Dutchess County, 
whither the treasure and records were immediately removed, and a 
Committee of Safety was appointed for the interim. 

On the 5th September the Convention resumed its sittings at the 
Episcopal Church in Fishkill, but it was found to be '*so foul with the 
dung of doves and fowls, and so uncomfortable without any benches, 
seats or other conveniences," that an immediate adjournment was made 
to the Dutch Church. The reason of this condition of the Episcopal 
Church is easily found. The clergy, holding their offices by the 


Establishment of which the King was the head, had almost without 
exception ceased to hold services, and in many instances had withdrawn 
from their charge. The sessions of the Convention at Fishkill were held 
in constant fear of surprise, to guard against which on the 12th October 
a supply of arms and ammunition was ordered for self-protection. 

In the fall and winter of 177^1777 the country was ravaged by the 
smallpox, the curse of the last century. The arm v in Canada had been 
decimated by it, and it had made its appearance in all the larger cities, 
where inoculation was as yet powerless to check its spread, owing in 
part doubtless to the general dread of even the milder form of the 
disease. In January, 1777, the epidemic reached Fishkill, and great alarm 
was felt that it would be communicated to the barracks. On the 25th the 
Convention resolved to move again, and on the nth February adjourned 
to Kingston, in Ulster County, where they met on the 6th of March. 
The quarters taken by them here were not much more convenient than 
those they had left. Kingston, though at this period the third town in 
the State, was infested by a dangerous population. The prisoners were 
confined here. The very room in tne Court House, in which the Con- 
vention sat, was directly over the jail, the nauseous and disagreeable 
effluvia arising from which caused the introduction of a resolution 
allowing members to smoke in self-defence until the jail could be 
cleared and the prisoners removed. During all the intervals of session 
the affairs of the State were managed by the Committee of Safety chosen 
by the Convention. 

Some of the reasons for delay in the draft of a constitution have 
been mentioned. The principal one, however, seems to have been the 
varied and important service demanded of Mr. Jay, the chairman of 
the committee to whom it had been assigned. Mr. Jay, although at 
this period only thirty-one years of age, had proved himself the equal 
of the wisest of the prudent, intelligent men to whom the colonies had 
cheerfully intrusted their destinies. Bred to the bar, and by the nature 
of his even, well-tempered mind, as well as careful training, fitted for 
trusts where not only manly courage but serene judgment were required, 
he had already made an enduring mark in his address to the people of 
Great Britain, by universal acknowledgement the ablest of the papers 
of the First Continental Congress, of 1774. He was now not only a 
member of the Continental Congress, of which he was, with Robert 
Morris, a member of the Secret Committee of Correspondence charged 
with the foreign relations, but he had also been appointed chairman of 
a '* Committee to detect and defeat conspiracies against the liberties of 


America," a body to which formidable and almost unlimited powers 
were intrusted ; it was authorized to draw upon the treasury, enforce 
secrecy, and to raise a special force to execute their commands. 

Notwithstanding these varied duties the pen of Mr. Jay was again 
called into service, and in December he drafted an address of the people 
of New York to their constituents, which his son, Mr. William Jav, in 
his life of his illustrious sire, describes as the most animated and thrilling 
that ever liowed from his pen. It Avas signed by the President of the 
Convention and promulgated on the 23d December. This paper is 
marked by the severity and dignity of style which belonged to the time, 
and illustrated by references to biblical and classical history after the 
fashion of the day. In its compactness of thought and conciseness of 
expression it has scarcely an equal among the State papers of the 
period. This address was widely circulated in pamphlet form. Con- 
gress, on the i6th January, acknowledged its receipt, and informed the 
New York Convention that it contained sentiments highly and generally 
interesting to the inhabitants of the United States, to whose serious 
perusal and attention it was earnestly recommended, and ordered that 
it be translated into the German language and printed at the expense of 
the colonies. 

The contemporaneous record of the proceedings of the Convention is 
extremely meagre, and recently printed diaries have added nothing to it. 
Those were days of action. Men lived apart from their families amid 
the dangers of war and disease, and found little time for correspondence 
except of a public nature, and of this the vicissitudes and migrations of 
the members both of the Continental Congress and the Convention have 
left few remains. Not half a dozen letters of Jay of this period have 
been printed ; of Gouverneur Morris not so many. Of the constitution 
of the State of New York, Sparks says that there was a party in favor of 
postponing it, and that Jay was probably of that opinion ; but we find 
nothing in the record or in any published correspondence to support 
this view. It is true that the dissensions in Pennsylvania with regard 
to their constitution were a source of alarm to Congress, and had led 
to a feeling in that body that the general interests of the country 
would have been promoted by a delay in the establishment by New 
York of the new form of State government. But these dilatory views 
were not laid before the Convention of Nev.^ York until after its consti- 
tution had been adopted, and cannot therefore be held to have mfluenced 
its action. Chancellor Kent, in his discourse already referred to, states 
that the Constitution was in the handwritmg of Jay, and that it was 


reported by Duane, and that they, together with Gouverneur Morris 
and Robert R. Livingston, were probably among the most efficient 
professional members of the Convention in the producing of the instru- 
ment. Mr. Gulian C. Verplanck, an authority no less distinguished, 
asserted in his address before Columbia College in 1830 that Mr. Jay 
" drafted and in effect himself formed the instrument under which the 
State of New York lived for forty-five years, which still formed the 
basis of our present State government, and from which other States have 
since borrowed many of its more remarkable and original provisions." 

Before entering upon a consideration of the instrument thus recom- 
mended to the Convention as the basis of the new jurisprudence of 
the State, it Avill be well to examine the form of government in the 
New York colony prior to the overthrow of the King's authority. Mr. 
O'Conor, in his address before the New York Historical Society upon 
** The Constitutions," — in commemoration of the centennial anniversary 
of the adoption of the constitution of the State — wisely observed that 
undoubtedly the best and freest constitution for its own creators that 
any people had ever enjoyed before 1776 was that of England, and 
he added that even then " there still remained deeply seated in the 
American heart an almost boundless admiration of all English institu- 
tions that were either compatible Avith perfect equality and religious 
freedom or that it seemed possible to mould into harmony with them." 
History bears out the truth of this observation. Nowhere can stronger 
proof of it be found than in the concise and admirable declaration 
contained in the petition addressed to the King by the General 
Assembly of New York on the i8th October, 1764, just prior to the 
passage of the Stamp Act. This document stated : 

*' That His Majesty's royal predecessors, sensible that the subject by 
the laws of our happy constitution carries with him his allegiance to the 
most distant corners of the earth, and that the protection of his constitu- 
tional rights and privileges is the true reason of that allegiance, not only 
authorized the emigration of their subjects, but acquiesced in the trans- 
fer of those rights and privileges to this distant part of your dominions, 
to be enjoyed by them on the same tenure of subjection by which they 
held them at home. 

" That hence so soon after the first planting of this colony as in the year 
1683, a political frame was erected in the nearest possible resemblance 
to that of our mother country, of which the constituent parts were a 
governor and council in the royal appointment, and a representation of 
the people by their own free election. 


" That in these three branches was lodged the legislative authority of 
the colony, and particularly the power of taxing its inhabitants for the 
support of the Government. And in the uninterrupted enjoyment of 
this constitution has Your Majesty's colony of New York continued 
from that period down to the present day." 

It will be observed how closely the Convention, in its resolution of 
the i6th August, adhered to the very words of this declaration of 1764 
of the reciprocal rights and duties of the State and its citizens, and of 
the nature of allegiance and protection. 

On the 13th March, 1777, the order of the day being read, the Con- 
vention proceeded to the consideration of the report of the committee, 
and it was read. It was again read by clauses ; when, after the reading 
of the first clause, Mr. Morris displayed the independence and eccentri- 
city of his character by demanding leave that each member who should 
dissent with his county on any section of the plan should have leave to 
enter his dissent and reasons therefor on the minutes, but his motion 
was overruled by a large majority. The instrument was then debated 
by clauses. The first section, declaring that no authority shall on any 
pretense whatever be exercised over the people or members of this 
State but such as shall be derived from and granted by them, was 
unanimously agreed to. 

The section vesting the supreme legislative power in two separate 
and distinct bodies of men — the one the Assembly, the other the Senate 
— was subject of debate. Mr. Morris moved to amend the section so 
as to include the Governor, that he might have power to give assent 
or dissent to any law, but none to originate or amend. On motion of 
Mr. Duane the discussion was postponed till the next day, when 
Mr. Morris's amendment was carried by a large majority. On the 
1st April Mr. Jay moved a reconsideration of this vote, which was 
amended by a proposition of Robert R. Livingston, making the Gov- 
ernor, Judge and Chancellor a check upon every bill. This plan 
arranged for a review by them acting in Council of revision, with power 
to them to return the same to the Senate with their objection, when if 
two-thirds of them on reconsideration adhered to their vote it should be, 
with the objection, sent down to the General Assembly to be by them 
reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds become a law. A second 
paragraph provided against any unnecessar}^ delay by declaring that 
any bill should become a law if not returned by the Council to the Senate 
within ten days, unless the Legislature should have adjourned in the 
meanwhile, when it should be returned within the first ten days of the 


next session. This amendment was carried by a vote of 31 to 4, and the 
Council established. This it will be seen conferred but small power 
upon the Executive, an office which the abuses of the colonial Governors 
had brought into extreme distrust. A Governor to be chosen by a 
majority of the freeholders, to hold office for three years, to command 
the army and navy, to convene and prorogue the Legislature, and under 
certain restrictions to grant reprieves and pardons to persons convicted 
of crimes other than treason or murder, in which he had power of sus- 
pension of sentence until the Legislature should direct execution or 
grant further reprieve. A Lieutenant-Governor was provided for, to be 
elected at the same time as the Governor, who should be President of 
the Senate. The upper House to consist of twenty-four Senators, free- 
holders chosen by freeholders possessed of a freehold of the value of i^ioo ; 
to be elected for four years, and divided by lot into four classes, six in each 
class, Avho should go out annually in turn according to their numbers, so 
that the fourth part of the Senate be chosen annually. Their election 
was arranged to be by the freeholders of four great districts, the southern, 
middle, eastern and western, in proportion to their population. When 
this section was debated, endeavors were made on the one hand to 
reduce the districts to one, which would have elected the Senators by 
general vote, and on the other to increase them to fourteen, which would 
make the body more popular, but both amendments were rejected by a 
large majority. Other proposals of change met the same fate. It was 
also provided that the number of the Senate should never exceed one 
hundred. Here is noted the beginning of that difference of opinion as 
to the proper basis and extent of representation which culminated in 
the hot debates over the adoption of the United States Constitution 
and the triumph of the Federal party in [789. 

The lower house to consist of at least seventy members, to be 
annually elected by the freeholders of the several counties possessing a 
freehold to the amount of ;^20 or having rented a tenement therein of 
the yearly value of 40 shillings ; this Assembly to choose its own Speaker 
and enjoy the same privileges '^as the Assembly of New York of rigJit 
formerly did"; the Assembly never to exceed three hundred members. 
The provision concerning those who had rented tenements was introduced 
by Robert R. Livingston and seconded by Gouverneur Morris. Both of 
these gentlemen represented great landed estates, with a large and increas- 
ing tenantr3\ On the final vote of 33, the only negatives, 8 in number, 
came from the representatives of the county of New York. An amend- 
ment offered by Mr. Morris, extending the franchise to all freemen of 


the city of Albany, and all who were made freemen of the city of New- 
York before the 14th October, 1775, which was incorporated, seems to 
have disposed of the objections to this clause. 

The mode of voting was a matter of considerable debate, and indeed 
it had been for sometime a matter of dispute in the city of New York, 
where the popular party was strong-. Among the curious handbills in 
the collection of the New Yoik Historical Society are two which show 
the strength of the feeling which prevailed before the Revolution with 
regard to the open and secret ballot. One dated January 4, 1770, and 
signed by several of the most distinguished citizens, among whom Beek- 
man, Alsop, Ludlow, Bache, Lawrence and Laight, calls a meeting at the 
Merchants' Coffee House to inform the city representatives in the 
Assembly that the reports circulated that " voters had been intimidated 
at elections were void of foundation," and that " they (the subscribers) 
were not to be prevented by any motives whatever from daring and 
choosing to speak their minds freely and openly, to do Avhich at all times is 
their birthright as Englishmen and their glory as A mericans. " On th e other 
hand, an advertisement appeared the next day informing those who Vv^ere 
inclined to sign petitions to the Assembly, praying it to pass a law to 
elect the representatives by ballot, could find them at various public 
houses, the resort of the Liberty Boys, and that the petitions would be 
cared for by Walter Franklin and Isaac Sears, both leaders of the 
popular party. The feeling in favor of a secret ballot must have gained 
ground even with the conservative party, as the original draft of the 
constitution contained such a provision. When this section came up, 
however, the words "by ballot" were struck out on a motion of Gouv- 
erneur Morris by a vote of 18 to 12 ; but some days later Mr. Jay, with 
his usual tenacity, moved a substitute for the paragraph amended by 
Mr. Morris, which, finally adopted by a vote of 33 to 3, ordered that 
as soon as practicable after the war all elections should be by ballot, 
while it left it within the power of a two-thirds vote of the Legislature, 
at any time after a full and fair experiment of the vote by ballot, to 
return to the practice of the viva-voce vote. As a large land-holder 
Mr. Morris was loath to part with the influence which the open vote 
upon the English plan naturally exerted on his extensive tenantry. 
Those who have read Hs letter to Penn, describing the scene which 
occurred in New York in 1774 on the appointment of the Committee 
of Correspondence, will understand his disposition to control the 
electoral franchise. In that letter he expresses his fear of "mob 


The judicial system cannot be better described than in the eloquent 
words of Mr. O'Conor on the occasion already alluded to. " Local 
courts and a probate judiciary were instituted, as well as a superintend- 
ing common law tribunal carried the Supreme Court side by side with 
chancery to mitigate the rigor of its form and supply its deficiencies. All 
these were patterned after the English judicial system ; nor was its crown- 
ing feature overlooked. The only State organism that bore any shadow of 
resemblance to the English House of Peers was the Senate ; and there, 
in the closest imitation of our parent State, the constitution enthroned 
the supreme judicial power with final appellate jurisdiction in law and 
equity. Grace and majesty shone forth in the copy as in the original." 
The law was declared to be such parts of the common law of England 
and of the statute law of England and Great Britain, and of the acts of 
the colony as were in force the 19th April, 1775. It will be observed that 
the day of the first military attack of Great Britain upon American 
liberties at Lexington was here selected. 

The question of religious toleration was a subject of difference of 
opinion and of sharp discussion. When the paragraph was read declar- 
ing that ''the free toleration of religious profession and worship without 
discrimination or preference shall forever hereafter be allowed within 
the State to all mankind," Mr. Jay moved to " except the professors of 
the religion of the Church of Rome until they should take oath that they 
verily believed that no Pope, priest or foreign authority hath power to 
absolve the subjects of the State from allegiance, and unless they 
renounce the false, wicked and damnable doctrine that the Pope has 
power to absolve men from sins." The journals recite that there was 
long debate thereon, but to the everlasting credit of the Convention and 
the State the amendment was rejected by a vote of 19 to 10, New York 
County, to her honor, casting 8 of her 10 votes against the intolerant 
measure. Robert R. Livingston the next day moved as a proviso 
"that this toleration shall not extend to justify the professors of any 
religion in disturbing the peace or violating the laws of this State," but 
the Convention would not hear to the change. Mr. Jay then offered a 
proviso " that the liberty of conscience hereby granted shall not be 
construed to encourage licentiousness or be used in such manner as to 
disturb or endanger the safety of the State." Morris was too clear- 
sighted not to see that this restriction was practically the same as that 
offered previously, and called the yeas and nays upon it, but the Con- 
vention in their regard for Jay decided that it was not the same in 
substance and adopted the amendment. At a later period in the debate. 



on motion of Morris, some modification was made and the proviso 
altered to read ; " that the liberty of conscience hereby granted shall not 
be 90 construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness or justify practices 
inconsistent with the safety of the State." No religious belief could 
therefore be pleaded in defence of illegal actions. 

The discussion of the article relating to the naturalization of per- 
sons coming into the State offered an occasion for the renewal of this 
debate in another form. The original paragraph left it in the discretion 
of the Legislature to naturalize in such manner as they should think 
proper, provided that all such of the persons, so to be by them natural- 
ized as ''being born beyond sea and out of the United States of 
America, who shall come to settle in and become subjects of the State," 
shall take an oath of allegiance to the State. This clause offering an 
opportunity to reach the restriction against Papists, defeated in the 
clause granting religious toleration, Mr. Jay, true to his Huguenot 
instincts, moved an additional proviso, that all such persons shall abjure 
and renounce all allegiance and subjection to all and every foreign king, 
prince, potentate and State in all matters ecclesiastic as well as civil. 
Morris moved to strike out the words "and subjection," but was over- 
ruled, and indeed his alteration can hardly be considered to have any 
practical bearing. In considering the motives of each it must not be 
forgotten that under the English rule Papists had been not only under 
civil disabilities, but that they were also forbidden the exercise of their 
religion. The door was now to be thrown wide open. During the debate 
Mr. Jay moved a resolution "that nothing in the clauses should be 
construed to interfere with the connections between the Dutch con- 
gregations and the Classis and S3mods of Holland, or to discontinue the 
innocent connections which non-Episcopalian congregations in this 
State have heretofore maintained with their respective mother churches 
in Europe, or to interfere in any of the rights of the Episcopalian 
churches now in this State, except such as involve a foreign subjection." 
The Convention rejected the amendments by a large majority. Their 
determined purpose in no manner to recognize in the constitution any 
religious distinction was everywhere apparent. A paragraph, excluding 
all ministers of the gospel from office, civil or military, was adopted 
without debate. This is the first instance on record of complete religious 
toleration, and of an absolute separation of Church from State. 

Trial by jury was declared to be forever inviolate. No acts of 
attainder to be passed after the war was terminated, and no acts should 
work " corruption of blood." This last was on Mr. Jay's motion. 


Efforts were made to replace unanimity in the verdicts of juries by a 
three-fourths agreement, but were defeated by a large majority. 

A militia service was ordained, and Quakers excused on payment of 
a sum of money, to be estimated by the State, in lieu of personal service. 

A clause provided for the protection of Indians within the State 
limits. This also was due to the benevolent spirit of Mr. Jay. 

The name of Jay is indissolubly connected with the abolition of 
slavery in this State, but to Gouverneur Morris belongs the honor of 
havinof been the first to introduce a recommendation " to the future 
Legislatures of the State to take the most effectual measures, consistent 
with the public safety and private property of individuals, for abolishing 
domestic slavery within the same, so that in future ages every human 
being who breathes the air of this State shall enjoy the privileges of a 
freeman." The resolution was adopted by a vote of 24 to 8. The next 
day a preamble, declaring it " inexpedient to proceed to the liberating 
of slaves within the State in the present situation thereof," was carried; 
but when the preamble and paragraph were read together, Mr. Robert 
R. Livingston moved the previous question, and the merciful recom- 
mendation proposed by Mr. Morris was defeated. Mr. Jay does not 
appear to have been present during the debate on this clause. 

The day after (Sunday, the 20th April) the constitution or plan of 
government, as amended and completed, was read throughout, and was 
agreed to by every member present except Colonel Peter R. Livingston, 
of Albany, who desired his dissent to be entered on the minutes. 

Such was the constitution which subsisted without material change 
until 1846. In it will be found the main features later adopted in the 
present Constitution of the United States by and for the people of the 
United States. A committee, composed of Robert R. Livingston, John 
Morin Scott, Abraham Yates, John Jay, and John Sloss Hobart, was 
immediately appointed to prepare and report a plan for organizing and 
establishing the government agreed to by the Convention. 

On the 8th May provision was made for a Council of Safety of fif- 
teen, who were invested with all the powers necessary for the safety 
and preservation of the State, until a meeting of the Legislature should 
be held. They were charged with the administration of the oath of 
office to the Governor as soon as he should be chosen, when he was at 
once to enter upon his executive power. The Sheriffs were directed 
to hold elections in the several counties, and return the poll-lists to 
the Council of Safety, who should administer the oaths of office, and 
the Legislature was summoned to meet at Kingston on the ist July. 


On the 13th May Philip Schuyler, Philip Livingston, James Duane, 
William Duer and Gouverneur Morris were chosen by the Convention 
as delegates to represent and give the vote of the State in the Con- 
gress of the United States, and the Convention dissolved. 

It is admirable to observe the serene dignity preserved in the 
debates of this body from its beginning to its close, a period during 
which every county in the State was at some time invaded by the 
enemy. The stern stuff of which this representative body was com- 
posed, may be judged by the number of its members who were 
alternately in their seats or with their regiments in the field. Their 
first President, Brigadier-General Woodhull, lost his life in an effort to 
carry out an order of the Convention to save the stock in Suffolk 
county after the defeat of Long Island. 

On the 9th July the poll-lists and ballots were examined, when it 
was found that the number of votes for Senators was in the western 
districts 7,017 ; in the middle districts, 6,162. The vote in the eastern 
district does not appear on the record. The inhabitants of this section, 
which was known as the New Hampshire Grants, were endeavoring to 
set up a separate State government, and had in many places declined to 
vote. The southern district, being in possession of the enemy, could 
not vote, but the ordinance of May 6th had provided for their repre- 
sentation by appointment. 

There do not seem to have been any set nominations. Forty-one 
candidates were voted for in the western and twenty-seven in the middle 
districts. Only a fragment of the official returns of the vote for Gov- 
ernor remains. By it we learn that the candidates were George Clinton, 
John Morin Scott, Philip Schuyler, John Jay, Philip Livingston and 
Robert R. Livingston. 

George Clinton was elected both Governor and Lieutenant-Governor. 
Holding the commission of general, he was at this time in charge 
of Fort Montgomery, on the Hudson, upon which a sudden attack was, 
from information given by deserters, hourly expected. He wrote on 
the nth accepting, though with marked reluctance, the trust imposed 
upon him. The duties of his post still detaining him, the Council of 
Safety on the 21st, not feeling justified in longer holding the powers 
vested in them, passed a resolution earnestly requesting him to appear 
before them and take the oath of office. The council having on the 
1 6th summoned the Legislature to meet at Kingston on the ist August, 
Clinton could make no further postponement, and on the 31st July he, 
in the rooms of the Council of Safety, took the oath prescribed, and 


in the evening, in the presence of a large concourse of citizens, two 
companies of militia attending, he was by the President of the Council 
proclaimed Governor, General and Commander-in-Chief of all the militia 
and Admiral of the Navy of the State. We can imagine the thrilling 
scene, when the brave soldier, fresh from his command, which he still 
insisted on retaining notwithstanding his new honors, appeared before 
the people of the State of whom he was the favored son. His career, 
his long service in the council and the field fully justified the popular 
confidence. As has been said of him by one who knew him well, " he 
had a boldness and inflexibility of purpose and decision and simplicity 
of character which resembled those of the hardy sons of antiquity in the 
best days of Roman freedom, when the sages and heroes displayed the 
majestic port and stern defiance of the 'lords of human kind.'" John 
Holt, the patriotic printer, was ordered to strike off 500 copies of the pro- 
clamation, to which was affixed the novel phrase, " God save the people." 

The Legislature did not meet again until the 9th of September, 
being prorogued from time to time by the Governor. In his first mes- 
sage Clinton gave as the reason for his delay the ''invasion of the State 
on the northern and western frontier and the prospect of an attack bv 
General Howe on the fortress in the Highlands." 

The Court House, in which the Convention which adopted the con- 
stitution sat, was burned by the British during Vaughan's raid on the 
river counties, and no view of it is known to the writer. The Senate 
met for a short time in a building which, somewhat altered, is still 
standing on the corner of Clinton Avenue and North Front Street, 
Kingston. It was later occupied by General Armstong of revolutionary 
fame, and is now in the possession of Frederick E. Westbrooke. It is 
known as the Senate House. In it the new government, however, met 
under favorable auspices. In the words of the Governor in his opening 
address, the cloud which hung over the State seemed to be in a great 
measure dispelled, and there were reasons to expect a happy issue of the 
campaign. The Mohawk Valley had been preserved by the bravery of 
the garrison of Fort Schuyler and the intrepidity of the gallant Herkimer. 
Stark had utterly routed the left wing of the British, and the rapid rally 
of the militia to the support of Gates was already threatening the early 
destruction of Burgoyne's army. The clouds which hung over the 
State still lowered for a time, but finally dissolved beneath the glorious 
sun which, bursting over the plains of Saratoga, cheered and illumined 
the continent. 



otj ' 

While Columbus was active, John Cabot, the Venitian, and his son 
Sebastian, were pursuing the same absorbing- objects, the elder Cabot, 
indeed, having seen the mainland of America before Columbus. Other 
Italians performea their part, Pigafetti sailing around the world in the 


in the evening-, in the presence of a large concourse of citizens, two 
companies of militia attending, he was by the President of the Council 
proclaimed Governor, General and Commander-in-Chief of all the militia 
and Admiral of the Navy of the State. We can imagine the thrilling 
scene, when the brave soldier, fresh from his command, which he still 
insisted on retaining notwithstanding his new honors, appeared before 
the people of the State of whom he was the favored son. His career, 
his long service in the council and the field fully justified the popular 
confidence. As has been said of him by one who knew him well, " he 
had a boldness and inflexibility of purpose and decision and simplicity 
of character which resembled those of the hardy sons of antiquity in the 
best days of Roman freedom, when the sages and heroes displayed the 
majestic port and stern defiance of the 'lords of human kind.'" John 
Holt, the patriotic printer, was ordered to strike off 500 copies of the pro- 
clamation, to which was affixed the novel phrase, " God save the people." 

The Legislature did not meet again until the 9th of September, 
being prorogued from time to time by the Governor. In his first mes- 
sage Clinton gave as the reason for his delay the ''invasion of the State 
on the northern and western frontier and the prospect of an attack bv 
General Howe on the fortress in the Highlands." 

The Court House, in which the Convention which adopted the con- 
stitution sat, was burned by the British during Vaughan's raid on the 
river counties, and no view of it is known to the writer. The Senate 
met for a short time in a building which, somewhat altered, is still 
standing on the corner of Clinton Avenue and North Front Street, 
Kingston. It was later occupied by General Armstong of revolutionary 
fame, and is now in the possession of Frederick E. Westbrooke. It is 
known as the Senate House. In it the new government, however, met 
under favorable auspices. In the words of the Governor in his opening 
address, the cloud which hung over the State seemed to be in a great 
measure dispelled, and there were reasons to expect a happy issue of the 
campaign. The Mohawk Valley had been preserved by the bravery of 
the garrison of Fort Schuyler and the intrepidity of the gallant Herkimer. 
Stark had utterly routed the left wing of the British, and the rapid rally 
of the militia to the support of Gates was already threatening the early 
destruction of Burgoyne's army. The clouds which hung over the 
State still lowered for a time, but finally dissolved beneath the glorious 
sun which, bursting over the plains of Saratoga, cheered and illumined 
the continent. 


The Globe of Vepius-1542 


State still lowered for a time, but finally dissolved beneatu tn^ gxv^nuus 
sun which, bursting- over the plains of Saratoga, cheered and illumined 
the continent. 



The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, with the Italian people, were 
regarded in many respects as palmy days. At that flourishing period 
many of the sons of Italy proved themselves worthy of their noble 
origin ; and as the ancient Romans built highways of marvelous magni- 
tude upon the land, the modern Italians opened the distant paths of the 
sea. Columbus was inspired by the spirit of Ccesar, though while the 
one conquered with the astrolabe and compass, the other prevailed with 
the sword. America does not recognize the debt which she owes to the 
pent up cities of the Italian peninsula, whose inhabitants, inspired by an 
irrepressible ardor, went forth to transform what was a '' Sea of Dark- 
ness " into a Sea of Light. The desire to abolish Ultima Thule, and 
make good the prophecy of Seneca, animated all classes of society. 
Even the monk in his cloister labored to furnish the sailor with the 
best aids that nautical and geographical science could supply. Andrea 
Bianco gave his charts with reminiscences of long-forgotten voyages, 
and Toscanelli added to other gifts conferred by him upon Columbus 
reasons for believing that the east could be reached by saihng west. At 
an early period the Genoese sent out expeditions upon the Atlantic 
(Gravier's ^^Navigations Europdennes,'' etc., p. 5), but for the most part 
the Italian navigators engaged in the service of nations more favorably 
situated for the conduct of maritime enterprise. Amongst others, 
Marco Polo, Ordericus and Vertomanus distinguished themselves in 
the east, while in the year 1380 the Zeno Brothers were wrecked in 
the northern sea, Antonio Zeno himself, as the best authorities now 
admit, reaching Greenland and the coast of North America. It 
remained, however, for Columbus to impart a practical value to the 
labors of his predecessors, though Amerigo Vespucci was immor- 
talized by the Monks of St. Di6, who gave his name to our continent, 
saying, that since the old continents were named after women, the new 
one should be called after a man. 

While Columbus was active, John Cabot, the Venitian, and his son 
Sebastian, were pursuing the same absorbing objects, the elder Cabot, 
indeed, having seen the mainland of America before Columbus. Other 
Italians performea their part, Pigafetti sailing around the world in the 


expedition oi Magellan, of which he was the historiographer. Amongst 
those less known was the learned priest and mathematician, Albert Dc 
Prato, the friend and correspondent of Cardinal Wolsey. Verrazano 
shed permanent lustre upon his nation by his exploration of the north 
Atlantic coast. The first tourist to visit and describe this country was 
Benzoni, also an Italian ; and the Venitian, Ramusio, taught our own 
great Hakluyt how to record and treasure up the achievements of 
explorers and navigators for the benefit of mankind. Purchas gives his 
quaint testimony on this point, exclaiming : *' Happy Italy, that first, in 
the last Age of the World hath discouered the great Discouerers of the 
World." Yet what benefit has Italy derived from all these toils? The 
largest tribute received from America is found in the aspersion of her 
citizens, and, notably, those of her fairest and most enlightened Capital. 
Well may Purchas turn to present the obverse of the picture, and say : 
" Unhappie Italy, that still hath beaten the bush for others to catch the 
Bird, and hast inherited nothing in these Easterne and Westerne 
Worlds." (V. 807.) 

The present paper, however, is devoted, not to the Italian sailors, 
but to a work by one who sought to register the achievements of his 
compatriots in an enduring form. The Globe of Euphrosynus Vlpius, 
constructed in 1542, is now preserved in the museum of the New York 
Historical Society, having been found in Madrid by the late Bucking- 
ham Smith. This important and deeply interesting instrument was 
discovered in the collections of a Spanish dealer in 1859, '^^^ brought to 
New York the same year, after the death of its owner, being purchased 
for the society by the late John David Wolfe. 

This globe is fifteen and one half inches in diameter, and is supported 
upon a worm-eaten stand of oak, the iron cross tipping the north pole, 
making the height of the instrument three feet and eight inches. The 
northern and southern hemispheres were constructed separately. They 
shut together like a spherical box, being held firmly by iron pins. 
Everything is done in accordance with the best science of the age, and 
proves that the globe was intended for careful use. The latitudes are 
found by the nicely graduated copper equator, upon which the names 
of the zodiacal signs are engraved ; while the equatorial line of the globe 
itself has the longitude divided into sections covering five degrees each. 
Four distinct meridional lines divide the globe into quarters, while four 
more lines are faintly indicated. The latitudes are found by the aid of a 
brass meridian, the Tropic of Cancer being called JESTIVVS, and Capri- 
corn, Hyemalis. The Arctic and Antarctic circles are also faintly 



indicated. A brass hour-circle enables the student to ascertain the 
difference of time between any two given points, while the graduated 
path of the Ecliptic is a prominent and indispensable aid. The author 
of the globe evidently intended to secure simplicity of arrangement 
throughout. The date of the globe is fixed by the following inscription : 

:gtones orbis 
tekrar^qvae, avt avetehib^ 
traditae/avt i^o;strapai?pv(^ 
memoria compert^ sth^ m mi 



The literal translation runs as follows: ''Regions of the Terrestrial 
globe handed down by ancients, or discovered in our memory or that 
of our fathers. Delineated by Euphrosynus Vlpius, 1542." 

Of Vlpius nothing is positively known. The name has no promi- 
nence amongst the map and globe makers of Italy. The resemblance of 
the globe to that planned by Mercator, 1 541, taken with the fact that 
Mercator and the Italian, Moletius, were in a sense associated, might 
possibly lead us to inquire whether or not Moletius had any influence 
in connection with the production of the work of Vlpius. Hakluyt's 
reference to '' an olde excellent globe in the Queen's privie gallery at 
Westminster," Avhich "■ seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge " (Maine 
Coll. s. 2. V. II. p. 114), is also of interest, for, like the globe of Vlpius, 



it had "the Coaste described in Italian," and a ''necke of lande in the 
latitude of 40." Possibly the Globe of Vlpius is the globe which is here 
described. Nevertheless, the globe is of Italian workmanship, and 
apparently made in Rome. It is dedicated to Cervinus : 

This may be rendered : " Marcellus Cervino, Cardinal-Presbyter and 
Doctor of Divinity of the Holy Roman Church. Rome." The wheat 
or barley heads appear to have formed a device in the family arms, as 
they are given with his portrait, while the Deer form a proper allusion 
to his name. 

The present representation of one hemisphere of the globe, without 
being a fac simile^ is nevertheless sufficiently correct for historical 
purposes, and may be relied upon. The Old and New Worlds are 
represented as they were known at the time, the latitude of Florida, 
which was too high on the Verrazano Map, being given quite correctly, 
while the excessive easterly trend of the North American coast line on 
that map is corrected. 

This work is of great historical interest, for the reason that it bears 
direct and independent testimony to the Voyage of Verrazano in 1524, 
certified first by the Letter of Verrazano to Francis I., confirmed by 
Carli, and attested by the Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano ; this 
witness being followed by the author of the Discourse of the Dieppe 


Captain, in 1539. Vlpius, in 1542, stands as the fifth witness to the 
voyage by the following inscription : " Verrazana sive Nova Gallia a 
Verrazano Floretiiino comperto anno Sal. M, D,; which may be rendered : 
" Verrazana or New Gaul, discovered by Verrazano, the Florentine, in 
the year of Salvation, M. D." That this inscription was suggested by 
the Verrazano Map no one has ever questioned. The principal adverse 
critic of Verrazano frankly concedes that the Globe of Vlpius 
** affords indubitable evidence that the maker had consulted the map." 
(Murphy's *' Verrazzano," p. 114.) Nevertheless attention has been 
called to the fact that, in an appendix to his work, the same critic refers 
to what is called an "authority," which says that the Map of Verrazano 
was originated sometime after 1550. If this were so, it would appear 
that the Verrazano Map was based upon the Globe of Vlpius in connec- 
tion with certain maps, and that, instead of having influenced the 
production of other maps, it is itself a composition made up of early 
material. We are, therefore, obliged here to glance at a question which 
really answers itself. 

The declaration is : '' We are assured from Rome, on high authority, 
that this map appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550, and is 
regarded by its custodians as only a copy at the best." (Murphy's 
" Verrazzano," Appendix.) Here are two statements ; First, that the map 
appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550 — otherwise, that it 
originated then ; Second, that, at the best, it is only a copy. With 
regard to the first proposition it may be said, that an examination of the 
map reveals the fact that it shows no exploration of a period later than 
1529, while it affords a fair picture of discovery down to that year. 
If, therefore, this map was planned subsequent to 1550, the author must 
have intended to produce what would have the appearance of an early 
map, or otherwise, a fraud. But again, if this map was simply the 
fraudulent invention of an Italian during the last half of the sixteenth 
century, it is necessary to inquire how it happens that the draughtsman 
produced a map patterned after the map described by Hakluyt, as 
respects size and composition, for both answer to the description of 
" mightie large " map, and both have the Isthmus, together with the 
Italian names on the coast of North America. 

That the two maps were of the same character, appears from other 
considerations ; for, in whatsoever Hakluyt may have erred, he could 
not have referred any parchment to Verrazano that did not show 
decided signs of age. Hakluyt had a full acquaintance with the 
period of Verrazano, and had learned from Ramusio the approximate 


time of his death, which, at the furthest, could not have taken place 
much later than 1530. He knew the precise character of the maps of 
1529, and when he affirmed that the map was '' olde;' he believed that the 
character of the work justified the statement that it was presented by 
the Florentine Navigator to Henry VHI. He does not say that the 
globe was presented to that king, and therefore we can claim for the 
map alone that it existed some time near the year 1529. Such, then, 
being the facts, it is simply without reason to say that the Propaganda 
Map was designed subsequent to 1550, in the interest of a historical 
fraud. At that period the designs had been in existence a long time, 
and could not have been produced as part of a fraud. Whoever 
declares that this map belongs to the late period named must find his 
claim to be an authority absolutely denied. 

Still, perhaps, it may be asked why the Propaganda Map could not 
have been framed subsequent to 1550, taking the Globe of Vlpius, 1542, 
as a model, and with an honest intention. This could not have been 
the case, for the reason that the more recent explorations shown 
by Vlpius are ignored. Any honest map-maker, projecting a new map, 
would give discoveries down to his time. If, therefore, the Propaganda 
Map was based upon the globe, the map as already declared, must be a 
fraud, and we are again confronted with the question. How did a fraud- 
ulent draughtsman frame a map like that in England, with its isthmus 
and western sea, which Lok in evident recognition of a legend corre- 
sponding with the legend of the Propaganda Map, called *'Mare de 
Verrazano " ? Again, it would also be necessary to inquire where 
Vlpius obtained his plan. To argue the subject farther is needless, 
since it is so evident the two maps and two globes are indissolubly 
connected, the two existing mementoes of the Verrazano Voyage 
having their counterparts in the map and globe described by Hakluyt 
in England. The introduction of the ''authority" from Rome is, 
therefore, unfortunate for the objector, since it sugests a line of defence 
for the Propaganda Map that otherwise might not have been presented. 
A paleographic commission may pronounce upon the date of the map, 
basing its opinion upon the character of the chirography ; but whatever 
may be its conclusion, no material point in the Verrazano controversy 
will probably be affected, since, whether a copy or an original, its value 
remains, and cannot be lessened without the discovery of some evidence 
to prove that the copy was not well done. Under the circumstances, 
however, any commission that undertakes to declare that the map was 
fraudulently projected at a period subsequent to 1550 for acceptance as 


a document of 1529 would stultify itself. The Map of Verrazano ante- 
dated the Globe of Vlpius, and the influence of the former upon 
cartology may not be questioned. 

It will be observed that Vlpius does not give the exact date of the 
discovery by Verrazano, and the fact has led to the suggestion that 
Marcellus was not able to determine the year. That he tried to learn 
the exact date there is no proof. The explanation of the omission is 
sufficiently simple, for the Verrazano Map is undated. 

It will doubtless prove of interest to note upon this map the line 
running from pole to pole and cutting through the border of South 
America. This is the line drawn by Pope Alexander VI., by which, 
in 1493, he gave away the New World to Spain. That nation, according 
to his decree, was entitled to lands discovered by them west of the 
line, while the Portuguese were to confine their new possessions to the 
region east of the line, inscribed, " Terminus Hispanis et Ltisitanis ab 
Alexando VI. P. M. assignatus^' or, " The Boundary of Spain and Portugal 
assigned by Alexander VI., Supreme Pontiff." 

This was done at a time when the Papal power was no shadow, yet 
the Holy See was often set at naught, and many were the bitter 
contests that sprang up between the rival powers. From Bernal Diaz 
we learn that Francis I., communicating with the Emperor of Spain, 
and speaking of the division made between Spain and Portugal, said 
*' he should like them to show him our father Adam's will, that he 
might convince himself whether he had really constituted them the sole 
heirs of these countries." The *' will " does not appear to have been 
produced, and certainly was never probated. Francis, therefore, took 
the liberty of sending Verrazano and Cartier to North America. 

On the North American section of the globe various new points are 
indicated, and the advance of the Spaniards in New Mexico is notice- 
able. This part of the continent is called ** Verrazana, sive Nova 
Gallia," while on the Verrazano Map is found, " Ivcatania." Purchas 
says (V. 807), that South America was called " Peruviana," and North 
America, "Mexicana;" which explains the action of Hieronimo da 
Verrazano, who employs the name of Yucatan in accordance with the 
same principle. 

At the northwest, near Alaska, is '' Tagv Provincia," the " Tangut " 
of Marco Polo (C. 58), the coast being joined to Asia. The peninsula of 
Lower California does not appear, though exploration had been 
extended to that region, as proved by Domingo del Castello, on his map 
ol 1 541. (Lorenzana '' Historia de Nueva Espana;' 1770, p. 328.) 


Amongst the evidences of the Spanish advance is the name of " Civola" 
in New Mexico. This is a reference to the " Seven Cities of Cibola," 
which were credited with such vast wealth, it being- declared that the 
houses were supported by massive pillars of crystal and gold. Modern 
explorers find it difficult to fix upon the sites of the ancient cities. 
{Teniaux Compans\ with De Nagerus narrative, 1838; and Hakluyt III., 
362.) The wealth of Cibola eventually became the subject of sport, as 
was the case respecting the whole continent, at first supposed to be a 
part of the East Indies, and remarkably auriferous. Hence Shakespere, 
in the Comedy of Errors, where he grossly describes the kitchen-wench, 
who was "■ spherical like a globe," so that one could '' find out countries 
in her," makes Antipolus ask : '' Where America, the Indies? " Dromio 
of Syracuse replies : " O, Sir, upon her nose, all o'er embellished with 
rubies, carbuncles, sapphires, declining their rich aspect to the hot 
breath of Spain, who sent whole Armadas of Carracks to be ballast at 
her nose." (A. III. s. 2.) 

Nova Gaiitia, a region conquered by Gusman (Alcedo's ^^ Diccioit- 
ario Geogrdfico,'' 11. 177), is seen to the southward; and, in its proper 
place, in the middle of a lake, the city of Mexico may be recognized. 
South America is styled " Novvs Mvndus," and presents a very 
lively picture. From the Straits of Magellan to Chinca, just north of 
the Tropic of Capricorn, the coast is marked " Terra Incognita." Peru 
is called New Castile, and is said to be auriferous and fertile. " Gvito," 
or Quito, happens to be placed nearly in the centre of the continent, and 
close by we read, ^^ Domus olim ex solido auri,'' or, The House formerlv 
of solid gold. This may be a reference to El Dorado. 

A large portion of the country is abandoned to " Anthropophagi " 
and '' Canibales." Near Patagonia is the *' Terra de giganti." The 
giants themselves are wanting, like Ralegh's men with heads in their 
breasts, notwithstanding we are told by Pigafetti and other voyagers 
that there was a plenty of giants in those days ; yet, further north, the 
chamelon roost upon a broad-leaved plant, and still higher up, one of 
the tall ostriches, recently described by Darwin, is trying to exhibit him- 
self, using as a pedestal the house formerly of solid gold. 

In Brazil the aborigines appear in the scant wardrobe which they 
were accustomed to affect, and display, on the whole, what may be 
regarded as an animated disposition. A couple of Brazilians, broad ax 
in hand, are on the point of taking off a fellow being's head, while a 
third, with a knife, is artistically dressing a leg. Near by, two other 
amiable representatives of the tribe are engaged in turning a huge spit, 

jfARCELLo n. CERymrA 






upon which, comfortably trussed up, is another superfluous neighbor, 
whom the blazing fire is transmuting into an acceptable roast. The 
parrot, evidently an edified spectator, gazes placidly down from its 
perch in the tree. Such was life in Novvs Mvndvs in 1542. The 
Amazon and the La Platta Rivers appear, but Vlpius does not show 
any clear knowledge of the Orinoco seen by Pinzon. 

No true indication of the terminus of the continent is given, but 
south of the Straits of Magellan is seen a vast continent spreading 
around the pole. This imaginary continent was referred to in classic 
times as '' Austriiiis Pars'' {Maniliis ''Astronomical' B. I. 1. 234.) Its 
existence was considered probable, for the reason that it seemed to be 
required in order to maintain the balance of land and water. " Rcgio 
Patalis!' a part of this continent, lies southwesterly from the Straits of 
Magellan, the name perhaps having been transferrred from the coast of 

In the more easterly portion of this continent is written, " Terra 
Australis adhuc incomperta^'' being an unexplored region, while in 
passing around the border of this continent we come to *' Brasieeli," 
a corruption of '' Brazil," a name applied to an island in the Atlantic 
before the discovery of America. On the Globe of Schoner, 1520, it is 
called " Brazilia Inferior." 

On a peninsula, a part of which appears in our representation of the 
globe, may be found the following inscription : *' Lusitani vltra promo- 
torium bone spei i Calicutium tendentes banc terra viderut, veru non 
accesserut, quaobrem neq nos certi quidq afferre potuimus ;" *' The 
Portuguese, sailing beyond the Cape of Good Hope to Calcutta, saw 
this land but did not reach it, wherefore, neither have Ave been able to 
assert anything with certainty." 

The Old World is depicted substantial^ as it appeared in the 
Ptolemies. With respect to the East Indies, a clear improvement is 
made upon the Verrazano Map. Vlpius, in common with Verrazano, 
exhibits the great lakes of Central Africa, recently rediscovered. 

Near the bank of the Nile a robed ecclesiastic sits upon a canopied 
throne with a triple crown upon his brow and a triple cross in his hand. 
The figure is explained by the legend, " Hie dfiat psbit JoJianes^' or 
" Here rules Presbyter John," usually called "■ Prester." Of human 
subjects he appears to have none, and his lordly supremacy seems to 
concern the sagacious elephant, the winged dragon, the scaly crocodile, 
the fierce rhinoceros, the unruly hippopotamus, and certain long-necked 
birds, one of which is engaged in some performance not described by 


Herodotus. Prester John has been regarded as a king in Thibet, but 
the Portuguese claim that he was a convert to the Nestorian faith in 
Abyssinia. (Purchas, V. 734.) 

In Asia may be seen a multitude of cities and provinces. Canton is 
figured as a collection of houses, near which is a bird, in company with 
a couple of.goats with ears that reach to the ground. A tiger, a leopard 
and a giraffe exhaust the animal kingdom. 

Upon the ocean all is life, animation and enterprise. Tall ships, 
laden with the wealth of " Ormus and of Ind," move bravely homeward 
with bellying sails, Avhile light galleys glide gaily hither and thither 
around the borders of the newly found lands. The fish form a noticeable 
feature, and Leviathan displays his huge sides, even that 

" Leviathan, which God of all His works 
Created hugest, that swim the ocean stream." 

The Conger eel, without much regard to the proprieties, stretches 
complacently over several degrees of latitude, herein following the 
example of the gold fish [Auratd], which puffs itself up to half the size of 
the whale. The Kraken of Pontoppidan, or at least what resembles the 
sea-serpent of Nahant, appears in the Atlantic off South Africa, cor- 
rugating his hirsute back. Vlpius, like Mr. AVaterhouse Hawkins, may 
have taken a scientific view of the subject ; yet whatever may have been 
his opinion, he could not have expressed a poorer view than that of the 
writer in ''Nature'' (Sept. 5th, 1878), who resolves the sea-serpent into a 
flock of birds. The Whale {Balejid) is not so well executed as the rest, 
and is attended by the Dolphin {Orcci), also called Marsuin by the 
French. (Ramusio HI, 419.) 

The fish represented upon the globe are so well done that they might 
claim a full and separate treatment, evidently belonging to the earliest 
scientific delineations in Ichthyology. The first book on Fish perhaps 
was that of Paul Jovius (Rome, 1524), but it contains no illustrations. It 
is possible that no illustrated work appeared prior to 1542. Jovius sent 
out his work from the Vatican, with which he was connected. Ichthyo- 
logical studies appear to have been pursued with diligence at Rome, 
where Salvinus published his book in 1554. The fish upon the globe 
bear a close resemblance to those of Rondelatius (Lugduni, 1554). On 
globes and maps prior to 1542 may be found a variet}^ of uncouth 
marine monsters, but correct representations of fish are scarce. 

Besides the historic groups of islands, there are many of lesser note, 
together with a few not found to-day. East of Cape St. Roquc is " De 
Ferna Loronha," or Fernando de Noronha, discovered in 1506 by the 


Portuguese navigator of that name. This lonely, harborless isle, with 
its remarkable peak (Scribner's Monthly, Feb., 1876), appears ready to be 
what it is now, the Sing Sing of Brazil ; while St. Helena, discovered 
on the festival of that saint, 1501, is waiting to imprison one of the 
world's great disturbers. There is also '' Insvle Tristan Dacvnha," found 
by the Portuguese, Dacuna, in 1506 ; and "■ Insvle Formose," while in the 
southern part of the Indian Ocean is " Insvle Grifonvm," or the Isle of 

Bermuda is prominent, having been laid down for the first time on 
Martyr's Map of 151 1, and southward is " Catolica," possibly an alternate 
name for the '' Island of the Seven Cities," which were reported in various 
places, the inhabitants being '' good Catholics." Near this spot, on 
Ruysch's Map, 1 508, is the word '' Cata." An island which appears to be a 
duplicate of Cape Breton lies eastward of that region, and is called 
" Dobreta." It probably represents Sable Island. Northward is *' S. 
Crvcis," not found to-day. Here we might pause to remark upon the ease 
with which islands that have no existence are found in the sea, and the 
corresponding difficulty of getting rid of them. Upon some of our best 
maps may be found such islands as '' Jaquet Island," " Three Chimnies," 
" Mayda," " Amplimont," and " Green Rock." " Amplimont " is given in 
Bescherelle's Geographical Dictionary. On Colton's Atlas these islands 
lie in the track of navigation between France and Newfoundland. It is 
said that they originated with icebergs in the fog-banks, or possibly in 
the fog-banks themselves. It should be noticed, however, that this part of 
the ocean is volcanic, and that islands of considerable magnitude have 
risen from the sea at different times. The earliest eruption on record in 
the north Atlantic is that mentioned on the Map of Ruysch in the 
Ptolemy of 1508. Between Iceland and Greenland is the legend ''Inside 
hac 1456 anno Dno fvit totaliter combusta ;" or, " This island was entirely 
burned up, A. D. 1456." In Webster's work on St. Michael's Island may 
be found an acount of the volcanic islands. Thomas Hickling, United 
States Consul, describes the formation of one named " Sabrina." 

It would not, however, be proper to treat all these islands of Vlpius 
now missing in accordance with the volcanic theory. Amongst them is 
" Ins. viride," which may be regarded as a reminiscence of pre-Colum- 
bian voyages by the Portuguese and others to the fishing banks near 
Newfoundland, the largest being known as the '' Grand Bank," while 
the lesser bear various names, amongst which is the '' Green Bank." 
The latter shoal, known to be very rocky, was evidently taken by 
some map-maker for solid land, and laid down as an island. This 


mistake is often made in our times. To a similar origin may be assigned 
''Jaquet Island," which came from the Jaquet Bank, a shoal near the 
edge of Grand Bank. '' Mayda " is simply the " Maidas " of the 
early maps, while the "Three Chimnies," if not explained by some 
eruption, may have originated in such peculiarities of the bottom as that 
known as the *' Whale Hole " on the bank of Newfoundland. 

It would be a more difficult task, perhaps, to explain the origin 
of "S. Branda," or Brandon, which appears on the Globe of Vlpius. 
It is true, as already indicated, that sailors often shape islands out of 
the fog. An instance is found in the Isk de Fer, a reflection of which, 
often noticed by sailors, and called the land of Butter {Terre de beurre), 
was gravely ceded by the Spanish Government to Louis Perdignon. A 
similar explanation has often been given to St. Brandon by writers who 
are inclined to make their labors light. When an eclipse of the moon is 
observed by certain savages, they begin to beat drums to drive the 
evil spirits away. Many enlightened persons, however, infer that 
shadows are formed by the intervention of something approaching the 
nature of a solid. It is not forcing philosophy to demand a more 
reasonable explanation than any hitherto offered of such islands as 
St. Brandon. The Fata Morga7ia is perhaps quite as unsatisfactory as 
the theory of Satanic delusion, sometimes resorted to for the purpose of 
explaining the mystery. St. Brandon's Island, without any great 
stretch of the imagination, might be referred to a burning insular 
peak, so far as the etymolgy may be concerned ; while, again, as the 
Irish monks were abroad upon the sea at an early period, some of them 
may have landed upon an island that afterward disappeared. In the 
case of the monks, it would have received due embellishment, since they 
were as fond of the marvellous as certain classes are to-day. 

Turning to the Greenland section of the globe, a gratifying improve- 
ment upon Verrazano's outline is found, showing that Vlpius had con- 
sulted the maps of Ruysch, 1508, and Orontius Fines, 1531, though it 
will be well to remember in this connection that Behaim's Globe of 1492 
shows land in the same direction. The Greenland section of Vlpius 
also indicates that the knowledge in possession of the Zeno Family at 
Venice found some expression in Italy before the publication of the 
Zeno Vo3^age and Map in 1558. Vlpius gives a clear denial to the 
Ptolemies respecting the situation of Greenland. The editor of the 
Ptolemy of 1482 knew of the Chronicle of Ivar Bardsen, and some of 
the names mentioned by him appear upon the editor's map ; yet at the 
same time he assigns a false position to Greenland, which is made an 


extension of Norway, while Iceland is laid down in the sea west of what 
is given as Greenland. Vlpius, on the contrary, and in accordance 
with the fact, places Iceland cast of Greenland, though both are thrown 
too far towards Europe. The waters of Greenland are represented as 
navigated, and nothing is perhaps more susceptible of proof than the 
fact that communication was never lost with Greenland from the tenth 
century down to the present day. Vlpius, who seems to copy Ruysch's 
outline, leaves the space between Greenland and the west as unex- 
plored, while Ruysch, on the other hand, makes Greenland, together 
with Newfoundland, part of Asia, Gog and Magog being in close 
proximity. It remained for the Zeno Map, published sixteen years 
after Vlpius, to show the position of Greenland more distinctly, and at 
the same time to reveal the sites of the eastern and western colonies of 
Greenland, so erroneously supposed in later times to have been situated 
on the opposite coasts of that country. (Northmen in Maine, p. 30.) 

It will be necessary next to speak of the coast names on the 
North American Continent, though it has been indicated previously 
that certain of them show an agreement with the names on the Verra- 
zano Map. Along the eastern border of the Gulf of Mexico, adjoining 
Florida, may be seen " Rio Del Gato," or the Cat River; '* Rio de Los 
Angelos," or River of the Angels ; '' P. de. S. lohan " ; '' Navidad," 
or Nativity ; *' Costa Verde," or the Green Coast ; '' Costa de Corsales," 
w^hich could hardly mean the Coast of the Corsairs, Perhaps it was 
placed here in honor of Andrea Corsali, the Florentine navigator in the 
service of Emanuel, King of Portugal, though no record is found of 
any voyage made by him to this region. " B. de Los Baxos," or the 
Shoal Bay, completes the list of names on this part of the Gulf. 

On the Atlantic coast the names commence near South Carolina with 
the '' B. della ^J^," Bay of the Cross. Next is " Vallcombrosa," the 
Shady Valley," which, with the neighboring coast, covered vrith sedge 
or reeds {Calami), reminds us of Milton's lines : 

" Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks 
In Vallombrosa, where the Etrurian shades 
High over-arch'd, imbower, or scatter'd sedge." 

" Punta del Olivio " is evidently the same as Verrazano's Cape 
" Olimpe." Then follow '' Selvi di Cervi," the Deer Park of Verra- 
zano, and '' Calami," similar to the '' Carnavarall " of the Spanish 
maps. This brings us to "Lvngavilla" and " G. di. S. Germano," both 
Verrazano names, the former being Longueville, near Dieppe, and the 


latter St. Germaine-en-Laye, the splendid residence of Francis I. '* R. 
del Sole," River of the Sun, if not for Solis, is followed by " Norman- 
villa," a French city near Longueville. " C. S. lohan " indicates 
southern New Jersey. ''Porto Reale " follows, when suddenly we 
reach the river intended for the Penobscot or Norombega, which, as on 
the Map of Allefonsce, is thrown too far south. The coast being drawn 
on a small scale, the outline is confused. At the southern entrance of 
the river is '' S. Franc. C," or the Cape of St. Francis, delineated by 
Allefonsce as the *' Franciscan Cape." Next is " Refvgivm Promont." 
intended for the Cape of Refuge" of the Verrazano Map, which 
afforded Verrazano a land-locked harbor, to-day identified with New- 
port. It must be observed again, however, that the outline of Vlpius 
is confused. The next name is '' Corte Magiore," unless indeed 
*' Magiore " belongs with the succeeding inscription. The significa- 
tion is obscure, like that of " Flora," though the latter occurs in several 
of the Ptolemies of the period, including INIattiolo's, 1548, and in 
Ramusio's Verrazano sketch. Finally, '' Cavo de Brettoni " is reached, 
or Cape Breton, a name usually referred to the French, but which may 
have been given b}^ the Portuguese. The form, it will be observed, is 
Portuguese. " Cimeri," on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, is a word whose 
use is not plain. The reading 7najy be " cdmeri,V and thus refer to the 
" Cosin de mer annano," or Oceanus of Schoner, 1520, signifying 
the Ocean Cape. With " Terra Laboratoris " we reach, not Labrador, 
the Portuguese "Land of the Laborers," but New Foundland. By 
mistake, ''Laboratoris" is applied to New Foundland, as later to Cape 
Breton, the inland waters of which are to-da}^ called " Bras d'or," pre- 
viously lengthened from " Brador," which, according to the fancy of 
some one, signified " the iVrm of Gold." Thus easily are names emptied 
of their original signification. The coast line to " C. Frio," the Cold 
Cape of the Portuguese, represents New Foundland, one part of which 
is marked " Terra Corterealis." " C. Branco " is the White Cape, and 
" C. de Bona Vista " afforded a good view. Yet, whatever name may be 
given to New Foundland by the old cartographers, that of " Bacca_ 
laos" always adheres, being derived from Baciduni^ a stick, often used 
to keep fish spread open when drying. " Baia dos Moros," at the 
Straits of Belle Isle, signifies Codfish Bay. " G. Datrometa" is a mis- 
spelling of " G. da Tormento," or the Gulf of Torment, found on Reinel 
and other charts, apparently referring to the stormy weather. " Ilhado " 
follows, and " R. da Braco " may signify the Shallow River. " C. Pri- 
mero " is the first cape, " G. do plagel " is the Gulf of the Sand Bank, 



and " Dos Demonios," or the Island of the Demons, is often found. 
Greenland lies adjoining, being called *' Groestlandia." It is separated 
from Labrador by the sea. As in several other maps, the name is 
repeated on an island lying westward as *' Grovelat." The greater 
portion of the region around the Pole is shown as land, but north of 
Asia is an immense lake, '' Mare Glaciale," found on the Nancy 

Only two of the names between the Gulf of Mexico and the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence remain to-day. The French were nevertheless ambitious, 
and would have founded New France on the central portion of our 
coast if circumstances had proved more favorable. Trivial incidents 
sometimes turned them aside. But for a head wind when off Cape 
Cod, sailing southward in 1605, Champlain might have reached the 
Hudson, and instead of planting Port Royal in Nova Scotia, he might 
have established its foundations on Manhattan Island, in the region 
where Port Royal ("Porto Reale") was laid down by Vlpius. This 
would have made the greatest city in America a French city, and, 
possibly, changed the destiny of the continent. 

It v/ill be seen that Vlpius gives to France only that to which she 
was entitled. As far northward as the coast of the Carolinas, the terri- 
tory is considered Spanish, while thence to the Gulf of St. Lawrence it 
is French, the rest being Portuguese, as allowed by the general use of 
Portuguese names. In 1542, when Cartier set out upon his expedition 
to colonize on the St. Lawrence, it was clearly understood at Rome 
what the French claimed. At the same time the globe, as pointed out, 
bears the line of Pope Alexander, by which the most of the New World 
was given to Spain. These facts, however, are consistent with one 
another, even on the supposition that the globe was made at the Vatican 
under the direction of the Cardinal-Presbyter Cervinus. That person, 
though loyal to the Papal throne, which he was destined to occupy, was 
not over friendly to Spain, having three years before refused a pension 
of ten thousand piastres from Charles V., who wished to win his 
support. Therefore, while recognizing the decree of Alexander, he 
might have been fair with the French, and thus conceded what they 
had accomplished in the New World b}^ the aid of his countryman, 
Verrazano. However this may be, the French are recognized, and the 
most of the region now occupied by the United States was claimed for 
France as New Gaul. Cluverius (Introductio ad Geographium, ed. 
1629) also speaks of New France as Gaul {''Nova Fra?icia Gallis.'') Did 
he know of the Globe of Vlpius? Cartier's voyage of 1534 is not men- 



tioned, as he made no discoveries, but the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which 
he entered, is left open. Ribero on his map indeed closes the Gulf, yet 
it was well known to the French at a very early period. 

The open sea and isthmus on the Globe of Vlpius form a topic of 
special interest, but as it has been discussed already in connection with 
the INIap of Verrazano, it will suffice here to add a few facts by way of 
illustration. The sea and isthmus were copied from Verrazano, and the 
existence of a body of water in close proximity to the Atlantic was 
generally believed. Often it was represented as lying further to the 
south, and hence some suppose that what was referred to may have 
been the Bay of ^Mexico. Again, the sea was supposed to lie near the 
St. Lawrence River, a belief that led the French to attempt the coloni- 
zation of that rude and inhospitable countr}', in preference to the sunny 
and fertile regions explored farther southward by Verrazano. The 
Spaniards, on the same principle, as previously noted, proposed to 
fortify and colonize the Straits of Magellan. The St. Lawrence was 
supposed to lead directly into the " Sea of China." When Champlain 
went to Canada in 1608, he declared that he would not return until he 
reached the sea. 

In 161 2 he made a seventeen days' journey into the wilderness 
from ^lontreal to find the sea upon whose shore Vignan professed 
to have seen the wreck of an English ship. This man, who marched 
before Champlain through the tangled forests, has been called an 
impostor, and, with a musket leveled at his head, Vignan confessed 
himself one ; yet no doubt he was as much deceived as Champlain, 
having acted upon the trusted relation of another, a course which he 
supposed would succeed, and bring him great credit. De Bry {Brevis 
Narraiio, Pt. 2, 1591) represents the sea in his map, while the Virginia 
colonists entertained a similar idea. As late as 165 1 the western sea 
was represented within about two hundred miles of the Atlantic coast, 
as appears from a map of that year, found in some copies of " The 
Discovery of New Brittaine." This error had its day, and then died ; 
though not without manifesting a remarkable vitality. The belief was 
shared by Vlpius in common with Verrazano, the latter being as positive 
on the subject as Frobisher himself, both having committed the belief 
to maps. 

Before drawing to a close, it may be desirable to give a brief sketch 
of the life of Marcellus. The portrait is a reduction \\\ fac simile of that 
found in the work entitled, ''Uomini Ilhistri Toscani;' etc. Apart from 
all connection with the globe, it will be prized by collectors for its great 


rarity. It is to Marcellus II. that we are indebted, in no small degree, 
for what, upon the whole, may be regarded as the most skillfully made 
of the ancient globes now known. 

Marcellus Cervinus de Spanniochi Avas the son of Riciardo Cervinus 
and Cassandra Benci, being born May 6th, 1501, at Montesano, a city of 
southern Italy, situated about seventy miles southeast of Naples. The 
family was originally of Montepulciano, near Siena. For that reason 
Pope Marcellus takes his place among the Sienese. His father was 
Apostolic Receiver for the March of Ancona. The early studies of 
Marcellus were conducted at Siena. Upon going to Rome he was 
appointed Secretary to Pope Julius III. In 1538 he served at the Court 
of Charles V. as Papal Ablegate. December 19th, 1539, he was created 
Cardinal. He also received the Bishopric of Neo Castro. December 
15th, 1540, he was made titular Bishop of Reggio, Jacques Lainez per- 
forming the actual duty; and February 29th, 1544, Bishop of Gubbio. 

Marcellus was present at the Diet of Spires, and April 30th, 1545, 
was made one of the three Presidents of the Council of Trent. April 
5th, 1555, he was unanimously elected Pontiff, and the following day he 
was crowned. A violent stroke of apoplexy put an end to his life April 
30th, after a reign of twenty-two days. If Marcellus had lived, he 
would have taken rank amongst the greatest of the Popes. Protestants 
praise him, and the worst enemies of Rome are obliged to concede his 
worth. His example was indeed unique ; for the reformation of the 
clergy which, as Ranke observes, others talked about, he exhibited in his 
own person. He was zealous for a pure administration throughout the 
Church. Though, like his father, possessing certain astrological tastes, 
he was sincerely devoted to pure science, literature and criticism. He 
advocated the reformation of the calendar, in accordance Avith a plan 
devised by his father. At the time the impression went abroad that the 
world was to suffer from an universal deluge, a belief which, it is said, 
drove Clement VII. to the high grounds of Tivoli, Marcellus, then but 
little known, wrote a treatise to dissipate the notion. Amongst his 
elegant Latin poems is one " De Soimiio Scipionis^ His disposition was 
somewhat severe, and he wished to inaugurate strong measures against 
the Lutherans and Calvinists ; being desirous, also, of reassembling the 
Council of Trent. His severity even led him to propose the abolition 
of music in the Church ; but when at Easter, Palestrina, then Chapel 
Master of the Vatican, composed a Mass for six voices, its effect was so 
great that the Pontiff burst into tears. He at once abandoned his 
purpose, and the Mass has since been known as the Mass of Pope 


Marcellus II. The tastes of this Pontiff were elegant. He was himself 
an accomplished draughtsman, and a good sculptor. He loved to 
surround himself with learned and scientific men. Being fond of history 
and antiquities, it is presumable that he was interested in geography. 
At the time when the Globe of Vlpius was made, 1542, he was wholly 
devoted to - studious pursuits, being also charged with the care of 
the Vatican Library. He was distinguished for his height, though his 
figure was spare. His eyes were black, and the expression of his 
countenance, according to his portrait and written testimony, was pleas- 
ing and agreeable. It is recorded that, while possessing gaiety of dis- 
position, he seldom laughed. Two medals, described by D'Artaud, 
were struck in his honor. {^^Hisioiredes Souverains Pontifes Romainsy) 

This account of the Life of Pope Marcellus quashes the last indict- 
ment drawn against Verrazano, where it is declared : " Even the Globe 
of Euphrosynus Vlpius, a name otherwise unknown, is represented 
to have been constructed for Marcellus, who had been archbishop of 
Florence. They are all the testimony of Florence in her own behalf." 
(Murphy's '' Verrazzano," p. 150.) As it happens, however, Cervinus 
was never Archbishop of Florence, and held no ofBce in that city, which 
for generations attempted no recognition of Verrazano, it not being 
known that a copy of the Navigator's Letter existed in the archives. 
The Globe of Vlpius, no more than the Map of Verrazano, is associated 
with any fraud. The charge is based upon a misconception of the facts, 
and must be abandoned. The instrument in question is a Roman pro- 
duction, the design of which may yet be traced to Marcellus himself, who 
was known for his ability and skill in this kind of work. Nevertheless, 
by whomsoever it may have been designed, this ancient globe has come 
to us from the Eternal City, finding a permanent resting place at last, 
not without a certain fine justice, in the great metropolis which looks 
out upon the splendid harbor visited and described by him whose name 
is so prominently engraved upon the portion representing the New 
World. If the history of the globe could be written, it would be found to 
possess the charms of romance. This may be the very globe that, as 
Hakluyt said, *' scemeth to be of Verrasanus making," and which Queen 
Elizabeth Avas accustomed to consult in the gallery at Westminster. If 
so, by what means did it reach England ? It certainly went to Spain, 
and there, the instrument upon which perhaps more than one Pope read 
the decree of his predecessor, Alexander, was finally banished to the 
realm of worthless antiquities. Yet it is a rare souvenir of the past. It 
embodies many of the great aspirations of the sixteenth century. It 



stands connected with its maritime enterprise and adventure, and 

with its naval and geographical romance. It forms an epitome of the 

world from the beginning to 1542. Especially does it prove to the 

student how the exploration of our continent tried the courage, tested 

the endurance, baffled the skill and dissipated the fortunes of some of 

the noblest of men. ^0 ^1^ ^ 






Captain Jonathan Carver, the relation of whose " Travels through- 
out the Interior Parts of North America" was first published in 1778, 
mentions " the River Oregan (on another page Oregon), or the River 
of the West, that falls into the Pacific Ocean at the Straits of Annian." 
No earlier authority for this name in either form has been discovered. 
Three or four explanations of it have been offered, no one of which is sup- 
ported by a particle of historical evidence, or by intrinsic probability. 
The derivation from " Orejones," a nickname given by the Spanish to 
the Incas of Peru, and afterwards to Indians of Brazil and to others in 
Coahuila — because they perforated and distended the lobes of their ears 
• — scarcely deserves consideration. There is no nation on the Columbia 
River or its affluents to which such an epithet is peculiarly appropriate ; 
but if there were any such ^' big eared " tribe in that region, and if we 
could overlook the extreme improbability of the transfer of such a 
nickname from the people to the river, and of its conversion from 
plural to singular — and if the corruption of *' Ore/ones" to " Ore^n " 
(Spanish j to English £- hard) can be supposed possible — yet how could 
such a name come to Carver's knowledge among the Sioux and Algon- 
kins of the Northwest? Certainly not from Indians, for in no instance 
have Indians been known to adopt geographical or tribal names given 
by Europeans, or derived from a foreign language. 

Equally fanciful is the explanation — first offered, I believe, in Darby's 
Gazeteer, 1827 — which derives the name from the Spanish or^gano, 
** wild marjoram." In the first place, the plant referred to, commonly 
called ** sage brush " or " wormwood," is not an Origamun (Spanish 
or^gano), but an Artemisia-, in the second place, this plant, though 
abundant on the plains, does not grow near the Pacific coast ; and 
finally, there is no evidence that the Columbia River or the Oregon 
country was known to the Spanish at the date of Carver's travels, or 
that Spaniards ever used the name " Oregan " or " Oregon " for either 
river or country. 

The name is not Spanish, nor was it, as Mr. Robert Greenhow 
believed, " invented by Carver.*" It comes from an Indian language, 


with which Carver had been for many years somewhat familiar, and it 
is the accurate translation into that language of the name by which, as 
Carver had reasons for believing, ''the Great River of the West" was 
designated by the tribes that lived near it. It is the Mohegan wauregan, 
the Abnaki ourighen, the Delaware wtilicxcn, the Massachusetts wiumc- 
^^«, signifying in all dialects ''good," "fair," "fine." In a river name 
it denotes sometimes a fair and beautiful — more often a gentle, easily 
navigable — stream, unbroken by falls. The Iroquois Ohedyo has the 
same meaning. The English corrupted the one name to " Alleghany," 
the other to "Ohio. '' Olighin (or Aleghiri) sipou,'' as it is written by 
La Metairie, the companion of La Salle, was the Algonkin name of the 
river which the Senecas called " Ohe^yo gdJmnda^'' and both names were 
translated by the French in " la belle Riviere. 

Fifteen years before Carver began his travels Le Page du Pratz 
published (in the Journal Oeconomique, September, 175 1) a story told 
him by a Yazoo Indian, named Moncacht-ape, of his discovery of a 
river that flowed westward to the " Great Water," through the coun- 
try of a nation called " Otters " {les Loutres). The river was broad and 
rapid, and its waters were so fine and clear that these Indians named it 
in their language " la belle Riviere." An English translation of this 
story appeared in the Gentleinan s Magazine for September, 1753. It 
was reproduced by Le Page du Pratz in 1758 in his Histoire de la Louis- 
iane (vol. iii, pp. 102-130), which was translated into English in 1763. 
The "Belle Riviere" of the West and the "Nation des Loutres" 
appear on Bailly d'Engel's map of North America, 1764. The relation 
of Moncacht-ape seemed to confirm information previously obtained 
from northern Indians concerning the " River of the West." D'An- 
ville, on his map of North America, published in 1746, laid down a river 
issuing from the Lake of the Woods, designating it as " Grande Riviere 
qui court a FOuest, decouverte depuis peu de temps par le Sauvage 
Ochagac^ A rude map traced by this Ochagac (or Ochagach) indi- 
cated a route to this river through the country of the Sioux — the 
" Naudowessies " of Carver. These facts must have been well known 
to Carver when he set out in 1766, hoping to find his way to the head- 
waters of the River of the West, and to follow its course to the Pacific 
Ocean or the " Straits of Annian." The Indians through whose coun- 
tries he traveled all spoke either Sioux or Algonkin dialects. When 
questioning them about the " Fair River " of the West, he must neces- 
sarily translate its name into an Algonkin or a Sioux language. 
Neither of his interpreters (one was a Mohawk, the other a French 


Canadian) understood the Sioux, but the Algonkin designation of a 
"Fair River" — Waur^gan, Ourighen, or Alleghany, according to local 
dialect — must have been well known to them and to Carver himself. 

He did not succeed in opening a way to the Pacific, or even in dis^ 
covering the "Heads of the River of the West," but he ^^zV/ succeed in 
giving to the 7^;2discovered river, and to the vast territory it was sup- 
posed to traverse, and finally to a State in the American Union an 
excellent name, which he did not " invent," but which he honestly 
accepted as the equivalent of that by which the " Nation of Otters " 
designated in their unknown language their " Belle Riviere." 






No. I 


Bedford, Westchester Co., N.Y., ) 
t, 1832. ) 

10 August, 


In the motives which prompt this 
letter, and in the long and uninterrupted 
friendship that subsisted between our 
Fathers, you will I trust find an apology 
for the liberty I take in addressing you. 
I am now engaged in preparing for the 
press a memoir of my Father's life. In 
this work the negotiation of — S^ will, 
of course, hold a prominent place. I 
find from a letter of Judge Peters, who 
was in Congress in — 82 and — S^, that 
an attempt was made in that body to 
pass a vote of censure on my Father for 
having violated his instructions in that 
negotiation. My Father also on several 
occasions mentioned the fact, yet both 
the public and secret Journals of Con- 
gress are silent on the subject. In what 
manner the attempt was made, and how 
it was defeated, I am ignorant. I sup- 
pose, but have never understood, that 
Mr. Adams was included in the proposed 
vote of censure. Thinking it probable 
that you may be acquainted with the 
particulars of this affair, permit me to 
ask the favor of you to give me such 
information respecting it, as in your 
opinion it may not be improper to com- 

You are doubtless aware of the recent 

efforts which have been made to exalt 
the reputation of Dr. Franklin, at the 
expense of his colleagues. A thorough 
and patient investigation of the trans- 
actions connected with the negotiations 
of — 82 and — 83, as far as I have been 
able to discover them and likewise of 
the communications to Congress from 
the French Ministers at Philadelphia, 
contained in the secret journals of Con- 
gress, has resulted in impressing on my 
own mind an entire conviction that the 
views taken by Messrs. Adams and Jay 
of the policy of the French Court, were 
well founded. I have found, in an old 
newspaper, an extract from a letter 
addressed by Count Montmorin, French 
Ambassador at Madrid, while my Father 
was at that Court, to Count Vergennes, 
that has a bearing on this subject. In it 
Montmorin tells Vergennes that " His 
most Christian Majesty could not afford 
his Catholic Majesty a greater proof of 
his attachment, than in employing his 
influence in the United States to divert 
their views from the navigation of the 
Mississippi." The letter has every ap- 
pearance of authenticity, but how and 
by what authority it became public I do 
not know. 

It is not improbable, from the peculiar 
opportunities you have enjoyed, that 
you may have derived information res- 
pecting both this document and also the 
real intentions of the French Cabinet, 
from sources not accessible to me. I 
am, however, very sensible that the 
nature of these sources may have been 
such as to limit your communications- 

But should propriety permit you to 
afford me any aid in explaining and 
vindicating the course pursued by our 



Parents in negotiating the treaty of 
peace, I need not say that the favour 
would be very gratefully received by 
Your very respectful and obedt servt, 
William Jay 
To John Quincy Adams, 

Late President of the United States. 

No. II 


Quincy, i8 August, 1832. 

I learn with great satisfaction from 
your letter of the loth inst, that you are 
occupied in preparing for the Press a 
Memoir of your father's life. The af- 
fectionate respect entertained for him 
by my father to the last period of his 
own life was witnessed by me through a 
long series of years, and has ever been 
cordially participated in by myself. 

The recent efforts to which you allude 
to exalt the reputation of Dr. Franklin 
at the expense of that of his colleagues, 
excited my surprise until I perceived 
the motives and impulses in which they 
originated. They were the more unjust 
in regard to your father, as he and Dr. 
Franklin, were as I have understood, 
always upon terms of mutual good un- 
derstanding. Dr. Franklin was a great 
favorite at the Court of Versailles, and 
particularly more in favour with the 
Count de Vergennes, a very equivocal 
character in public morals, though per- 
haps well adapted to the rotten condition 
of the French Monarchy at the close of 
the reign of Louis the 15th, and during 
that of his Successor, until the moment 
pieceeding his fall. 

The Political system of Vergennes 
towards our Country at the commence- 
ment of our Revolution is disclosed in 
some remarks of Mr. Turgot upon a 
memoir of the Count in April, 1776, 
upon the Question -what course France 
and Spain should take on that occasion. 
He thought the Policy of France was 
neutrality, her interest that the Insurrec- 
tion should be suppressed ; because if 
Great Britain should put us down, she 
would be too much weakened by the 
necessary exertions to keep us down to 
be dangerous to France. 

Even this policy he did not honestly 
pursue ; but while professing neutrality 
he did give clandestine assistance to 
keep the struggle up, and the surrender 
of Burgoyne, brought him to another 
conclusion. He then bound us to 
France by a Treaty of Commerce and 
an eventual treaty of Alliance. The 
object of these Treaties he further de- 
clared in another memoir in March, 
1784, had been to curb the ambition and 
pride of England, and to prevent the 
American Revolution from turning to the 
disadvantage of France. 

During the War of the Revolution, 
and at the negotiations for Peace, Ver- 
gennes was against us upon the Fish- 
eries, upon the Western Boundary, upon 
the indemnities to the Tories, and upon 
the navigation of the Mississippi. This, 
your father and mine well knew, and 
therefore did not communicate to the 
Count de Vergennes the progress of 
their negotiations with Mr. Oswald for 
Peace, but only the substance of the 
Treaty when concluded. That Treaty, 
however, was not to take effect until the 
Peace between Great Britain and France 

V'L ;^^/ 

^ ^^^ ^^f^n^^.0 


0-?'l~i-' <3-7^»T^>nvf ^5>-Z^>7-" ^->-7-t- ^^-TTJ-O^ ^^-t^^^^L*' 

/J^ ^^ ',i^Wh^ r>-^uy^ 0^r.^.<^ /t>^ ^^^.^r^^ 

WL^^ i^^^^^""^ ^^^'^^^"^ ^^£-^£1^21 -^^V^^^-z^>^ ^7%^^^-^-0 
J^a^^ ^^^J-C^ r >^^^ j^tgHr^ ^ ^^^^^^t^C^ j/cri^^^ r^i^{^;^ 




Parents in negotiating the treaty of 
peace, I need not say that the favour 
would be very gratefully received by 
Your very respectful and obedt servt, 
William Jay 
To John Quincy Adams, 

Late President of the United States. 

No. II 


Quincy, i8 August, 1832. 

I learn with great satisfaction from 
your letter of the loth inst, that you are 
occupied in preparing for the Press a 
Memoir of your father's life. The af- 
fectionate respect entertained for him 
by my father to the last period of his 
own life was witnessed by me through a 
long series of years, and has ever been 
cordially participated in by myself. 

The recent efforts to which you allude 
to exalt the reputation of Dr. Franklin 
at the expense of that of his colleagues, 
excited my surprise until I perceived 
the motives and impulses in which they 
originated. They were the more unjust 
in regard to your father, as he and Dr. 
Franklin, were as I have understood, 
always upon terms of mutual good un- 
derstanding. Dr. Franklin was a great 
favorite at the Court of Versailles, and 
particularly more in favour with the 
Count de Vergennes, a very equivocal 
character in public morals, though per- 
haps well adapted to the rotten condition 
of the French Monarchy at the close of 
the reign of Louis the 15th, and during 
that of his Successor, until the moment 
pieceeding his fall. 

The Political system of Vergennes 
towards our Country at the commence- 
ment of our Revolution is disclosed in 
some remarks of Mr. Turgot upon a 
memoir of the Count in April, 1776, 
upon the Question -what course France 
and Spain should take on that occasion. 
He thought the Policy of France was 
neutrality, her interest that the Insurrec- 
tion should be suppressed j because if 
Great Britain should put us down, she 
would be too much weakened by the 
necessary exertions to keep us down to 
be dangerous to France. 

Even this policy he did not honestly 
pursue ; but while professing neutrality 
he did give clandestine assistance to 
keep the struggle up, and the surrender 
of Burgoyne, brought him to another 
conclusion. He then bound us to 
France by a Treaty of Commerce and 
an eventual treaty of Alliance. The 
object of these Treaties he further de- 
clared in another memoir in March, 
1784, had been to curb the ambition and 
pride of England, and to prevent the 
American Revolution from turning to the 
disadvantage of France. 

During the War of the Revolution, 
and at the negotiations for Peace, Ver- 
gennes was against us upon the Fish- 
eries, upon the Western Boundary, upon 
the indemnities to the Tories, and upon 
the navigation of the Mississippi. This, 
your father and mine well knew, and 
therefore did not communicate to the 
Count de Vergennes the progress of 
their negotiations with Mr. Oswald for 
Peace, but only the substance of the 
Treaty when concluded. That Treaty, 
however, was not to take effect until the 
Peace between Great Britain and France 

vi. ^t^l 


U-?n^<^ a-'Tm^^yn^ i'-Tyt'-ir' ^->-y'-i^ a:-7-i-y (j^r^-^^-^^-*^ 

^^ ^c<^ '.,i^tf..--i^ .-j^ny^ r>^^.^^tAj /t>^^ ii^z^^^e^c^ 

^a^^ ^^>i> ' ^^^^j^^^^t^ W^^^-'C^ ^^^^^^ r^^.^^^ 



should also be concluded. This the 
Count de Vergennes was negotiating 
with Mr. Fitzherbert, without communi- 
cating the progress of it to the American 
Commissioners. Doctor Franklin did 
not separate from his colleagues, in with- 
holding the details of the negotiation 
from the knowledge of the French 
Court, but he appears to have acquiesced 
in it with some reluctance, and was far 
more confiding in the friendship of 
France than she merited. 

I have, since receiving your letter, 
looked over my father's papers of 1783, 
but find nothing relating to the attempt 
in Congress to pass a vote of censure 
upon the Commissioners who negotiated 
the Peace. I presume, however, that 
you have a copy of the Diplomatic Cor- 
respondence recently published by Con- 
gress, and somewhat incorrectly edited 
by Mr. Sparks, I mean by the notes with 
which it is impoverished from the hand 
of the Editor. But in the tenth volume 
of that compilation, page 129, there is a 
letter from the then Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs, Robert R. Livingston, dated 25 
March, 1783, in which he censures 
severely enough the Commissioners for 
their distrust of the Court of Versailles. 
That Letter he sent without submitting 
it to Congress, but he had submitted the 
previously received despatches, Letters 
and Journals of the Commissioners, giv- 
ing the account of tJmr Treaty, before 
the Peace between Great Britain and 
France had been concluded. The docu- 
ments from the Commissioners, he says, 
had been read in Congress, then referred 
back to him for a Report, and thereupon 
he had written to Congress a Letter, 
upon the consideration of which motions 

were made and debated a whole day. 
Then his Letter and the motions were 
committed and a Report brought in, 
which had been two days under consid- 
eration, when the arrival of a vessel 
from Cadiz, with Letters from Count 
d'Estaing and the Marquis de La 
Fayette, announced the conclusion of 
the Peace, after which many members 
thought it would be improper to proceed 
in the Report, and (says he) " in that 
State it remains without any express 
decision. From this you will draw your 
own inferences. I make no apology for 
the part I have taken in this business." 
From the secret Journals of Congress 
it appears that the letters from La 
Fayette and d'Estaing, announcing the 
Peace, were received by Congress on the 
24th of March, only the day before this 
Letter from Mr. Livingston to the Com- 
missioners was written. They had im- 
mediately superseded all further debate 
on the Report. From the temper of 
his letter to the Commissioners, which 
he says he intended to have submitted, 
but which he did not submit to Con- 
gress, from the reserved manner with 
which he speaks of the debates, motions 
and reports which had been left un- 
decided, and from his disclaimer of 
apology^ for the part he had taken in the 
business, it is to be inferred that he had 
recommended a vote of censure, but 
whether it extended to all the Commis- 
sioners, or had a saving clause for Dr. 
Franklin, I am unable to say ; very cer- 
tainly it included your father and mine. 
The reply of the Commissioners to Mr. 
Livingston, dated 27 July, 1783, page 
193, of the same volume, and signed by 
Dr. Franklin, as well as by our fathers. 



was an extinguisher to Mr. Livingston's 
objections. v 

William Jay, Esqr., 

Bedford, Westchester Co., N. Y. 
Accept, Sir, the assurance of my 
best Respects and wishes, 

J. Q. Adams 

P. S. I take the liberty of enclosing 
to you a copy of an Eulogy upon Mr. 
Monroe, delivered by me shortly after 
his decease. It is now somewhat out of 
season, but as there are references in it on 
more than one occasion to incidents in 
the life of your honored father, I venture 
to ask your acceptance of it. 

J. Q. A. 

No. Ill 


Bedford, 23d August, 1832. 

Permit me to return you my acknowl- 
edgements for your prompt and very 
obliging reply to my letter of the loth 

Your conjectures respecting the pro- 
posed vote of censure on the Am. Com- 
missioners are, I have no doubt, well 
founded, and explain the obscurity in 
which that subject has been involved. 

The attempts that have been made in 
the notes to the Dip. Correspondence in 
the N. Am. Review, in the Boston News- 
papers and in the Life of Govr. Morris 
to convict Messrs. Adams and Jay of 
harbouring false and ungenerous sus- 
picions of the intentions of Count de 
Vergennes, evinced an unusual degree 
of zeal and pertinacity, and indicate, I 
think, other than apparent motives. 

Owing to some irregularity of the 

mails, I have been deprived of the pleas- 
ure of receiving the Eulogy on Mr. 
Monroe wh. you were so good as to send 

I have the honour to be. Sir, 
Your very respectful and obliged Serv't, 

William Jay. 
John Q. Adams, 

Late Brest, of the U. States. 

No. IV 


Quincy, 20th Oct., 1832. 

Dear Sir : 

At the time when I had the pleasure 
of receiving your letter of the 23d of 
August, I had at hand no copy of my Eu- 
logy upon the Life and Character of 
James Monroe which I could offer you 
in the place of that which by some acci- 
dent must have failed in the conveyance. 

Having since then some additional 
copies, I now enclose one of them, and 
add to it a copy of an address delivered 
by me to the Inhabitants of this Town 
on the 4th of July of the last year. 
The subjects of both these essays being 
so intimately connected with important 
incidents in the life of your father, will 
I hope apologise to you for asking your 
acceptance of them at so late a day. It 
was after the delivery of them both that 
I first learnt your intention to publish a 
biographical memoir of your illustrious 
father ; retaining for his memory that 
affectionate regard which I had from my 
own childhood felt, and been taught to 
cherish for himself while he lived, the 
Destinies, or, to speak more correctly, 
the dispositions of Providence have 
traced the path of my own life at dis- 



tances so remote from those of his chil- 
dren that I have almost been deprived 
of the satisfaction of a personal acquaint- 
ance with them, and particularly with 
yourself. These are the circumstances 
which occasion the lapse of time since 
the publication of the enclosed dis- 
courses before my offering of copies of 
them to you. 

Wordly Wisdom was Doctor Frank- 
lin's God. An immense disproportion, 
if not the whole, of his virtues was con- 
centrated in Prudence. His Justice was 
Prudence. His Fortitude was Prudence. 
His Temperance, what he had of it, was 
Prudence. His Philosophy was essen- 
tially that of Epicurus, perhaps in its 
least exceptionable form. The quaint 
sayings of Poor Richard's Almanac con- 
tain his whole system of morals. 

There is a question among the Class- 
ical Commentators upon Juvenal whether 
one of his celebrated lines should be 


Nullum Numen abest si sit Prudentia, 

Nullum Numen adest ni sit Prudentia. 

Dr. Franklin's Life was a practical ex- 
emplification of the first of these read- 
ings. It was prosperous throughout a 
long Career. The virtue of Prudence 
carried him through more than four score 
years of successful achievements, and 
has left him a name among the most 
splendid of his Age and Country. It 
was in him united with a quick percep- 
tion and a powerful activity of judgment. 
But he lived for this world, as if there 
was no other ; and of the motive to ac- 
tion, traceable to the possibilities of a 
future state, he knew little or nothing. 

There is a moral Philosophy of a higher 
order than that of Dr. Franklin. 

In the conclusion of the Preliminaries 
of Peace with Great Britain in Novem- 
ber, 1782, Doctor Franklin concurred 
with his colleagues by signing the Treaty 
without previous communication of its 
contents to the Count de Vergennes. To 
have separated from his colleagues would 
have been imprudefit ; yet, if the with- 
holding of the information from the 
French Government had been a breach 
of good faith, a man, to whom Prudence 
did not embrace the whole duty of man, 
would have refused to sign and abided 
by the consequences. Franklin signed 
with his colleagues, but his Prudence 
gave Vergennes to understand that the 
withholding of the contents of the 
Treaty had not been with his approba- 
tion. Nor did he suffer his friends in 
Congress to be ignorant of his private 
opinions, and hence the effort in Con- 
gress to pass a vote of censure upon 
their Commissioners, and the petulant 
letter of their Secretary of Foreign 

The victorious reply of the Commis- 
sioners to that letter Dr. Franklin also 
signed. In the official Correspondence 
to the last he concurs with his colleagues. 
But he, like another of our most emi- 
nent Statesmen, had a language official, 
and a language confidential. If the vote 
of censure had passed in Congress, it 
would have been ostensibly as hard upon 
him as upon the rest, but his Prudence 
would have secured the means of turn- 
ing it to his own account with Vergennes. 

Of your father, I think it never was 
said that he had a language official and 
a language confidential. His Prudence 



was scarcely less than that of Dr. Frank- 
lin, but it had another foundation. 
I am, with great Respect, 
Dear Sir, 

Your friend and Servt, 
J. Q. Adams 
William Jay, Esqr., Bedford, 

New York. 

No. V 


Bedford, 27th Octr., 1832. 

It is not without hesitation that I do 
myself the pleasure of acknowledging 
the receipt of your interesting letter of 
the 20th inst., and of the pamphlets 
accompanying it, lest I should seem 
unnecessarily to trespass upon your time 
and patience ; and yet I am unwilling 
by my silence to afford you reason to 
think that your polite attentions to my- 
self, and your expressions of regard for 
my Father, have failed to produce their 
proper impression. 

The pamphlets contain many excellent 
and useful sentiments, and the oration 
especially is admirably adapted to the 
present crisis. It recalled to my mind 
an expression of Genl Washington's in 
a letter to my Father : '' The Monster 
— State Sovereignty." In a former letter 
you alluded to the friendship of Mr. 
Adams for my Father. I can bear wit- 
ness that it was sincerely reciprocated. 
He seems always to have felt and cher- 
ished his obligations to Mr. Adams for 
the manly and generous support he gave 
him in — 82, and in his old age still 
spoke of it with warmth and grati- 

The character of his other colleague 

he perfectly understood and appreciated, 

I have the honour to remain. Sir, 

Your very Obedt and respectful Servt, 

William Jay 

John Q. Adams, 

Late Brest, of the U. States. 


March 26, (1786) 
Yi past 2— Dolly's. 
One among our many follies 
Was calling in for Steaks at Dolly's 
Whereby we've lost — and feel like Sinners 
That we have missed much better dinners 
Nor do we think that us 'tis hard on 
Most humbly thus to beg your pardon 
And promise that another time 
We'll give our reason not our rhime 
So we' ve agreed — our Nem : Con : vote is 
That we thus jointly give you notice 
For as our rule is to be clever 
We hold it better late than never 






This amusing trifle, signed by men 
whom we are taught to revere as grave 
and reverend seniors, is in the posses- 
sion of Charles Bruff, of Brooklyn, to 
whom we are indebted for its reproduc- 

Mr. Jefferson, then our Minister to 
France, had been a short time before 
called by a private letter of Mr. Adams, 
then our Minister at London, to consult 
upon the terms of treaties with Fortugal 
and Algiers. This letter was carried by 
Mr. Smith, then Adams' Secretary of 
Legation, and later the husband of his 
only daughter. Jefferson returned with 



him to London, where they met Richard 
Peters, well known in revolutionary- 
history as Secretary to the Board of War, 
later as Judge of the U. S. Court in 
Pennsylvania, and celebrated for his 
dry wit and humor. 

It seems that these convivial spirits 
had engaged to dine with Mr, Adams 
on the evening of Saturday, the 25th of 
March, but were led astray by the at- 
tractions of Dolly's chop-house, long 
famous for its good cheer. There, at 
half-past two o'clock on Sunday morn- 
ing, the rhyme, of which we give a fac- 
simile, was written. It is supposed to 
be in the hand-writing of Col. Smith, but 
to have been dictated by Mr. Peters. It 
is addressed to "His Excellency John 
Adams, &c., &c., &c., corner Brooks 
Street, Grosvenor Square." 

It is amusing to read in the diary of 
John Adams that he dined with Richard 
Peters and a distinguished company at 
the table of the Bishop of St. Asaph's 
that same Sunday evening. The names 
of Jefferson and Smith do not appear 
in the list of the guests. We notice 
their absence without comment. The 
reader may draw his own conclusions. 





State of Georgia, Frontier of the Creek 

Nation, ist March, 1787. 
May it please your Excellency, 

Having waited thus far in expectation 
of permission to join the Spanish troops 
in South America, and having expressed 
to your Excellency an ardent inclina- 

tion to obtain the mere honor of serving 
in any Spanish regiment as a volunteer ; 
which requisitions as they were not 
complied with in due time, I beg leave 
to decline the acceptance of any rank 
or degree in the service of his Catholic 
Majesty. The annals of history must 
have informed your Excellency, that 
many nations have had abundant reason 
to deplore the impolicy of those whom 
they had invested with the powers of 
government, in slighting the proffered 
services of men (however young like 
myself) whose bent, study and inclination 
naturally led to tactical pursuits and to 
war, and who afterwards arrived to the 
highest pinnacle of eminence and glory ; 
at the woful experience of such coun- 
tries and States as had rejected those 
early overtures of service in their armies. 
Not to talk of the Achaian league, or 
the Athenian, Spartan or Theban story, 
modern history is replete with such 
proofs ; and your Excellency cannot 
but recollect (however in-applicable 
perhaps the instances may hereafter 
prove to a young and insignificant soldier 
of fortune,) what France had suffered 
from a rejected Eugene '^ and that Saxe 
whose services had been refused by an 
English court, had afterwards fertilized 
the plains of the Netherlands with the 
blood and carcasses of the slaughtered 
Britons. But to the point. Being a sol- 
dier of fortune, as I profess, and having 
studied from my infancy the science of 
Sixms, practical war is now my pursuit, as 
a profession most congenial with my prin- 
ciples and disposition ; and thousands 
of Americans (officers in the late war) 
pant for an opportunity to serve this 
country. The banks of the Ohio and 



Mississippi, are actually alive with the 
first American characters of this stamp, 
and called upon from thence by my 
heroic brethren of the army, honor, 
virtue and the bias of an ancient inter- 
course, and former habits incline me to 
assist them. From the Natches to the 
Kaskaskies, from Pittsburg to St. Mary's 
river, they are prepared to pour forth 
with the greatest ease 50,000 veterans in 
arms in defence of their cofnmerdal 
rights, throughout the navigable rivers 
of the southern parts of this empire. 
The grain is actually germinating, sown 
by the pride, avarice, and folly of a cer- 
tain extern power, which the pure air of 
liberty working at the root, and the laws 
of nature, superior to the narrow policy 
of any foreign court, must finally and 
very speedily raise into a host of myr- 
midons, the children of ^acus ; the 
sons of the earth ; irresistible in this 
land, at least by any force that may ob- 
struct their pretensions or assail them. 

The important drama, may it please 
your Excellency, is now approaching; a 
new drama, in which the tragedians of 
the west are to appear in the military 
buskin — and I am invited to act as a 
character of some consequence among 
them. Time will tell how decisively my 
part shall be performed. Of this I am 
sure, that I shall exhibit to my utmost 
the part of a soldier, A very inconsider- 
able time must inevitably call forth to 
trial, the mighty energy of the Ohio and 
Mississippi; and incidents and events 
are gradually teeming into birth, which 
will shortly open a spacious field for a 
daring spirit to explore. 

May it please your Excellency, the 
States of Georgia, Franklin, and Ken- 

tucky, confederated ; the counties of 
Bourbon, &c., on the Natches ; the set- 
tlements on Cumberland, Kaskaskies, 
and the Wabash, and the government of 
Pittsburg, Westmoreland, &c., abound 
with the seeds of war ; nor will any 
obstruction from New Orleans to the 
Balise, impede the overwhelming inun- 
dation preparing to pour down along 
the waters of the Mississippi, into the 
Bay of Mexico. The torrent will be 
irresistible ; the crop is actually in the 
ground ; harvest is ready for the hook, 
and the hook for the harvest, the reaper 
has introduced his sickle, combustibles 
are laid into a pile, nay, the very brand 
is already applied, and the fire only 
requires to be fanned. The permission 
of Congress will not be solicited on this 
occasion. In Congress this people are 
not represented. I am now on my way 
to the western waters, where people 
too long confined to unnatural bounda- 
ries, are ready to float with the current 
of the Mississippi into the sea, and with 
irresistible irruption and impetuosity to 
burst over every artificial barrier and 
mound which may obstruct their free 
passage into the ocean. The Americans 
are amphibious animals. They cannot be 
confined to the land alone. Tillage and 
commerce are their elements. Both, or 
neither will they enjoy. Both they will 
have or perish. 

I have the honor to remain, with the 
utmost deference, your Excellency's 
most obedient, and most humble ser- 

John Sullivan, Late Captain 

4th regiment American light dragoons. 

P. S. In the alternative of peace or 
war, I shall ever entertain the highest 



respect for your Excellency, and should 
be happy in the continuance of a candid 
correspondence. In this case, inclose 
my address to Major Thomas Washington 
of Georgia, who is acquainted with my 

To his Excellency [Don Diego Gardo- 
qui], the Spanish Minister at New York. 

The New York Packet^ Friday^ August 
17, 1787. 


Metal objects from Indian tu- 
muli IN GEORGIA. — Reprinted from 
the Smithsonian Report for 1877, is an 
interesting article, by Professor Charles 
Rau, entitled Observations on a gold or- 
nament from a mound in Florida. His 
estimate of the age and origin of this 
relic appears entirely correct. As we 
well know, objects of European manu- 
facture are not infrequently found in the 
grave-mounds of this region, once known 
by the general name of Florida, but 
they usually appertain to secondary in- 
terments upon the crests and along the 
slopes of tumuli, or are obtained from 
Indian graves of comparatively recent 

Occasionally occur instances where 
such relics evidently belonged to and 
formed a part of the original sepulture 
which the heap of earth, rock, or shell 
was designed to perpetuate. To an ex- 
ample of this sort do I refer on page 131 
of myAntiquities of the Southern Indians. 
That the custom of mound-building was 
observed even within the historic period 
is capable of easy demonstration. 

Last winter while opening a shell- 
mound on the Colonel's Island, lying 

near the mouth of Midway river, on the 
Georgia coast, I found in the heart of 
the structure and intermingled with the 
bones of several skeletons, a Portugese 
coin, bearing the date 1732 — the year 
prior to the settlement of the colony 
under Oglethorpe. It is in good preser- 
vation, presents the image and super- 
scription of Joannes V, and was mani- 
festly associated with the primal inhum- 

About three years ago, from a small 
grave-mound near the Savannah river, 
in Columbia County in this State, was 
taken a gold coin interred with the de- 
ceased in whose honor this earth-pile 
had been erected. It is a piece of Cob 
money. Aside from the particular inter- 
est it possesses in the eye of the Ameri- 
can Archaeologist, because of its associa- 
tion with the primitive customs of the 
peoples, once cormorant here, who per- 
petuated, even after contact with Euro- 
peans, their habit of interring with the 
dead articles of use and ornament, it is 
of no inconsiderable value to the numis- 
matologist. Both these coins lie before 
me as I write. 

Cherokee graves in Upper Georgia, 
and the burial places of the Creeks in 
the middle portions of the State, often 
yield an abundant supply of European 
beads, silver ornaments, and trinkets of 
foreign manufacture. 

But I have wandered from the object 
I had in view when I took up my pen. 
It was to call attention to a gold orna- 
ment, of primitive manufacture, which 
was obtained from an Indian grave in 
Duke's Creek Valley, one of the tribu- 
taries of Nacoochee valley in Cherokee, 
Georgia. It is a little less than an inch 



in length, is rather cylindrical in shape, 
tapering to a blunt point, is about a 
quarter of an inch broad, and the eighth 
of an inch in thickness. At the upper 
corner it was perforated apparently by 
means of a triangularly shaped flint im- 
plement. The aperture decreases on 
both sides towards the centre. At 
the inception the diameter of the perfo- 
ration is a little less than the eighth of 
an inch ; at the centre, about the six- 
teenth of an inch. 

But little labor was bestowed upon 
this object, save in drilling the hole. In 
it we behold a natural mass or nugget 
of gold, perforated at the larger end for 
the purpose of suspension. This nugget 
has a smooth, attrided appearance. 

Gold objects of primitive manufacture 
are here exceedingly rare so far as my 
observation and information extend. 
Everything of this sort, therefore, is in- 
teresting and worthy of note. 

With the exception of a few gold 
beads — some of them drilled nuggets, 
and others small masses of native gold 
hammered out and then rolled — found 
in the Etowah Valley, this is the only 
gold object of primitive manufacture 
and use, obtained within the limits of 
this State, of which I have any personal 

The Spaniards, as is well known, were 
grievously disappointed at the lack of 
this metal on the persons and in the 
habitations of the Florida Tribes. The 
famed mountains of Apalatcy, spouting 
streams of gold, were sought but never 
found. Their treasures, like the spring 
of perpetual youth, remained undiscov- 

Nuggets of native silver have been 

taken from a grave-mound in Lincoln 
County, Georgia, but they bore no traces 
of labor, and seem to have been valued 
and preserved by the natives because of 
their beauty and rarity. 

I do not believe that the North Amer- 
ican Indians, with perhaps a few excep- 
tions, understood the treatment of metals 
by fire. Of iron they made compara- 
tively little use, and then rubbed the 
native ore into the desired shape. As 
far as my observation goes, in the fabri- 
cation of utensils, weapons, and orna- 
ments from copper, they regarded the 
ore as a malleable stone and hammered 
it into the required forms. 

In like manner did they deal with 
gold nuggets. 

I have never seen a silver object of 
primitive manufacture. 

Charles C. Jones, Jr. 

Augusta, Ga. 

Description of fayetteville, 
NORTH CAROLINA, 1790. — Extract of a 
letter dated October \st. — Nature seems to 
have pointed out this place as the most 
proper spot for the seat of Government 
in the State. Our centrality, perhaps not 
strictly so much so in a geographical 
view, as in point of population and trade, 
is unquestionable. Fayetteville is situated 
on the best branch of Cape Fear River, 
with an easy shallop navigation the whole 
distance to Wilmington, about one hun- 
dred miles, from whence is only twenty- 
five miles to the sea. The inhabitants 
are extremely anxious that this object 
should be attained, as in no town of the 
State are the manners of the people so 
civilized and becoming, or any place 
where there is a greater plenty of provi- 



sions, or where such a numerous repre- 
sentation as ours could be so well ac- 
ccmmodated — here is no gouging, and 
comparatively speaking, but little swind- 
ling; what there is, is in a certain notorious 
house at the west end of the town, kept 
by a set of infamous fellows, whom, in a 
little time, we hope to whip off into Vir- 
ginia, or South Carolina. The trade of 
Fayetteville is increasing rapidly, and we 
have a continual acquisition of new com- 
ers, attracted, no doubt, by the superior 
advantages we enjoy. W. K. 

The old hessians. — Many of them 
deserted from the British, as is well 
known, and became good friends of 
liberty and the American cause, soon 
after reaching our shores. 

Two of these "foreign mercenaries," 
as they were called, and often with an 
unfair degree of odium, whose very 
respectable descendants now dwell in 
this city or contiguously, have recently 
been named to us, viz., John Henry 
Frederics and John Christian Brockner, 
both born on the year 1756. The 
former was a University student, and 
v/as impressed into the service, in Ham- 
burg. He lived in this city, where he 
died January 12, 1821. One of his 
daughters, an aged maiden lady, lives 
now in Brooklyn, L. L, with a nephew, 
whose venerable father, Mr. Jacob Brin- 
kerhoff, a native New Yorker, and noted 
for his attachment to the Reformed 
Church and its old Holland vernacular, 
married her sister. John Jacob Astor 
came over in the same ship with Mr. 
Frederics, and as they were fellow- 
soldiers also, at least for a season, so 
they were great friends through life. 

Mr. Astor used often to go to the other's 
house in this city to smoke and chat 
with him. John Christian Brockner 
died in 1851, in his 95th year, leaving 
four sons, one of whom, Washington, 
is now living in New York, His father, 
after leaving the British, fought for the 
Americans as a volunteer, in several 
battles, one of which was that of Mon- 
mouth, and also as a scout up the Hud- 
son, among the "Cow-boys." He is 
also said to have frozen one of his feet 
in a winter campaign. The old man 
had a great admiration for General 
Washington, and, at Tarrytown, near 
which he married and lived the early 
part of his life post bellu77i^ he used to 
tell General Storms of the great kind- 
ness of the Commander-in-chief, to the 
soldiers when sick in their tents. His 
birth place in the old father-land, was 
Frankfort-on-the-Main, and he too was 
impressed for the army. He was a 
shoemaker by trade, and was a traveling 
journeyman at the time. We are told 
that Brockner, with five or six others, 
one of whom was probably Frederics, 
deserted in this city and concealed 
themselves in a swamp, near where 
Canal street now is. Also that the 
former had some experience in one of 
these revolutionary New York Bastiles, 
the "Sugar-Houses." 

New York must speak tenderly of 
those old Germans who, in becoming 
our foes in the great struggle of our 
Revolution, had very little responsibility 
in the matter, and some of whom, both 
personally and in their descendants, 
have since been so valuable an element 
in our citizenship. As the British were 
evacuating Nev/ York, in 1783, Semon, 



a Hessian, was the first to hoist the 
American flag from a private house, 
which was No. 13 Chatham street. The 
venerable Judge Ulshoefer is a son of a 
Hessian soldier. And we have a de- 
scendant of another in one of our Presby- 
terian pulpits, while another of a similar 
posterity is a Professor in the University 
in this city. W. H. 

Madison's night cap. — To preserve 
the tops of masts of the Shipping laid 
up for some years past, on account of 
the war, it has been common to cover 
them with an inverted tar-barrel. A 
sailor yesterday, says the Boston Daily 
Advertiser, who ascended to remove one 
of these coverings, exclaimed as he ac- 
complished his object, " Off comes Mad- 
ison's Night-cap," — ]\F. V. Weekly Mu- 
seum, Feb. 25, 1 815. Petersfield. 

Right of possession. — Spanish River 
Road, Sep. 15, 171 1. Being informed 
by several Officers, who had been there, 
that a Cross was erected on the Shoar, 
with the names of the French Sea Offi- 
cers who had been here, which I look'd 
upon as a Claim of Right they pretend 
to for the King, their Master, the Island 
having been always in the times of Peace 
used in Common, both by the English 
and French, for lading Coals, which are 
extraordinary good here, and taken out 
of the Clifts with Iron Crows only, and 
no other Labour. I thought it not 
amiss, therefore, to leave something of 
that kind to declare the Queen's Right 
to this Place ; and having a Board made 
by the Carpenter, and painted, I sent 
him ashoar to fix it upon a Tree in some 
eminent Place, where it might most 

easily be seen, which was after the 

form of a square surmounted by a cross, 

with the inscription following : 

in nomine 
patris filii et spiritus sancti 
























— Account of Adfniral Walker's Expedi- 
tion to Canada, 171 1. J- A. S. 


They write from Paris, that two Ameri- 
can Princes are arrived there, whose 
Skins are figured with unintelligible 
Hieroglyphick Characters, as Marks of 
Distinction ; one of them is the Son of 
a King, and the other an Emperor, on 
the Banks of the Mississippi. Their 
Domesticks wear a Jacket, Petticoat, a 
Red Mantel and a White Scarff about 
their Waste, Pendants in their Ears, and 
Turbans on their Heads. — London News- 
paper, July, 1772. W. K. 

Hard money for new england. — 
The expenses incurred by the New Eng- 
land colonies in the reduction of Louis- 
burg were, after considerable delay, reim- 
bursed by order of Parliament. It 
amounted to ^^i 83,649 sterling, or 
$800,000, and arrived in the form of six 
hundred and fifty-three thousand ounces 
of silver and ten tons of copper. The 



money was landed on Long Wharf, 
placed in wagons, and carried through 
the streets of Boston, with much rejoicing 
It was divided between the four colo- 
nies, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island and Connecticut ; Massa- 
chusetts, including Maine, receiving 
most of it. The paper currency of 
Massachusetts, which was previously at 
the rate of seven or eight to one of sil- 
ver, was after redeemed at a rate of 
about one fifth less than the current 
value. Midas. 

Letter of major general heath. 
— The following letter is believed to 
have never been in print before, and 
may be of interest to the readers of this 

' Headquarters, Continental Village^ 
Sept. 28th, 1781. 
Dear Sir : 

Your favor of the 25th did not come 
to hand till the last evening. I thank 
you for the intelligence you have again 
communicated. I have not a sufficient 
knowledge of the country where you are, 
or of its vicinity, to determine precisely 
what posts are the most advantageous 
for your regiment to occupy. 

Governor Livingston supposed your 
present station the most eligible to pre- 
vent the incursions of the enemy, and to 
suppress illicit trade. 

The force on Staten Island was then 
but small, the present force of the enemy, 
and probability of their intending an in- 
cursion into the State may make a 
change in your position necessary, both 
as it respects your own detachment or 
checking the enemy. You must there- 
fore act as circumstances may require, 

and prudence and i)olicy point out as 
most eligible. 

Please therefore to conduct con- 
formably — that is, as circumstances may 
require. I have ordered a detachment 
of regular troops to cross Kings ferry> 
and advance as far as Ramapaugh. 
They will not advance further, unless a 
movement of the enemy into Jersey 
should require it, in which case they 
will advance rapidly to the aid of the 
militia. The troops are under the com- 
mand of Colonel Commandant Swift 
and have a light field piece with them. 
Please give them early notice if the 
enemy should attempt to cross the island. 
If the movement should be considerable, 
more force with a general officer will 
march to your assistance. 

Please continue to advise me of the 
motions and designs of the enemy as far 
as come to your knowledge." 

I am with great regard 
Dear Sir, 

Your Ob'd't Serv't 
W. Heath. 

" Colonel Seelyr M. General." 

In connection with the above, I give 
the following extract from Major Gen- 
eral Heath's Memoirs, page 311, under 
date of Sept. 28th, 1781 : "Apprehend- 
ing that the enemy might have intentions 
of crossing over from Staten Island to 
the Jersies, a detachment of 300 infan- 
try, with light artillery, under the com- 
mand of Col. Swift, were ordered to 
cross the ferry the next morning, and 
move as far as Ramapaugh, to be at 
hand to aid the militia, in case the 
enemy should land at the Jersies." 

C. J. Barnes. 

Chicago^ III. 



One and inseparable, — Died June 
9th, 1S30, at Marie, near Quebec, Xou- 
velle Beauce, Jacques Gagne, and Mag- 
daline Morin,his wife, both 77 years old. 
These two persons were bom the same 
day, baptized the same day, made their 
first communion the same day, died and 
were buried the same day. — Comrmrcial 
Advertiser. Jum 7,oih. 1S30. ^V. K. 

late years there has been advanced for 
a certaint}-, by a certain Quack Doctor, 
a foreigner, that a certain cure may be 
had for a consumption, where any of 
the same family had before that time 
died with the same disease ; directing to 
have the bodies of such as had died to 
be dug up ; and further said, that out 
cf the breast or vitals might be found a 
sprout or ^-ine fresh and growing, which, 
together with the remains of the vitals 
being consumed in the fire, would be an 
efi"ectual c'.:re to the same family ; And 
such direction so far gained credit, 
that in one instance the experiment 
was thoroughly made in Wilmington, 
on the first day of June instant, 
two bodies were dug up which be- 
longed to the family of Mr. Isaac 
Johnson of that place, they both died 
with the consumption, one had been 
buried one year and eleven months, the 
other one year, a third of the family 
then sick. On full examination of the 
then small remains by two doctors then 
present, viz : doctors Grant and West, 
not the least discover)- could be made ; 
and to prevent misrepresentations of 
the facts, I being an eye witness, that 
under the cofB^n was stmdr}- small sprouts 
about one inch in length, then fresh, but 

most likely was the produce of sorrel 
seeds which fell under the coffin when 
put in the earth. And that the bodies 
of the dead may rest quiet in their 
graves without such interruption, I think 
the public ought to be aware of being 
led away by such an imposture. Moses 
Holmes. — Connecticut Courant, June^ 
17S4. W. K. 


OUR DAY. — A grocer of this city, in 
retailing out a cask of hogs fat, weigh- 
ing 112 lbs. that was brought from Caro- 
lina last fall, found towards the bottom 
of the cask a living Hen ; which was 
taken out, and is now alive and in good 
condition — an egg with a soft shell was 
also found in the cask. — Tifne Piece, New 
York, June 2,0, I -^g-. Petersfield. 

Sir feter warren. — The generosity 
and public spirit of this gallant officer 
was shown by the manner in which he 
disposed of the commission granted 
him by the British Government upon 
the expenditures made in New England 
for the Cape Breton expedition, A part 
of it he devoted to the purchase in 
England of two large black horses for 
the improvement of Colonial Stock. 
The remainder he at first proposed to ex- 
pend in the encouragement of the Protes- 
tant School in Ireland. This sum, seven 
hundred pounds, he later proposed to give 
to the building of a town hall in Cam- 
bridge, but by the ad\'ice of his compan- 
ion-in-arms. Sir William Pepperrell, ap- 
propriated it to the education of the In- 
dians. The donation was made to the 
mission at Stockbridge. The Rev. Dr. 
Edwards is said to have suggested the 
change to Pepperrell. Stockbridge. 



Walter rutherfurd's toast. — 
Honi soit qui mal y pense. — The toast 
given by the President of St. Andrew's 
Society of New York, at the festival 
meeting of that body on St. Andrew's 
day, November 30th, was " Lady Ghna- 
chies Garters." Some weak people have 
been scandalized at this toast. It is 
perfectly innocent, however, in its mean- 
ing and application. I.ady Glenachie 
(or Glenorchie) was a Scottish lady of 
a very benevolent and Christian dispo- 
sition. Among other institutions set on 
foot by this amiable character, was a 
charitable house for the instruction of 
poor girls in needle work, knitting, 
weaving, etc. In the latter branch was 
a garter manufactory, interwoven with 
every pair of which were the words, 
" Lady Glenachie's Garters."— T/^-r Time 
Piece, December 6, 1797. W. K. 

Gladstone on American ox tails. 
— In his recent article in the North Amer- 
ican Review entitled *' Kin beyond Sea," 
Mr. Gladstone pleads incompetency as 
his reason for avoiding discussion of 
topics of present interest in America. 
None of your readers will doubt his 
lack of accurate information in regard 
to this country after reading the follow- 
ing extract from a remarkable speech 
made by that eminent statesman at a 
late inspection of the Kensington School 
of Cookery in London. 

Mr. Gladstone said : " I think a great 
deal of our cooking is most admirable, 
and that we have had no reason to com- 
plain at all ; but comparing country with 
country, there is no donbt that some 
countries are very much more economi- 
cal than others. I am afraid it is the 

truth that we are the most wasteful peo- 
ple on earth. I remember once hearing 
a curious story worth telling of the 
Americans. I heard from a person who 
travelled in America that one day in the 
yard of his hotel lie saw a great heap of 
ox tails. They were thrown away as any 
refuse would be thrown away, and I was 
surprised at that, and I began to imagine, 
' Oh, oh ! then there is one country 
that is more wasteful than we are, and 
that is America.' That is the conclu- 
sion I was disposed to draw, but after- 
ward I heard the explanation, which is 
a very curious one. The American 
habit of throwing away ox tails is an old 
English habit, which they carried with 
them from this country when the Amer- 
ican settlements were formed. But you 
all know that at the time of the French 
Revolution a great number of priests and 
others came over as refugees, and were 
kindly received in this country. They 
spread their views all over the country, 
and I am told that these priests, long 
after the American settlements had been 
formed — indeed, after America had 
been separated from us politically — 
brought over the habit of making soup 
from ox tails, and taught it to the Eng- 
lish people. Probably the way would 
be this : They would see ox tails thrown 
away, and being people to whom the 
saving of every farthing was important, 
they would buy the ox tails and make 
soup for themselves. The people would 
imitate them, with the consequence that 
we get in that shape a most excellent soup, 
for there can scarcely be more excellent 
soup than ox tail, and that is the very 
reason why in one point we are more eco- 
nomical than Americans." Advocate. 



Nov. 2, 1750. By a Vessel from North 
Carolina we have Advice, that some 
Time last Month two sloops were hired 
by some Spaniards to carry to the Hav- 
anna the Effects sav'd out of a Ship 
lately stranded on that Coast ; accord- 
ingly they took on Board a large Quan- 
tity of Dollars and Cochineal, and when 
the Spaniards were on Shore, slipp'd 
their Cables, and went off ; one of which 
Vessels got ashore on the Bar, and was 
taken, the other got clear off. She had 
on board 150,000 Dollars, and near the 
same Value in Cochineal. A Launch 
was fitted out, and came up with her ; 
but the Fellows on Board the Sloop 
(being twelve in Number) appear'd upon 
Deck with their Small Arms, and swore 
they would fire if they attempted to 
board them : On which they left them 
to pursue their Course. 

Boston, Nov. 12, 1750. A Spanish 
Gentleman belonging to a large and 
rich Ship of his Nation, that was lately 
cast away on the Coast of Carolina, is 
iust arriv'd in Town, to endeavour to find 
out and recover the Money and other 
Effects saved out of the Wreck, and 
shipp'd on board a Sloop, whereof one 
Zebulon Wade, of Scituate, was Master, 
who agreed to carry the said Money, 
&c., to the Havannah, but clandestinely 
ran away with the Sloop. 'Tis said he 
took on board one Hundred and fifty 
Thousand Dollars in Silver, and the 
Value of one Hundred Thousand in 
Cochineal. If the Position of the 
Planets may be depended on, the said 
Sloop is now in one of the Rivers or 
Creeks of this Country, and may soon 
be recovered : But as we dare not pre- 
sume so fai upon our Skill in Astrology 

as to predict that all the Money &c. will 
be recover'd, and that the Master and 
his Accomplices will be apprehended ; 
for a Man with such a Number of Dol- 
lars about him may be said to have 
powerful Friends. The other Sloop 
that attempted to get off and was stopp'd, 
we fear is lock'd fast to the Spanish 
Ship in Ocacock Inlet, entirely unrigg'd, 
and all the Men under Confinement. 
[Dean's History of Scituate, page 371, 
states that Zebulon, son of Joseph 
Wade, married, 1774, Mercy Norton, of 
Edgartown.] W. K. 

Old time confidence in the mili- 
tia. — The young ladies of the Borough 
of York, Pennsylvania, high noon, (the 
glorious God of day pouring down upon 
them an unusual splendour) dressed in 
robes of white, presented a standard to 
their Brothers and Young Lovers in 
arms : — • This was a spectacle which 
drew tears from the eyes of assembled 
thousands, and which Celestial Beings, 
from their happy residences might view 
with holy rapture. The following is the 
young ladies' address : 

" Gentlemen : In presenting to you 
this standard, we confide to your sacred 
Keeping, our Honor, our Virtue, and 
our Holy Faith. 

"If you expect ever to obtain our love, 
be assured that can only be obtained by 
bravely defending the Liberties, the 
independence, and the religion of your 
country." — The Daily Advertiser^ New 
York, Aug. I, 1798. Petersfield. 

First American editions of Eng- 
lish classics. — Shakespeare was pub- 
lished in Philadelphia (by Bioren & 
Madan) in 1795. Chesterfield's Letters 



were published in Boston in 1779. 
Burns' Poems were published in New- 
York in 1788, and in the same year an 
edition was published in Philadelphia. 
Milton's Poems were not published in 
America until 1853. 

Some of your bibliographical corres- 
pondents will perhaps add to this brief 
list of first American editions of 
English classics, giving in each in- 
stance the place of publication, and 
where possible the name of the pub- 
lisher. D. 

to the Editor and readers of the Magazine 
of American History. Historicus. 


The royal portraits in the first 
CONGRESS. — When the old Federal Hall 
on the corner of Wall and Broad Streets 
was occupied by the first Congress 
under the Constitution, we have been 
told that the Chamber of Representa- 
tives was graced by portraits of Louis 
XVI., and Marie Antoinette, which had 
been presented to the Republic by the 
King himself as a souvenir of the friendly 
aid extended by France in our struggle 
for Independence. The removal of these 
pictures from the Halls of Congress 
may perhaps be accounted for by the 
changes effected by the French Revo- 
lution, one of which was emphasized 
by the complaint of M. Genet, the 
Minister of the French Republic, that 
the presence of the Bust of Louis XVI. 
in the President's house was an insult 
to France. But the question has been 
occasionally asked, and never I believe 
answered, What were these historic 
portraits, and by whom were they 
painted, and what has become of them ? 
And these questions, and especially the 
last, I respectfully beg leave to submit 

The columbiad. — Can any of your 
readers give a description of a volume 
printed at New York, in 179S, entitled 
" Columbiad. An Epic Poem in Twelve 
Books," illustrated by copper plates ? 

Cherokee medal. — In the opening 
chapter of Mr. W. Blades' numismata 
Typographia {Printer's Register^ London, 
July, 1878) a reference is made to a 
medal presented to George Guest, in- 
ventor of the Cherokee Alphabet, " Struck 
at Washington " and " presented at Phila- 
delphia " in 1823. Was such a medal 
ever presented, and are not these dates 
and places erroneous ? Mr. B. also says 
Guest died in 1828. J. S. 

Capt. smith on the stage. — Stith 
says in his history of Virginia (p. 1 1 2,) 
that Capt. John Smith "lived to see him- 
self brought upon the stage, and the chief 
Dangers, and the most interesting Pas- 
sages of his Life, racked, as he complains, 
and misrepresented in low Tragadies." 
What were the titles of these plays in 
which he figured ? 

Brougham in our day has revived 
this excellent historical personage in his 
burlesque, "Pocahontas, or Ye Gentle 
Savage." Dramaticus. 

Iowa and sac mission press. — In 
Cotton's Typographical Gazetteer^ second 
series (Oxford, 1866), 378, reference is 
made to a primer and some elementary 
books, in English and the native tongue, 
printed at the loway and Sac Mission 
Press, Indian Territory, 1843. Where 



was this Mission Press located, and 
what books were printed thereat ? J. S. 

Ancestors of Robert fulton. — 
Can any one give the history of the an- 
cestors of Robert Fulton, the Inventor ? 
The name of his father was Robert, the 
maiden name of his mother, Mary Smith. 
They lived in Lancaster County, Penn., 
where families of the name of Fulton 
had been among the earliest Scotch-Irish 
settlers. What relation did he bear to 
these ? A minute genealogy of the fam- 
ily is greatly desired. J. C. A. 

Greek colony in Florida. — Among 
the petty odds and ends of American his- 
tory, little known but meriting research, 
is the fact that a small Greek Colony 
was once planted on the coast of East 
Florida, at a place which I think was 
then named New Smyrna. The only 
account of it which I ever met with in 
print was contained in a work on Louis- 
iana, written by a Mr. Darby in the 
early part of this century ; but the state- 
ment was a meagre one, and is very im- 
perfectly remembered by me, as it was 
read in my boyhood, and nearly sixty 
years ago. As well as I can recollect 
the colony was planted a short time be- 
fore Florida passed temporarily from the 
hands of Spain to that of Great Britain, 
and, while the province was held by the 
latter, the settlement was broken up in 
consequence of a collision between the 
Greek immigrants and the Government 
authorities. I cannot call to mind the 
nature of the dispute or disobedience ; 
but I have the impression that the writer 
thought the colonists were badly treated. 
They dispersed, a part of them returning 

to their native country, and the rest scat- 
tering through the towns of the South. 
I have heard that Mr. Dimitry, who was, 
thirty years ago, a wealthy merchant of 
New Orleans, was descended from one of 
these Greek colonists ; and there may 
be other descendants still in Florida. 

This is, so far as I know, the only 
attempt ever made to plant the Hellenic 
race in the New World, and if the Edi- 
tor of the Magazine to which this is 
addressed, or any of his correspondents, 
can give a more detailed history of it 
than my memory affords, it would, I 
think, be read with some interest. 

R. M. P. 

Lafayette's expedition against 
ARNOLD. — In the paper delivered before 
the Maryland Historical Society by Mr. 
John Austin Stevens, Jan. 14, 1878, and 
printed by them under the above title, 
mention is made of the march of Lafay- 
ette from head of Elk to Baltimore after 
his withdrawal from Annapolis. 

By what route was this march made, 
on what day did he cross the Susque- 
hannah ferry and was the ferry at the 
mouth of that river or the upper ferry 
where Port Deposit is now situated on 
Bald river ferry, still higher up the river? 

ElktoHy Maryland. G. J. 

Newspapers printed at utica, 
NEW YORK. — I desire to know ist : Was 
there ever a " Utica Patrol " after 1803 ? 
2d : If ever, by whom published and 
how long ? 3d : Was it united with 
"The Patriot," when, and by whom? 
4th : If there was not a separate " Pat- 
rol ;" when did " Patriot and Patrol " 
begin and who published it. C. K. S. 



Monument to capt. burrows of 
PORTLAND, ME. — Matthcw L. Davis of 
New York, lately, when on a journey in 
the Province of Maine, caused a hand- 
some monument to be erected over the 
grave of Captain William Burrows, who 
commanded the brig Enterprize, and 
was killed in the action with the Boxer. 
He lies by the side of the British captain 
Blythc, who was also killed, and over 
whose grave a monument was erected by 
the surviving officer of the Boxer. — Utica 
Patriot^ Oct. 17, 1815. 

Silas E, Burrows, a relative of the 
brave captain of the Enterprize, erected 
a monument to his memory. — Willis' 
History of Portland^ page 759. 

Can these two statements be recon- 
ciled ? Were there two monuments over 
the hero ? Petersfield. 


First, linen and calico printing 
IN AMERICA. — (II. 754.) It appears by 
the following advertisement in Leed's 
American Almanac for 17 13, that calico 
stamping or printing was then practised 
at Philadelphia. 

" In the Front Street in Philadelphia 
lives one John Whitesake, who Kallan- 
ders and Presses all sorts of Cloth, Silks, 
Sattins, Camblets, Druggets, Crapes, 
Stuffs and Tickins. He Glazes Linnins 
and Calico's, Taks Spots out of Camblet, 
&c. Makes Buckram Prints Linnens, 
Carpet and Counterpains, which will 
hold their Colour in washing. Old 
Cloths, Curtains, &c., (taken in pieces 
scoured or dyed) he makes as Glossy as 
New ones ; All at Reasonable Rates." 

Mr. H. M. Selden of Hadlyme, a 
member of the old Selden family of 
Connecticut, has a very curious and 
interesting piece of work that was made 
by his grandmother, Ruth Kirby, who 
lived at "Middletown Upper Houses," 
near Cromwell. It is a cotton bed-quilt 
made in 1776 — one hundred and two 
years ago. She carded, spun and wove 
the cotton herself by hand, and it is a 
very soft piece of cloth. After the 
weaving she had it stamped, and a great 
attraction to it is this printing, which 
was of course done also by hand with 
blocks cut by hand. Two patterns are 
shown, each stamp appearing alternately 
on the cloth. The designs are noticeably 
free and graceful. Figures in the 
dress of that time, men wearing the 
cocked hats, are seen. There are deer, 
cattle, sheep, birds and other creatures, 
several kinds of trees with their proper 
foliage^ and a house and a church. The 
house has the dormer windows, and is 
an ordinary looking building, but the 
church with its rounded tower is not like 
anything one would have been likely to 
see in this country at that period. That, 
and the fact that one of the figures is 
carrying a load on his head, and also, 
perhaps, the appearance of deer among 
the domestic animals, suggest a foreign 
artist as the designer, and yet, says the 
Couraat, there are reasons for thinking 
that this work may have been done by 
the grandfather of the Rev. Leonard W. 
Bacon. Hartford. 

Parentage of jacob leisler. — 
(II. 494.) " Johannes Henricus Leislerus 
Jacobi Victoriani filius, etc. Was our 
Jacob a brother of this John Henry and 



a son of Jacob Victorian. (I) The iden- 
tity of the surnames," 

The author in the hurry of trans- 
lation, makes a slip. There is no such 
identity. Jacobi Victoriani filius, is the 
son of James Victorian not Jacob. 

E. C. B. 

Battle of monmouth. — (II. 408, 
569, 758.) General de Peyster's explana- 
tion in your December number is not 
satisfactory. I think his best course is 
frankly to acknowledge his error in view 
of the documentary evidence against his 
statement. As he places no confidence 
in the official report of Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, I venture to introduce the testimony 
of Gen. Washington in behalf of our 
brave New Jersey troops ; and that he 
may have an opportunity to examine 
the points at issue, I beg you to 
print in the Magazine the following 

I. Fro7n Ge?ieral de Peyster. "So 
promptly, indeed, did Clinton move, 
that the American detachments sent to 
destroy bridges, etc., could not complete 
their work well or on time to avert his 

II. From Sir Henry Clinton. "A 
strong corps of the enemy having, upon 
our approach, abandoned the difficult 
pass of Mount Holly, the army pro- 
ceeded without any interruption from 
them, except what was occasioned by 
their having destroyed every bridge on our 
road. As the country is much intersected 
with marshy rivulets^ the obstructions we 
met with were frequent, and the excess- 
ive heat of the season rendered the la- 
bour of repairing the bridges severely 

III. From Gen. Washington. Extract 
from General Orders, dated Head Quar- 
ters, Freehold, June 29, 1778. "General 
Dickenson, and the Militia of this State, 
are also thanked for their nobleness in 
opposing the enemy in their march from 
Philadelphia, and for the aid which they 
have given in harrassing and i7npeding 
their motions^ so as to allow the Continental 
troops to come up with them.'' 

Facts are stubborn things. 


The gallant behavior of the yeomanry 
of New Jersey during the retreat of the 
British from Philadelphia, in the summer 
of 1778, was, I supposed, acknowledged 
by all American writers until I read the 
contributions in your Magazine of J. W. 
de P. As a duty to the memory of 
those who served in that memorable 
campaign, I copy the following letter 
from The New Jersey Gazette, of July 
8, 1778, printed by that sturdy patriot, 
Isaac Collins, at Trenton. 

Extract from a gentleman at Camp, 
dated English- Town, June 29, 1778. — 
"I have for two weeks past been with 
the militia of this State, under the com- 
mand of Major-General Dickinson. It 
truly affords me the most heartfelt plea- 
sure to see in what numbers and how 
suddenly, my brave countrymen poured 
in from every quarter, to the defense of 
our glorious cause. During the whole 
time they underwent the greatest fatigues, 
severe and long marches, without a mur- 
mur. In every skirmish they behaved 
with the greatest spirit, and appearing 
always confident of the courage and 
prudence of their General, they obeyed 
his orders of every kind with the utmost 



cheerfulness and alacrity. At the draw- 
bridge near Bordentovvn, when General 
Dickinson with great propriety had or- 
dered some lines to be thrown up, they 
appeared anxiously to desire the arrival 
of the enemy. The Continental troops 
and great part of the militia had, how- 
ever, been withdrawn, except those of 
Colonels Philips and Shreve, who were 
previously detached to guard a ford one 
mile further up the creek, and only the 
three regiments of Colonels Freelinghuy- 
sen. Van Dike and Webster remained, 
when a party of the enemy appeared, 
and with great zeal began to repair the 
bridge, which had been cut down — Upon 
the very news of their approach, the 
troops rushed down with the greatest 
impetuosity, and a small party from one 
of the regiments which happened to be 
considerably advanced, caused them to 
retire, after having killed four and 
wounded several others. In the morning 
the lines were again manned, but the 
enemy thought proper to change their 
rout. This conduct of the militia saved, 
in my opinion, Trenton and the country 
adjacent from rapine and desolation. In 
short, their conduct during the whole 
time, gave me the most pleasing ideas of 
the strong love of liberty which is natu- 
ral to the human soul. Surely whilst 
the farmers of the country are induced 
by the mere fondness of freedom to 
leave all their domestic concerns, at this 
season of the year, and undergo the 
hardships of a soldier's life ; to suffer 
the several fatigues, and with pleasure to 
face every danger — I say, whilst this 
continues to be the spirit of Americans 
— Americans must and will be free." 
Newark, N. V. S. J. 

J. W. de P in his reply to Trenton, 
quotes Sir Henry Clinton as marching 
from Monmouth at lo p. m., on the night 
of the 2 J th l^y the light of the moon, and 
discredits Washington's statement that 
Clinton moved about 12 p. m. when the 
moon had set. The question of the light 
of Clinton's moon is readily settled 
by the Almanac, which tells us that on 
the night of 27 June, 1778, there was a 
new moon, which set at 10:32 p. m. 

T. H. M. 

Major-General de Peyster is unfortu- 
nate in his critical answer to Trenton's 
vindication of the heroic action of the 
Jerseymen who swarmed about Sir 
Henry Clinton and his army, harassing 
them and impeding their retreat through 
New Jersey, in June, 1778. 

In order to illustrate the difficulty of 
reconciling contradictory accounts of 
past events, the critic contrasts the state- 
ments of Washington and Clinton re- 
specting the night march of the latter 
after the battle of Monmouth and says 
very emphatically of Clinton — " I believe 
/«>/." The implied doubt of Washing- 
ton's veracity is mitigated by the sugges- 
tion that his informants were mistaken. 
Gen. de Peyster's confidence in the Brit- 
ish General seems also to be sustained 
by some military critics. 

Now it is well known to persons who 
have made a study of the portion of 
American History involved in this dis- 
cussion that the moon was but four days 
old on the 28th June, 1778, and its set- 
ting was a few minutes past ten o'clock. 
Its light, therefore, could hardly have 
helped the retreat, and the only advan- 
tage Clinton could take of it, was not 



to be lighted on his way by its rays, but 
to escape in the dark, after the moon was 
below the horizon. Sir Henry's "moon- 
light flittings " were the theme of many 
a jest during his subsequent services 
in America. R. C. 

Sir peter warren. — (II. 680.) In 
the sketch of Sir William Pepperell, the 
first American Baronet, it is said that 
" Warren in his turn was made a Baro- 
net," for the defeat of de la Jonquiere. 
This is an error ; Warren was knighted 
but never created baronet. L. 


The legend on the coin described by your 
correspondent reads as follows : Magni 
BrttannicB, jFrancice et HibernicR Rex, 
Fidei, Defensor, Brunsvickeiisis, etLuxem- 
bergensis Dux, Sacri, Rojnani Imperii 
Archithesaurius et Elector. 

Translated thus ; "King of Great Brit- 
ain France and Ireland, Defender of 
the Faith, duke of Brunswick and Lux- 
emburg, Elector and Arch-Treasurer of 
the sacred Roman Empire." Gold guin- 
eas were issued in this reign from 1760 
to 1774. E. Donnelly, M. D. 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 

A similar reply has been received from 

William Harden. 
Savannah, Ga. 

Voltaire and lafayette. — (II. 
696.) In a note to the extract of de 
Creve-Coeur's account of the meeting of 
Voltaire and the Marquise de Lafayette, 
J. A. S. says the allusion of Voltaire to 
Lafayette's distinction in America must 

have been to his conduct at Monmouth. 
This is evidently an error, as Voltaire 
died 30th May, 1778, and the battle of 
Monmouth was not fought till 28th June, 
1778. Subscriber. 

Subscriber is correct in his criticism. 
The distinction gained by Layafette was 
at the battle of the Brandywine, Septem- 
ber II, 1777, the year previous to that 
in which the incident mentioned occur- 
red. Editor. 


We beg to itiform otcr subscribers that here- 
after we shall devote so much of this column as 
may be necessary to a department of BOOKS 
WANTED. Through this medium collectors will 
be enabled to coinmunicate with each other, and 
thus perhaps acquire books for which they have 
sought elsewhere irt vain, or dispose of books for 
which they may have no further use. Collectors 
desiring to avail themselves of this column will 
please give their addresses in full, so that those 
who wish to communicate with them can do so 
directly, and not through us. 

J. Hope Sutor, Lock Box 1088, Zanesville, O., 
Has for sale or exchange for historical works, 
a copy of Knight's Shakespeare, Virtue & Yor- 
ston's Edition, 2 vols., 4to, illustrated and hand- 
somely bound. 

J. Sabin & Sons, 84 Nassau Street, N. Y. City. 

Burke's Virginia, 4 vols., 8vo, uncut. 

Beverly's Virginia, uncut. 

(Peters, S.) History of Connecticut, London 
edition, uncut. 

Brereton's Virginia, 4to. 

Bullock's Virginia, 4to. 

Hamor's Virginia, 4to, original edition. 

Weymouth's Voyage to Virginia, 4to. 

Harlot's Virginia, London, 1588, 4to, 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, 
Copies, Box loo, Station D— N, Y. Post office.) 


TORICAL Society. Volume III. The Cam- 
paign of 1776 around New York and Brook- 
lyn, including a new and circumstantial ac- 
count of the Battle of Long Island and the 
loss of New York, with a view of events to 
the close of the year, containing Maps, Por- 
traits and Original Documents. By Henry 
P. Johnston. 8vo (two parts, pp. 300 — 209). 
Published by the Long Island Historical 
Society. Brooklyn, N. Y. 1878. 

This admirable volume is the result of long 
investigation, pursued with judgment, zeal and 
unflagging industry by its painstaking author, 
Only those accustomed to studies of this char- 
acter are aware of the difficulties which attend 
the collection and comparison of «"he extensive 
material necessary, even after the lapse of a 
century, securely to establish what would appear 
to be simple historic facts. 

A mist has hung for a long period over the 
history of our State and city during the revolu- 
tion. The long hostile occupation of the city, 
the change of its population at the close of the 
war and the engrossing demands upon the activity 
of every citizen, resulting from its rapid pro- 
gress in wealth and numbers, are sufficient rea- 
son, if not excuse, for the long neglect of the 
past. But for the individual efforts of a few 
zealots, and the continuous efforts of the New 
York and Long Island Historical Societies, even 
the meagre records that remain would not have 
been preserved. The landmarks are rapidly 
disappearing in the changes of surface and open- 
ing of streets ; and even in the laying out of our 
parks, where every historic rock or road line 
would be a pleasing reminiscence, no regard is 
paid to any such consideration. 

Mr. Johnston has correctly divided his volume 
into two parts ; the first of which recites the 
campaign, the second the documents which sup- 
port his interpretation of its incidents. There 
are six admirable maps, plans and draughts, for 
which every student will be grateful, and four 
portraits of the colonels of the regiments en- 
gaged at Long Island. 

Those familiar with the Lee papers will re- 
member his commission from Washington in 
January, 1776, to prepare for the defence of New 
York against the attack which was feared at that 
point from the expedition known to be in pre- 
paration in England. This was the opening of 
the campaign, and naturally begins the narra- 
tive, the stirring scenes of which were con- 
secutively the arrival of the British under Sir 

William and Admiral Howe; their occupation 
of the harbor and Staten Island; the adhesion 
of New Vork to the declaration of independence 
under the guns of the enemy; the landing of the 
imposing army, the flower of England's forces; 
the battle of Long Island, and the masterly re- 
treat of Washington; the capture of New Vork; 
the check of the arrogant enemy at the heights 
of Harlem; the attempt of Howe to turn^he 
American flank, and Washington's second extri- 
cation from the toils laid for him; the battle of 
White Plains, and the fall of Fort Washington. 
Here the story properly closes, but Mr. John- 
ston, with natural patriotism, not content to 
drop his curtain on a scene of uninterrupted dis- 
aster, avails of the full sum of privilege his 
title affords him, and closes the drama with the 
brilliant achievements of Trenton and Princeton. 
During the entire year, from January, when 
Washington was preparing to leave his camp 
before Boston, until December, when driven 
almost to desperation, he turned upon his pur- 
suers from behind his fastnesses in New Jersey, 
New York was the pivotal point of interest 

Mr. Johnston has here recited in a connected 
form the accounts preserved in the standard his- 
tories, with many additional particulars obtained 
from new material supplied by the descendants 
of officers and soldiers who took part in the 
campaign. These go far to clearing up the 
hitherto doubtful points in regard to operations 
on the Brooklyn side, and also throw light on 
the movements upon New York Island. 

We particularly note the careful attention he 
has paid to the battle of Harlem, the signifi- 
cance and importance of which was made known 
by the public celebration of its centennial by 
the New York Historical Society. 

We hope that the good work, of which this is 
a pleasing example, may tempt other young gen- 
tlemen to similar efforts in the field of history 
at the principal centers of revolutionaiy opera- 



Folio pp., text, 877 ; index, 10. Fac similes 
A to Z. Plates, xxii. Maps, iv. Imprenta 
de Manuel G. Hernandez, Madrid. 1S77. 
This magnificent contribution to the geogra- 
phy and history of the Indies was prepared by 
royal command of the 1 8th November. 1S76, 
under the instuctions of the Count de Toreno, 
Minister of the Interior (de Fomcnto). It was 
dedicated to the young monarch on his accession 
to the throne of his ancestors, and is a happy 



promise that under the reign of Alfonso XII 
"letters, arts and industry, the chief elements 
of wealth and happiness, may again prosper in 
Spain, as in the days of its highest grandeur." 
Such are the words of the intelligent minister 
who conceived the idea of this monumental 

The selection and publication of the letters, 
all of which are now printed for the first time, 
were confided to Senores Justo Zaragoza, Di- 
rector-General of Public Instruction, Vicente 
Barrantes, Francisco Gonzalez de Vera, Marcos 
Jimenez de la Espada and Jose Maria Escudero 
de la Pefia, secretary of the commission. The 
letters are divided into sections. That entitled 
Cristobal Colon includes those of the Discov- 
erer, of Amerrigo Vespucci, Fray Bartolome de 
las Casas and Bernal Diaz del Castillo, seven in 
number. The section entitled New Spain in- 
cludes sixty-five documents, from provincials and 
friars, viceroys and alcaldes, concerning the re- 
ligious orders, church dignitaries, viceroys, gov- 
ernors, caciques, laws and regulations, and pri- 
vate matters in the new governments of the 
Spanish Indies. Guatamala and Chiapa are 
treated of in seven letters ; Peru, under the rule 
of Christobal Vaca de Castro and Pedro de la 
Gasca, in seventeen ; Rio de la Plata, under the 
rule of Domingo Martinez de Irula,in twelve. 
In all one hundred and eight original documents. 
The fac-similes, on tinted paper, are admirable 
specimens of the calligraphy of the period, in neat 
and quaint precision. The pages of plates sup- 
ply the signatures and seals of many of the re- 
markable characters of this stirring age — of 
Colon, las Casas, Bernal Diaz, Vespucci, de 
Soto, Ximenez, de la Cruz and others. The 
maps are : I, of the outlines of the continent of 
Australia ; IT, of the rivers of the Amazon, 
Esequivo or Dulce and Orinoco and the adjacent 
countries ; III, of the Antilles, the Gulf of 
Mexico, its coasts, and those of North America ; 
IV, of the Straits of Magellan and Le Maire. 

In the prologue to the volume the members of 
the commission report to the Minister that they 
have chiefly selected from the docui^ ents recently 
procured for the national historical archives 
those written by those most distinguished in the 
discovery and conquest in the New World, and 
having reference to facts least known, without 
regard to the effect their publication might have 
upon the fame of some of the distinguished 
heroes. Quoting the remark of an eminent 
writer (not Spanish), that the discovery of the 
Indies must be considered without dispute as the 
most important event in the history of the human 
race, a -/d expressing the belief that this assertion 
may well dispense with any attempt to justify 
the actions of those men who were governed and 
controlled by the irresistible force of circum- 
stances, they claim that until recently their great 
deeds have never been examined or judged with 

a purpose to present them, according to the mod- 
ern documentary method, in their true light. 

Besides the careful editing of the letters under 
the divisions above described, the commission 
resolved to illustrate the text with ample notes, 
a geographical vocabulary, biographical sketches 
and a brief glossary ; all of which greatly en- 
hance the value of the work to the student in 
foreign lands. Particular attention is invited to 
the peculiar and appropriate character and tint 
of the admirable paper which is used in the 
work, as well as the execution of the chromo- 
lithographicmaps, by the Geographical Institute, 
and to the plates which were produced by pro- 
cesses new in Spanish bookmaking, all of which 
are creditable in the extreme to the bureau from 
which they emanated. 

Above all, the commission hold up to public 
praise the merits of the enlightened minister, to 
whose initiative this splendid volume is due. 
A few copies have been sent by the Spanish 
Government to institutions of learning and pub- 
lic libraries in the United States. The New 
York Historical Society was designated as the 
depository for the State of New York. We shall 
return to the contents of this volume in another 
form, and endeavor to lay before our readers 
the value of the new information therein con- 

Times and Nations, with Tables of 
Factory and Artists' Marks for the 
USE OF Collectors. By William C. Prime, 
LL.D. 8vo, pp. 531. Harper & Brothers, 
New York. 1878. 

The most original, and the best of our think- 
ers, Ralph Waldo Emerson, in his late striking 
lecture on the Fortune of the Republic, pro- 
phesied that among the other favored aims of 
mankind, not only every useful but every ele- 
gant art will find their home in America. The 
useful arts have received here every protection 
and favor of government, but the progress of 
those which may be justly termed elegant de- 
pends in a country, by its newness essen- 
tially given to that which is practical, upon 
individual labor. The growth of our private 
institutions for the study of the arts, and the 
exhibitions to promote that study, show that 
private enterprise, in a nation where the power 
of the individual is so great under free institu- 
tions, is not unequal to reach the high future 
which Mr. Emerson predicts. In this superb 
volume, which the Harpers have published in 
the highest style of the printing art, with abund- 
ant illustrations in all known variety of prac- 
tical engraving, will be found the beginning of 
a literature until now unknown with us. In Mr. 
Prime's book the lovers of pottery and porcelain 



and collectors of beautiful specimens of this 
now recognised branch of art will find abundant 
material for study and thought. Beginning with 
the history of the Ancient Pottery of Egypt, As- 
syria, the Holy Land, Greece and Rome, and 
passing through that of Modern Pottery of the 
Saracens and European nations, and continuing 
through that of the porcelain of China, Japan, 
India and Europe, he carries us to the pottery 
and porcelain of England ; our American 
collectors will take special interest in all 
that relates to his section upon Holland. It is 
impossible in our limits to more than note these 
sections. Part V. is especially devoted to the pot- 
tery and porcelain of America ; this he divides 
into three sections : ist, on ancient American pot- 
tery ; 2d, on pottery and porcelain of the United 
States, and 3d, on American collections. In 
the first, by the illustrations in the text, he 
shows such a relationship between specimens 
of the potteries found in Peru, Central America, 
Mexico, and thence northward to Missouri, 
that no reasonable doubt can exist of a com- 
munity in the art. In the second, he treats of 
the progress of the art after the settlement of 
America by Europeans ; in this we find little 
but an imitation in a crude way of the most 
ordinary kind of European earthenware, yet 
while nothing original Mas here produced, the 
general upturning of public and private for- 
tunes in Europe, consequent on the French 
revolution, sent to this country numerous and 
valuable specimens of the best work of the 
most famous factories of the continental king- 
doms. In the third section of this part of his 
book he has what he calls, in his own words, 
"a free talk "with American collectors of the 
Ceramic art ; to this we invite the attention of 
our American collectors. In it they will find 
a list of the prices obtained at the great sales 
of Sevres and Wedgwood wares of late years. 

The last chapter is devoted to an account of 
marks on pottery and porcelain in their three 
classes of factory marks, artists' marks and 
dates, all of which are illustrated by fac-similes. 

A thorough index closes this admirable vol- 
ume. It is needless here, when the results of 
Mr. Prime's excellent volume are patent in the 
acclimation of the Ceramic art in America by 
the increasing interest of both amateurs and 
practical workers, to say more. Mr. Prime has 
and will hold the honor of being first in the 
literature of American Ceramic art. 

Association for the Advancement of 
Science. Twenty-sixth meeting, held at 
Nashville, Tenn., August, 1S77. 8vo, pp. 
400. Published by the permanent Secretary 
(Frederick W. Putnam), Salem, Mass. 1878. 

The essentially scientific nature of these le- 
ports takes them beyond the pale of our review 
but the present volume contains tliree jiapers of 
general concern to the student of American 
archaeology and anthropology. The address of 
Professor Daniel Wilson, Chairman of the sub- 
section of Anthropology, is peculiarly inter- 
esting. The system of Agassiz is here succicntly 
stated to have favored the idea of various Amer- 
ican centres within which the diverse varieties 
of American man originated, and from which 
they were distributed over the entire conti- 
nent. The recent progress of science has 
effected a total revolution in reference to this 
question. The idea of a plurality of origin and 
of distinct races of men lias now given way to 
a belief in a more comprehensive unity, which 
embraces all men in a descent from a center 
common to them with other animals. The 
analogies of language on botli continents seem 
to indicate a direct relationship and intercourse 
between the inhabitants, and the highway to the 
Pacific as familiar to both. Passing to Archaeol- 
ogy we find an account of the recent discoveries 
in the Delaware drift, in which, near Trenton, 
rude stone implements were found by Dr. Ab- 
bott, and believed by him to have been fash- 
ioned by man during the glacial period. 

Mr. Henry Gillman contributed a study con- 
cerning the artificial perforation of the craniums 
in ancient mounds in Michigan. This curious 
custom of perforating the top of the head after 
death is a puzzle to modern observers ; the bal- 
ance of probability leaning to the belief that it 
was intended as a mark of honor. The skele- 
tons, the skulls of which are found thus perfor- 
ated, are generally in a standing position, invar- 
iably of adults and probably of the male sex. 

The interesting paper by Colonel Garret 
Mallery, U. S. Army, on the former and present 
number of our Indians, was noticed in our No- 
vember number. 



DEs Navigations Portugaises du XVI. Sie- 
CLE. Par Gabriel Gravier, Officer d'Acad- 
emie, etc. Paris : E. Martinet. 1S78. 
This very valuable production was brought out 
at the last Geographical Congress, and presents 
in a compact form the studies of one whose 
abilities and zeal qualify him to follow in the 
steps of Viscount Santarem. While seeking to 
do justice to other nations, his chief aim has 
been to prove that the Normans showed the Por- 
tuguese the way to the Cape of Good Hope. 
With an abundance of notes and references, 
this work will be found an admirable guide to 
the subject, which is too broad for discussion here. 



TERS AND Memories of Her Life. Edited 
by her friend, Emma Stebbins. 8vo, pp. 308. 
[The Riverside Press, Cambridge.] HOUGH- 
TON, Osgood & Co., Boston. 1878. 

It by no means follows that a brilliant or great 
character finds a biographer to do justice to its 
distinguished traits. Few men would be satis- 
fied with their portraitures as drawn by those to 
whom the task usually falls. Every Johnson does 
not find a Boswell, nor every Scott a Lockhart 
to draw in minute touches and with loving hand 
the traits of the master or friend. 

The star of Charlotte Cushman, whose life 
was a series of successes and triumphs, has fol- 
lowed her. She could not have selected a more 
appropriate intellect and nature on which to 
rely for an appreciation of her strong peculiar 
qualities than that of the lady who on the title- 
page terms herself her friend. 

In one sentence in the earlier pages of the 
book Miss Stebbins strikes the key-note of the 
character of the great actress. "All her life- 
long her friendships were of the nature of pas- 
sions." This impassioned, fervid nature, added 
to a magnificent physique, was the secret of her 
striking successes in tragic or highly melodra- 
matic parts. Who that has seen can ever for- 
get the strength of her Lady Macbeth, or the 
wild savageness of her Meg Merrilles — and yet 
not pleasant memories are these. Among act- 
resses she filled the place of Forrest among the 
actors. Powerful, original, striking, admirable 
were both ; but neither a representative of the 
highest culture or refinement. 

The English school is at best a coarse school. 
It is doubtful whether even the greatest of the 
actors of the elder time would have satisfied the 
exacting, critical judgment of our day. Both 
Forrest and Cushman were of this school. We 
are fain to believe, though induced to take little 
on trust in matters of taste, which every age 
judges for itself, that Fanny Kemble united re- 
finement with power. The conjunction is rare. 
Refinement was not a quality of Charlotte 
Cushman's acting. She stood, however, con- 
fessedly at the very head of American actresses. 
The biographer has omitted nothing which 
can throw light upon her training and method. 
She had an acquisitive and retentive memory. 
Her inspiration was never fettered by any side 
mental effort. Her introduction to the stage 
v,-as with the performance of a part, which may 
1)6 termed the crowning success of a female 
tragedian on the English stage — Lady Macbeth. 
This was in New Orleans in 1835. In 1842 she 
filled an engagement with Macready, Forrest, 
strange to say, receives but one and that a casual 
mention in the whole volume. 
Miss Stebbins met the actress at Rome in 1850-7, 

and the friendship of the two artists seems to 
have continued without interruption. Her daily 
life ; her devotion to her art, which she believed 
superior to and comprehensive of all others ; her 
sufferings under powerful disease ; her life at 
her Newport villa ; her farewell to the stage in 
New York, the occasion of a great ovation, all 
find their place in this complete volume. The 
story is chiefly told in the letters of Miss Cush- 
man herself ; Miss Stebbins, with delicate tact, 
standing modestly in the shadow of the artist's 
robe. To her friends, Charlotte Cushman was 
something more than human ; her tread con- 
fessed her origin divine. A kindred spirit of 
her own sex described her death as the dropping 
of a curtain upon a vanished majesty. She 
was of her day. 

Trustees of the Peabody Museum of 
American Archaeology and Ethnology. 
Presented to the President and Fellows of 
Harvard College, September, 1878. Vol. II, 
No. 2. Printed by order of the Trustees. 
Cambridge. 1878. 

In the opening remarks of Mr. Robert C. 
Winthrop, the learned and distinguished Chair- 
man of the Board of Trustees, may be found 
an account of the origin of this great gift 
of our American philanthropist. In its ten 
years of existence the museum has amply justi- 
fied the liberal foundation. The building in 
Cambridge was opened on the i8th February, 
1878. It is constructed of dark red brick, with 
brown stone trimmings, and granite steps and 
underpinnings, and is eighty-seven feet by forty- 
four. Mr. Frederick W. Putnam is the present 

The report gives a detailed account of the 
progress of the institution, the additions to the 
museum and library during the year, and in- 
cludes several interesting archceologic papers ; 
notably one on the implements found in the 
glacial-drift of New Jersey, by C. C. Abbott, and 
one by the Curator on Ihe explorations in Ten- 
nessee. The papers are abundantly illustrated 
by engravings in the text. 


and Biographical Record. Devoted to the 
interests of American Genealogy and Biogra- 
phy. Issued quarterly. October. IX. 4. 
Published for the Society. New York City. 
In this number of the Record Mr. Purple 
continues his contributions to the history of the 
ancient families of New York. Additions are 
given from the records of the Reformed Dutch 
and the first Presbyterian church, and from the 
records of Rahway and Plainfield. 



ducted by Dr. E. L. Drake. Volume I, No. 
V. August. A. D. Haynes, Nashville, Tenn. 

The purpose of this young monthly periodical 
is, in the words of the editor, to promulgate the 
record of Confederate achievement. It will no 
doubt serve to preserve many details of the his- 
tory of those who took part in the struggle for 
the lost cause. A repository of this kind will 
have enduring value. 

The present number contains some notes on 
Kirby Smith's Kentucky Campaign. A reply of 
Jefferson Davis to Colonel Colyar, which reveals 
the entire want of accord between the con- 
current branches of the Confederate Govern- 
ment. Mr. Davis is just beginning to open his 
eyes to the causes of his failure. A diary of a 
private in the Forty-first Tennessee, and an ar- 
ticle on the Evacuation of Nashville complete 
this number of the Annals. Afterwards we have 
some sketches of early western history ; the num- 
ber closing with the soldiers' war-bag, a col- 
lection of stories of Confederate prowess. We 
wish Dr. Drake all possible success in his enter- 


Americanistes. Compte- Rendu de la 

premiere session, Nancy, 1875. 2 vol. 8vo. 

(pp. 481 et 478.) Maisonneuve & Cie., 

Paris. 1S75. 

On the 25th August, 1874, the Societe Ameri- 
caine de France, with Ed. Madierde Montjau, 
President, and Emile Bumouf, Secretary, invited 
an International Congress of Americanists to 
meet at Nancy, in July, 1875. The first article 
of the Statutes declares that " The International 
Congress of Americanists has for its object to 
contribute to the progress of ethnographical, 
linguistic and historical studies relating to the 
two Americas, especially concerning the period 
anterior to Christopher Columbus, and to bring 
into communication with each other, persons 
interested in such studies." 

The Congress met in the Ducal Palace. In 
its four days session a large variety of interesting 
papers were communicated. They make up the 
two volumes now under notice. Among the 
North American papers the reader will find : 
1st volume. The Dighton Rock, by M. G. 
Gravier ; Grave Creek Inscription, by M. Levy 
Bing ; the Indians of the United States, by M. 
de Semalle ; an Iroquois Manuscript, by M. 
Leon de Rosny ; the Moundbuilders, by M. 
Joly : 2d volume. The Cheyenne^ Language 
and the Quichua ; the Derie-Dindjies, by R. P. 
Petitot ; The Quaker Society, by M. Maguin ; 

The Creek and Chippeway, by M. Lucien 
Adam ; The Newark Inscription, by M. Henry 
Ilarrisse ; America in Remote Ages, by Mr. 
Francis A, Allen; An Asiatic Immigration, by 
R. B. Petitot; Pre-historic Canada," by M. Ic 

The Congress passed a resolution to admit all 
persons who should make application to the 
Secretary of the Central Committee at Luxem- 
bourg for a member s ticket, and i)ay the sum of 
twelve francs, which would also entitle him to a 
copy of all of its publications. 

CoNGRiis International des Americanistes. 
Compte-rendu de la seconde session, Luxem- 
bourg, 1877. 2 vols. 8vo. (pp. 539 et 471.) 
Maisonneuve & Cie., Paris. 1878. 
These two volumes contain a report of the 
transactions and papers at the second session of 
the Congress held at Luxembourg in September. 
Neither the plan or limits of our department 
of Literary Notices permit us a critical review 
of the proceedings of these interesting sessions. 
We must confine ourselves to the simple mention 
of such of the papers as directly concern stu- 
dents of the history of the North American 

In the first volume we find The Mound- 
Builders of America, by Robert S. Robertson. 
Osteologic evidence of the ancient Mounds 
of Michigan, by Henri Gillman ; America 
in remote ages, or the origins of Primitive 
Civilization in the New World, by Y. A. 
Allen ; The Mound-Builders, by W. D. Peet ; 
to what race did The Mound-Builders belong ? 
by Mr. Force ; The European Colonies of 
Markland, and of Escociland up to the six- 
teenth century, and their existing remains in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, by E. Beau- 
vois ; The Course of the Mississippi, by Gabriel 
Gamier ; Chronological marks of the history of 
the Mound-Builders, by M. Stronck ; Americus 
Vespucius, by Dr. Schoelter ; The Eries or Ka- 
Kueaks and their destruction by the Senccas, a 
tribe of the Five Nations, by Abbe Schmitz ; 
The Voyage of Verrazzano, by INI. Desimoni. 
In the second volume. The Rockford Stone, 
by M. Moody ; a critical examination of sixteen 
American Languages, by M. Lucien Adam ; 
Principles of the Crees Language, by R. P. 
Remas ; The Stone Age at the Philadelphia 
Exhibition, by M. Emile Guirnet ; a Rock- 
retreat in Pennsylvania, by M. S. S. Haldemann ; 
The primitive dwelling place of the Esquimaux, 
by M. 11. Rink ; The early antiquities of Man 
in America proved by the Flint stones, by M. 
Leon Engling ; The Antiquities of Greenland, 
by M. Valdeman Schmit ; a portrait of Christo- 
pher Columbus, by M. Rinck. 

The Congress adjourned to meet at Brussels 
on the 23d September, 1879. Among the sub- 



jects named to make part of the ' order of the 
day ' at this third session are : What is known 
of Norumbega, Colonization of the Mouths of 
the Mississippi, Progress of American Cartogra- 
phy during the Sixteenth Century, Character of 
the designs upon Stone Objects found at Beh- 
ring's Straits, Antiquities of the several states 
of the Dominion of Canada, Traditions of the 
White Man and of the Sign of the Cross, Ter- 
tiary Man in America, Natives of Acadia at the 
time of the arrival of the first French explorers, 
Mounds west of the Missouri and in the Brit- 
tanic possessions of North America, Grammati- 
cal Differences between the Esquimaux and 
other North American languages. 

The first day will be devoted to discussions of 
pre-Columbian history of America and the his- 
tory of the Discovery of the New World ; sec- 
ond to Archaeology ; the third to Anthropology 
and Ethnography ; the fourth to Linguistics and 

CIES. A Dialogue. 8vo. pp. 248. Hough- 
ton, Osgood & Co., Boston. 1878. 
Attention has already been called to the work 
on Political Economy in the use of money by 
the same author (J. B. Howe). The dialogue 
was intended to form a part of it ; this ancient 
form of instruction being adopted because of the 
advantages it presents for the meeting of opposite 
arguments. The same general criticism applied 
to the former work may equally be applied to 
this. Political economy is not a new science ; 
not yet an abstruse one. Banking makes a small 
part of political economy, and the rules by which 
it is governed vary with the character of the 
population and the nature of the production or 
industry it is organized to serve. Manufacturing 
and mining districts require a different treatment 
from strictly commercial cities. The secret of 
successful banking is in the repeated turn of 
capital upon short credits. Of course the even 
ratio of reserve to liabilities which Adam Smith 
prescribes must be maintained, but there is no 
strength like the rapid return of discounted 

While upon the subject we commend to care- 
ful reading a profound article in the Revue des 
deux Mondes of August 15, 1878, on the pro- 
duction and consumption of gold and silver, 
where the immutable principles of sound finance 
are stated with French precision. The French 
are the only great financiers, and their manage- 
ment both of national and local finances is a 
marvel of correct application of true principles. 
Here M. Laveyleye states clearly the one 
axiom of national finance, that a circulation is 
strong only as it is strong in gold and silver, 
which alone are money. The reader will also 

find some views on the conduct of the United 
States on the silver question, which differing from 
those of the majority of our best financial minds 
will, in their defence of the honesty, if not the 
policy of the silver bill, gratify his national 

An Oration delivered in that city December 
6, 1877, by Henry Armitt Brown, in com- 
memoration of the Two Plundredth Anniver- 
sary of its settlement by the passengers of the 
good ship Kent, who landed at Raccoon Creek, 
August 16, O. S., and laid out the town on 
Chygoe's Island " towards ye latter part of ye 
8th month," 1677. Published by resolution 
of the citizens. 8vo, pp. 68. Burlington, N. 
J. 1878. 

An instructive and charmingly written sketch 
of this ancient peaceful village, past "which the 
centuries have flown so softly that she has hardly 
heard the rustle of their wings." The talented 
orator, whose future was of such bright promise, 
has, unfortuately for our literature, passed to an 
early grave. 

West Jersey was settled by two companies of 
Friends, disciples of George Fox ; the one from 
London, the other from Yorkshire. They em- 
barked in the Kent, and received the parting 
blessing of King Charles II., who was pleas- 
uring in his barge in the Thames. The merry 
king was no doubt delighted to be rid of such 
dismal company. The old church of St. Mary's 
was founded in the reign of Queen Anne. Be- 
fore its door Whitfield preached, and in the 
adjoining graveyard lie the remains of Elias 
Boudinot, the President of Congress, and of At- 
torney-General Bradford of revolutionary fame. 
Burlington was also the home of the gallant 
Lawrence of the Chesapeake, and of later 
worthies, who have reached distinction in the 
liberal professions and practical walks of life. 

NATi. The Annual Meeting in the State 
House and Commemorative Dinner at the 
Narraganset Hotel, Providence, R. I., 
ON the Fourth of July, 1878. 8vo, pp. 8. 
J. A. & R. A. Reid, printers. Providence, 
R. L 

A reprint from the newspaper press of the 
proceedings at the annual meeting and commem- 
orative dinner of this ancient society. We have 
already noticed its recent reorganization, with 
Hon. Nathaniel Greene of Newport as its Presi- 



Address delivered by request of the 
American Social Science Association at 
its Meeting in Cincinnati, May 21, 1878, 
by S. Dana Horton, with an appendix. 8vo. 
pp. 58. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati. 
There is a great deal of excellent thought 
and reasoning in these few pages, to the con- 
clusions of which Mr. Laveyleye'c; article just 
quoted by us on the production and consumption 
of the precious metals gives strong weight. 
Both believe in the absolute necessity of a bi- 
metallic standard. Mr. Horton believes with 
Mr. Cernuschi and Mr. Laveyleye, that silver 
must be restored as the currencies of England 
and Germany. Beyond this Mr. Horton appears 
to believe in the waiting process. The policy 
adopted by Mr. Chase of making the greenback 
a legal tender is condemned in these pages as 
unnecessary and unwise. That policy was de- 
termined — indeed, forced upon the department — 
by the conduct of bank officers who, disappointed 
that their institutions were not permitted to 
extend their own irresponsible issues, threw out 
the treasury notes, which were not the legal ten- 
der, declining to receive them except at a dis- 
count, if at all. In self-defence the Government 
made their acceptance obligatory. It is idle to 
say that with our enormous expenditure, specie 
payment could have been maintained during 
the war. There was not coin enough in the 
country to maintain one-half of the paper cur- 
rency at par — indeed, the best European obser- 
vers doubt our ability now. It is unprecedented 
in the history of finance that any nation has been 
able to maintain the parity of paper with coin, 
unless the metal be largely in excess of the paper. 
A great deal of passion has been wasted over the 
silver question. It has its bright sides. Let us 
move slowly in these momentous matters. 

Common Schools of the United States. 
By R. C. Stone. Part I— Topical Course 
for Elementary Schools. Part II — Topical 
Course for High Schools. i6mo, pp. 114. A. 
S. Barnes & Co., New York and Chicago. 

The superiority of the American system of 
popular education over that of England or the 
Continent has been universally acknowledged 
since the remarkable displays in the educational 
departments at the Philadelphia and Paris Ex- 
positions. To this superiority the practical in- 
genuity applied to instruction has largely con- 
tributed. This topical course of study, the 
preface informs us, is a compilation from the 
courses of study of our most successful schools, 

and the best thoughts of leading educators. It 
enables the pupil to make use of any and all text 
books bearing on the given topics, and also in- 
cludes all other relevant information within his 
reach. It promotes a symmetrical growth of 
knowledge, which is the first essential of a suc- 
cessful school system. 

BER 4, 1877. 8vo, pp. 52. Bain & Penny- 
packer, printers, Philadelphia. 
This is an account of a Reunion of the de- 
scendants of Heinrick and Eve Pannebocker, 
which was held in picnic style at Pennypacker's 
Mills in the village of Schwenksville, Penn., on 
the 4th October, 1877, the one hundredth anni- 
■"ersary of the battle of Germantown, with which 
ttie village is associated. Six hundred and 
ninety-eight invitations were extended. The 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania was repre- 
sented, and many public men participated in 
the celebration. A sketch of the family was 
read. From it we learn that the first emi- 
grant of the name — Heinrich — was of Dutch 
origin and came to America prior to the year 
1702. He belonged to the sect of Mennonite 
Quakers to whom William Penn offered great 
inducements to make his colony their place of 
refuge. Arrived in Pennsylvania, he made con- 
siderable land purchases, amounting in the aggre- 
gate to three thousand four hundred and sixty- 
two acres. He married about 1 705. In war, the 
record of the family has been striking. Not- 
withstanding their Mennonite spirit, several 
were engaged in the revolutionary army ; and 
they took their part in the War of 1812 and 
that with Mexico. General Galusha Pennypacker 
won his rank at the attack on Fort Fisher, at the 
age of twenty-two, the youngest general officer 
in the U. S. service. 

ERATION. An Anniversary Address delivered 
before the New York Genealogical and Bio- 
graphical Society, April 11, 1S78, by Samuel 
Osgood. 8vo, pp. 17. Printed for the Society. 
New York. 1878. 

We have already called attention to this in- 
structive address. Dr. Osgood recalls the service-^ 
done to literature, science and art by a galaxy of 
illustrious men, of whom Cooper, Irving, Mc- 
Vickar, Anthon, Alexander and 15ethune repre- 
sented New York culture, and Bryant, Bancroft, 
Dewey, Channing and Morse that of New Eng- 
land. In the present sketch, which we are glad 
to see in this separate fonn, is added a warm trib- 
ute to Bryant, who has now passed into history, 
as Homer in Greece, Virgil in Italy, Shakespeare 
in England, as the National Poet of America. 



OF THE History and Manufacture of 
Pottery and Porcelain. By Jennie T. 
Young, with 464 illustrations. 8vo, pp. 487. 
Harper & Brothers, New York. 1878. 
In this volume the author announces her pur- 
pose to bring the results of recent research to 
bear upon some of the unsolved problems of 
"the science of Ceramics," and to condense 
the wide literature on the subject into one 
comprehensive history. Her titles are divided 
into books, reciting I, the nomenclature and 
methods ; II, the Orient, with an early account 
of the art ; III, Europe ; IV, America. This 
last is divided into chapters upon South Amer- 
ica, Central America, the Mound Builders, In- 
dian pottery, and the United States. In the 
Mound Builders and Indian pottery we find an 
excellent digest of the knowledge on the 
subject. In the last chapter on the United 
States is an account of the potters of the 
present day, and an opinion of the brilliant 
future in store for the Ceramic art of America, 
based upon the rapidity of its recent progress 
and its present high excellence. Here will be 
found a description of the rich and inexhaust- 
ible beds of fine kaolin, or clay, in the deposits 
of Pennsylvania, Illinois, Missouri and Indiana, 
of common white-ware clay in New Jersey, of 
abundant felspar in Maine, Connecticut and 
Maryland, and of equally abundant quartz or 
silica in Pennsylvania and Maryland, while we 
are informed that every section of the United 
States, from the Rocky Mountains to the State 
of Maine, has raw material in great variety as 
yet untouched. This promises well for our 
American Factories, while it is remarked that 
English clay is still imported, for want of a 
proper preparation of the native clay. This 
volume also closes with an excellent index, an 
indispensable addition to works of this charac- 
ter. This admirably printed volume, bound 
in the inexpensive and beautiful style of Amer- 
ican art,, with which nothing from foreign pub- 
lishers, either English or Continental, can at all 
compare, comes from the press of the Harpers, 

HOLD Journal. Published at No. 84 East 
Nineteenth street. New York. 
This little paper is devoted to the interests of 
the Society of the Decorative Art, whose exhibi- 
tions are doing great service in the popularizing 
of good taste in matters of household use and 
ornament. Among its contributors we observe 
the well-known names of Mr. William C. Prime, 
Mr. Louis Tiffany, Mr. Russell Sturgis and 
General de Cesnola. We hope it may receive 
the support it deserves. 
Among the recent triumphs of American in- 

dustry we notice, upon exhibition in the pottery 
collection, some ware contributed by Miss Mac- 
Laughlin, of Cincinnati, the glazing upon which 
is said to be of hardness and finish equal to the 
best of Limoges workmanship. If this prove to 
be the fact, a new industry is opening for Amer- 
ican manufacture. 

quarterly journal, devoted to early American 
History, Ethnology and Archaeology. Edited 
by Rev. Stephen D. Peet. Vol. I, No. 2. 
July and August. Published by Brooks, 
ScHiNKEL & Co. Cleveland, Ohio. 1878. 
Mr. Edwin A. Barber opens the second num- 
ber of this periodical with a comparison of the 
Pueblo Pottery with the Egyptian and Grecian 
Ceramics, an article well illustrated with text 
engravings. He invites attention to the close 
resemblance of the forms of vessels made by 
ancient Pueblo races to some of the ancient 
Greek and Egyptian vases ; especially disclaim- 
ing, however, the intention of advancing any 
hypothesis of race origin of the American peo- 
ples. Following this are short articles on the 
traditions of the Deluge among the tribes of the 
Northwest. There seem to be two traditions of a 
general destruction of life by water — one of a 
deluge by a falling rain, the other by a rising tide. 
Mr. Gatschet contributes a sketch of the Kla- 
math language, and the editor an excellent ana- 
lytic account of the location of Indian tribes 
from the pages of historians and travelers. 

ICS and Bulletin of American Numismatic 
and Arch^ological Society. Quarterly. 
October. Vol. XIII, No. 2. Published by 
the Boston Numismatic Society. 1878. 
In this number we find a continuation of the 
list of centennial medals, which is the most im- 
portant part of this number. Another on Ma- 
sonic medals, also a continuation, has a special 
interest to the members of the order. 

devoted to the interests of the Masonic Fra- 
ternity in General and of the Pacific Coast in 
Particular. Vol. I, No. 6. September. J. 
W. Kinsley, publisher. San Francisco, Cali- 

In this special publication may be found an 
account of the movement of the mysttirious or- 
der on the Pacific coast. There is a list of Cali- 
fornia lodges, tvro hnndred and fifty in number. 




Thirteenth year. October. Strahan & Co. 

London, 1878. November, 1878. 

In the October number we find an article 
which well deserves the attention of American 
readers. It is entitled England and America as 
manufacturing competitors, by Mr. James Hen- 
derson, who recently made a personal visit to 
some of the manufacturing districts of North 
America. Mr. Henderson does not believe that 
because the American manufacturer may find 
it to his advantage to ship goods to England at 
the present moment, it naturally follows that we 
are capable of permanent competition in an 
open market with our English rivals. While he 
acknowledges that North America possesses such 
unbounded natural wealth and resources that it 
would be rash to place a limit on her capabilities 
in a remote future, he finds in the evil influence 
of unsound restrictive commercial legislation a 
potent disqualification for successful competition. 

The advantages of the American cotton spin- 
ner over his British competitor he estimates to 
be, first, more convenient access to the raw ma- 
terial ; second, important natural advantages in 
the shape of water ; third, a better educated 
and superior class of working people. Per con- 
tra, the advantages of the English cotton man- 
ufacturer are, first, the lower rates of interest 
upon capital ; second, the lower cost of buildings 
and machinery and mill furnishings ; third, 
lower wages when trade is in a normal condi- 
tion; which is rendered possible by the lower 
cost of living in England ; fotirth, a sounder 
system of taxation ; fifth, lower rates for fuel 
and for light ; sixth, more convenient and ready 
access to the markets of consumers. The bal- 
ance of advantage he considers to be on the side 
of the English manufacturer, and he does not 
look with alarm upon American competition in 
textile fabric. It is consoling to the American, 
however, to know from such a source that all 
of the English advantages can be overcome by 
a change in our legislation, while the superiority 
nature give us is immutable and eternal. 

American Public (new edition), with Af- 
ter-thoughts ON College and School 
Education. By Noah Porter, D.D., LLD., 
President of Yale College. i6mo, pp. 403. 
Charles Scribner's Sons. New York. 
The first large edition of ihis work has 
been for many years' the authority on the subject 
whereof it treats. A second is now submitted 
by the learned author, with the addition of sev- 
eral new papers. Dr. Porter disclaims the idea 
of exhaustive treatment of any of the subjects 
in these essays, but holds them out as suggestions. 

The book was originally written to meet the 
public demand upon the colleges of the United 
States to answer for their trust. This distrust 
of our colleges and of their systems of education 
was a consequence of the assaults upon the 
great schools and universities of England in the 
war against the too great prominence given to 
classics in the lecture room. Of late years the 
reaction has carried us too far. Both history 
and language are derivative, and without the 
Latin we of English descent cannot understand 
the meaning of our vocabulary, and without the 
Greek the purpose of the new words introduced 
by common accord into modern languages to 
keep pace with the requirements of progressive 

The closing chapters are devoted to the Ideal 
American Universityand the Co-education of the 
Sexes. Both are as yet in their tentative stages. 

Ancien Eveciie du Nouveau Monde, Le 
Diocese DE Grcenland, 986-1176. Par E. 
Beauvois. Paris, E. Dufasse. 187S. 
We have read this work with very great in- 
terest, and find it pervaded by a thoroughly 
historic spirit, and by historic methods, from 
beginning to end. The author has made a very 
careful study of the Saga literature, and has a 
perfect command of his subject, which, with 
due respect to the indefatigable editors of 
Granlands Historiske Mindes nicer ker, has never 
before found so able a presentation. M. Beau- 
vois shows as clearly as need be, that from the 
discovery of Greenland, at the end of the tenth 
century, to Post-Columbian times, there was 
never a lack of communication between the two 
countries, and that the Permanent Bishopric, 
founded and represented by Arnold, was prac- 
tically continued to the sixteenth century. This 
memoir is taken from the proceedings of the 
Society of History, Archaeology and Literature 
of Beaune, and demonstrates that French schol- 
arship is thoroughly alive to the importance of a 
critical study of every subject connected with 
early America. 

PERS. Vol. VI, No. 5. November. Edited 
by Rev. J. William Jones, D.D. Richmond 

In this number the notable articles are Gen- 
eral Longstreet's reply to General S. D. Lee's 
claim to have established the artillery in position 
at Manasses on the occasion of the second battle 
there; the reports of Admiral Buchanan and 
Commander J. D. Johnston on the naval fight 
in Mobile Bay. 



Question — The Past and Future Aspect 
OF the Legal-tender Paper-money System 
OF the United States. A History of Banks 
and Banking on both Continents. Also a de- 
scription of National Banks and the gold basis 
system ; the Effect of resumption of Specie 
Payment, and unrobes the inter - convertible 
bond of its mysteries. By William A. 
Berkey. 8vo, pp. 392. Grand Rapids, Mich- 
igan. 1878. 

This is another of the arguments in favor of 
paper money, which we distmctly desire to have 
separated from the word greenback. We know 
of ,no better currency than a greenback issue 
by the United States, made by a reserve 
of coin in the Treasury interchangeable with 
gold and silver ; but no currency is or can 
be money. The drift of the present volume 
may be seen from the statement of the author, 
that the specie basis of Great Britain has cen- 
tralized the wealth of the kingdom, and reduced 
the industrial classes to poverty. On the con- 
trary, he claims that France is freely supplied 
with paper, to take the place of coin when it is 
scarce. The converse is so notoriously true 
that it need only be stated. In England 
the proportion of coin to paper is five of coin 
to two of paper. In France twelve of coin to 
five and one-half of paper. It is the large specie 
basis of France that preserves her from money 
perturbations. It is the small specie basis 
of England which subjects her to them. The 
strength of a financial system is in its base, and 
the only base is coin. 

We believe with Mr. Berkey that the real issue 
for the American people to decide is not between 
specie and paper money, but between the bank 
currency system and the legal-paper money sys- 
tem. But until the paper money of the country, 
whether greenbacks or bank notes, we care not 
which, shall be largely reduced, and coin take its 
place in circulation, any discussion of the ulte- 
rior future of greenbacks or bank paper is un- 
profitable and futile. 

Historic, and Practical Treatise on the 
Subject of Finance, with over sixty Statisti- 
cal Tables illustrative of the history and point- 
ing the arguments embraced in the work. 
Also a Review of Authors. By R. W. Jones. 
i6mo, pp. 374. Bryan, Brand & Co. St. 
Louis. 1878. 

The purpose of the author in this volume is 
to present the statistical facts and monetary his- 
tory, collected in the course of an investigation 

of the subject of money, in a useful and sys- 
tematic form. In his deduction Mr. Jones 
adopts what is currently termed the gi-eenback 
view. He believes the financial distresses of the 
country to have been caused by the contraction 
of the currency since the war, and that the re- 
sumption act continues the evil, and fastens upon 
the country what he terms the destructive policy 
of contraction. In point of fact, however, the 
circulating medium of the country is sufficient 
for all demands upon it, as is evident from the 
fact that gold is not yet floating from hand to 
hand. The withdrawal of fifty millions of pa- 
per, whether of greenbacks or National Bank 
notes, it is immaterial which, would in our opin- 
ion be followed by a flowing into the circulating 
medium of an equal amount of coin to fill the 
vacuum, precisely as the smaller silver pieces 
flowed in to take the place of the retired frac- 
tional paper. This injection of gold into the 
circulating medium can now be continued with- 
out perturbation, and a solid money basis, simi- 
lar to those of France and England, be established 
for credit and business. The resumption act, as 
interpreted by Mr. Secretary Sherman, "will 
keep the promise to our ear aad break it to our 
hope." No greenback redeemed should be re- 
issued. Of course Mr. Sherman cannot thus 
deplete his treasury by the redemption of the 
greenbacks without a corresponding filling up. 
This can only happen by a surplus of revenue, 
which is not probable, or an issue of a funding 
bond, which should be the first business of Con- 

de Geographie dans sa Seance du 21 No- 
vembre, 1877. Sur la 2de Session du Congres 
International des Americanistes. Par Ga- 
briel Gravier, Membre de la Societe. 
Rouen. 1877. 

This Allocution, by M. Gravier, author of the 
work entitled "Decouverte de I'Amerique par 
les Normands au Xh Siecle," recently crowned 
by the Paris Geographical Society, will prove a 
timely publication for those who are unable to 
go through the two volumes devoted to the re- 
cent Congress at Luxembourg. M. Gravier, in 
a clear, comprehensive manner, exhibits the 
work done, and brings forward into prominence 
the most notable acts, at the same time indicat- 
ing something of the programme for the coming 
Brussels Congress, which will take up amongst 
other subjects those of " Verrazano" and "Nor- 
ombega. It is to be hoped that the Congress 
next autumn may be duly represented by able 
and accomplished Americans, and that it may 
be furnished by American authors with copies 
of their recent works, that investigators abroad 
may be fully informed of what is transpiring here. 



Edited by Allen Thorndike Rice. Novem- 
ber-December. No. 265. D. Appleton & 
Co. New York. 1878. 

This is universally admitted to be the most 
brilliant number of this excellent periodical. 
The leading article, from the pen of the accom- 
plished statesman, Horatio Seymour, treats of 
the Government of the United States, and the 
problems that confront it in the near-by future. 
'I'he increase of our population at the rate of 
more than a million and a half last year is the 
first and most startling fact it has to deal with. 
And here Mr. Seymour asks if our systems of 
State or General Government are fitted to meet 
such a change ? In his reply to this question, 
he shows that the safety of our institutions lies 
in the fact that the spirit and genius of our po- 
litical system tend to check the power of major- 
ities; the converse of which is generally believed 
both at home and abroad. Any controversial 
discussion of distribution of power between the 
General and State Governments is carefully 

The American system of government spring- 
ing from the individual is commended in glowing 
words. " Under it our country has attained its 
power, its prosperity and its magnificent propor- 
tions. Look at it upon the map of the world. 
It is as broad as all Europe. Mark its bounda- 
ries ! The greatest chain of fresh-water lakes 
upon the globe bathes its northern limits; the 
Atlantic and Pacific wash its eastern and western 
shores, and its southern borders rest upon the 
great Mediterranean Sea of Mexico. Our policy 
of government meets every local want of this 
vast region ; it gives energy, enterprise and 
freedom to every community, no matter how re- 
mote or small ; and this is done so readily and 
so peaceably that the process resembles the great 
and beneficent operation of nature." Brave and 
timiely words, now that it has become the fashion 
to decry American institutions, and belittle Amer- 
ican character. To the honor of Governor Sey- 
mour be it said, that in the hours of darkness 
and distrust, when men walk about the streets, 
crying woe ! woe ! woe ! he has not despaired 
of the republic. Of such stuff were the men 
who laid the foundation of American freedom, 
and by such, of whatever party, under the bless- 
ing of heaven, it shall be maintained. 

Among other elaborate and excellent papers, 
we call special attention to one by James Parton 
on Antipathy to the Negro, in which he dis- 
cusses the relative feeling of the white to the 
negro and of the negro to the white, existing 
under the systems of slavery and freedom. He 
notes that color repugnance is usually observed 
to be strongest in the meanest. Prejudice is as 
inherent to ignorance as superstition. Better 
knowledge, Mr. Parton beautifully says, makes 

better feeling, and all over the world begins to 
soften the prejudice of ages. Finally he con- 
gratulates the South on ihe possession of the 
negro, through whose assistance alone will the 
grand agriculture thrive, which cannot flourish 
unless there is a class to labor and individuals 
to contrive. 

Hurling the negro into politics Mr. Parton 
holds to be the crudest stroke ever dealt since he- 
was snatched from his native land. The United 
States Government had only the choice between 
protecting the negro by the bayonet or the bal- 
lot box. Both experiments have failed. Nor 
was the success of either possible without an 
entire remodelling of the territorial divisions of 
the subjugated States. 

DENTS AND Work. By Charles F. Thwing. 
Small 8vo., pp. 159. G. P. Putnam's Sons. 
New York. 1878. 

This treatise opens in a most confident and 
hopeful manner, and we are of opinion that the 
author is not astray in his assertion "that the 
most delightful feature of the history of college 
education in America is the constant expansion 
of the curriculum." In the old colony days 
the reading of the classics and an insight into 
theology were the essential results of a college 
education. The best of the institutions was 
little more than a high school. To-day Harvard 
and Yale and the lesser colleges in their wake 
have spread into universities, at which any branch 
of study can be pursued with profit. 

Mr. Thwing's book gives an account of the 
present status of instruction, morals, health and 
scholarship in our several colleges. 


Causes of the Wealth of Nations. By 

Adam Smith, LL.D., F. R. S. i6mo, pp. 

7S0. R. Worthington. New York. 187S. 

We are glad to see that the demand for this 
standard authority, the very text-book of ])oliti- 
cal economy, has called out a new edition, and 
that it is published at a price which brings it 
within easy reach. In a countiy like our own, 
where the vote of the most ignorant individual 
has as much weight as that of the most intelli- 
gent, it is of first consequence to spread among 
the masses sound doctrines; and we undertake to 
say that there isno farmer or manufacturer in this 
country who would not profit by a reading of 
Adam Smith's famous book, the strong common- 
sense lessons of which, put in a style of wonderful 
clearness, carry conviction in their very state- 
ment. We have but to test the thousand fallacies 
concerning the nature of money by his plain 
reasoning to detect the false from the true. 



Witnesses for Two Hundred and Fifty 
Years, 1626-1S76. Including Charlestown, 
Hopkinton, and Richmond, until their sepa- 
rate organization, with the principal points of 
their subsequent history-. By Rev. Frederic 
Denison, a. M. Svo, pp. 314. J. A. cV R. 
A. Reid. 1S7S. 

This well-edited and handsomely primed vol- 
Traxt treats of the towTiships occupying the 
sourhwestem comer of the State of Rhode Isl- 
and. Until its issue the chief authority- upon 
the personal and local history of Rhode Island 
has been the Hon. Willkins Updike's History of 
the Episcopal Church in Narragansett,into which, 
Nvith true antiquarian ver\'e, he inscribed the 
traditions of the serdement. In the preparation 
of the present volume Mr. Denison had the good 
fortune K) fall upon the records of the Presby- 
terian Church. Westerly had her witnesses in 
the historic scene of the revolution. Governor 
Ward went from Westerly to represent Rhode 
Island in the Continental Congress. Doctor 
Joshua Babcock was one of the most eminent 
men of his day ; he was the personal friend of 
Franklin, who always made his home a resting 
place on his omcial tours. There is a separate 
chapter on graves and graveyards. Some ex- 
cellent illustrations add to the interest of the 
volume. Our one regret is that there is no in- 
dex, a great omission in a work of this charac- 
ter, the main value of which is for reference. 

Family, 1650-1S7S. By Teunis G. Bergen. 
Svo, pp. 172. Joel Munsell. Albany. 1S7S. 
This is a well-arranged and printed ac- 
count of a well-known family, descended from 
Leffert Pieterson van Haughwout, who emi- 
grated in 1660 from Holland, and settled in 
Midwout ^Flaibush^, Long Island, upon land 
now occupied by successors in the fifth genera- 
tion, among whom John Lefferts of Flatbush 
and the wife of J. Carson Brevoort. A full-name 
index, simply and admirably arranged, bears 
witness to the judgment and thoroughness of the 

ond. Illustrated by Coats of Arms and Fac- 
similes. By Lawrence Buckley Thomas. 
4to, pp. 54. (With an appendix of fac-similes.) 
Lawrence B. Thomas. Baltimore. 1S78. 
In our April number (II, 255) a notice appeared 
of the first part of this elaborate work. This 
strcond part relates to the same subiect, the 
Thomas family and those connected with it, and 

contains merely such corrections and additions 
as had been received at the date of its publica- 

Natural History of the Birds of the 
United States. Illustrated with plates en- 
graved from drawings from nature. By Alex- 
ander Wilson and Charles Lucian Bona- 
parte. Popular edition. Svo (three volumes 
in one), pp. 214, cxxxii and 390, 426, Porter 
& CoATES. Philadelphia. 
This is, as its tide imports, a popular edition 
of this famous work on American birds. Wilson 
was a Scotchman by binh, who emigrated to this 
country in 1 794, and by the advice of Bartram 
the tourist turned his attention to ornithology, 
in the pursuit of which study he made extensive 
pedestrian tours over the then unsettled country. 
Prevailing upon Bradford, the Philadelphia pub- 
lisher, to undertake the enterprise, he printed 
the first volume of his collections in iSoS. 
Years were spent by him in obtaining subscribers 
to meet the expense of the vast undertaking and 
in the increase of his store of knowledge. He 
published seven volumes, and left behind him 
material for two more, which were edited after 
his death in 1S13, The work was later contin- 
ued with similar enthusiasm by Charles Lucien 
Bonaparte. The enterprising publishers have 
done a good work in placing within pKjpular 
reach this inexpensive and handy volume. 


Aus DEM Pionier-Leben der Deutschen 

IN Amerika. Band 10, Heft 7. September. 

This monthly continues to give the record of 

the early American settlers of German origin, 

and notices of the careers of the most successfid 

and distinguished in the various walks of life. 


By Richard Malcolm Johnston and Will- 

I.VM H.\ND BRO^vxE. Svo, pp. 619. J. B. 

LiPPiNCOTT .Sc Co. Philadelphia. 187S. 

The manuscript of the biography of this emi- 
nent statesman was submitted to his perusal 
and carefully read by him. It therefore carries 
with it the authority of an autobiography. Mr. 
Stephens is not only a man of mark in public 
life, but an attractive character to a large circle 
of friends and acquaintances. He is descended 
from one Alexander Stevens, an English Jaco- 
bite, who fled to this country after the failure of 
the rising of forty-five, and after some service 
in the Braddock campaign, settled at the junc- 
tion of the Juniata and Susquehanna rivers. 



His grandson, the subject of the memoir before 
us, was the son of Andrew B. and Margaret, 
his wife, one of a Pennsylvania branch of a 
North of Ireland family of the name of Grier. 
He was born in 1812 on the banks of Kettle 
Creek in Wilkes county, Georgia, to which spot 
his grandfather had removed. With a limited 
education, obtained at one of the old field- 
schools and at the Locust Grove Academy, a 
Roman Catholic institution, he was sent by a 
friend to the Academy at Washington, Georgia. 
Here he received profound religious impressions, 
and at one time intended to enter the ministry. 
Later he changed his plan, and after a course of 
teaching began his studies for the bar at Craw- 
fordville, a small Georgia town. His first public 
address was a Fourth of July speech, in which 
he distinctly avowed the political principles he has 
since consistently sustained — the sovereignty of 
the States and their right of individual secession. 
In 1836 he was elected to the State Legisla- 
ture, and again elected in 1840, joining, though 
with many misgivings, in the movement which 
overthrew Van Buren, and placed General 
Harrison in the Presidential Chair. In 1841 he 
declined a reelection to the Legislature, and was 
chosen to the State Senate in the fall ; the 
declaration of the principles of the Georgia 
Whigs in 1 842 was from his pen. Ha was at once 
acknowledged as one of the leaders of his party, 
and in 1843, v/hen but thirty-one years of age, 
was chosen representative to the United States 
Congress. In the campaign of i36o he favored 
the election of Mr. Douglas. When Lin- 
coln was elected and secession had begun, he 
was persuaded to go to the convention called to 
take action for Georgia, and cast his vote against 
the withdrawal of Georgia from the Union, de- 
fending the right, but not believing in the expe- 
diency of secession. Still his views carried him 
with his State, and he was elected to the Pro- 
visional Government at Montgomery', and unan- 
imously elected Vice President of the Con- 
federacy. Here we must leave this interesting 
volume. His subsequent career is matter of 
well-known history. His social character is well 
known. He is one of the most companionable 
of men, the most fascinating and agreeable of 
companions. Like Lincoln, he combines in his 
temperament a morbid proneness to meditation, 
with genial and sometimes mirthful moods. 
He has always been an original and independent 
thinker, one of those who diffuses, but rarely 
reflects intellectual light. 


Guest. By Frederic de Peyster, LL.D., 

F. R. H. S. Svo, pp. 36. New York. 1878. 

This is a grateful tribute from Mr. de Peyster. 

the Secretary of the Board of Trustees of the 

Leak and Watts Orphan House, in the city of 

New York, to the memory of its excellent and 
lamented superintendent. 

It comes with a peculiar grace from the pen 
of this gentleman, who is immediately con- 
nected with the family of Robert Watts, the 
legatee and devisee of John George Leake, to 
whose liberality New York is indebted for this 
useful charitable institution. 

Chart from the Creation to the Pres- 
ent Time, including Results of the Latest 
Chronological Research, arranged with Spaces 
for Summary that pupils may prepare and re- 
view their own chart in connection wiih the 
study of any history. By I. P. Whitcomb, 
Principal of Young Ladies' Seminary, Brook- 
lyn, N. Y. A. S. Barnes & Co. New York, 
Chicago and New Orleans. 1878. 
There is no doubt of the practical use in in- 
struction of these tabulated forms. The eye is 
the great medium by which knowledge is ac- 
quired. To the great majority of minds that 
which is heard is soon forgotten, that which is 
committed to memory leaves no certain impres- 
sion even, but that which is seen remains stamped 
upon the retina for a long period. The advan- 
tage of charts prepared in this manner is that 
the student, having the benefit of careful ar- 
rangement of the main facts of history, can sup- 
plement them by the additional facts ascertained 
by his own investigation, and by a well-known 
mnemotechnic law fasten them both upon his 
memory, the one recalling the other. The chart 
before us seems to be well adapted to this pro- 
cess of study. 

A Story of Life, Sport and Adventure in the 
Midland Counties of England and on the 
Frontier of America. By Charles J. Foster. 
Svo, pp. 421. Porter & Coates. Philadel- 

This spirited story opens in the woods of 
Wootton, in which the white horse is introduced 
by apparition. In the next chapter a red horse 
in flesh and blood comes upon the scene, mounted 
by the hero of the tale, Tom Scarlet of Grange. 
It is not long before Mr. Scarlet is safely landed 
in America, and crossing the prairies which skirt 
the Santa Fe trail. Here we find also the white 
horse in the flesh ; both man and beast passing 
through adventures which even in their extrava- 
gance are not impossible on our American 



Charles C. Jones, Jr., on the occasion of 
the Unveiling and Dedication of the Confed- 
erate Monument, erected by the Ladies' Me- 
morial Association of Augusta, in Broad 
street, in the city of Augusta, Georgia. 8vo, 
pp. 9. 

Those accustomed to the quiet and usually dig- 
nified style of the accomplished orator will be 
somewhat surprised to see the somewhat extrav- 
agant and hyperbolic flights of oratorical fancy 
here indulged in. History, poetry and romance 
are all ransacked for examples of heroism equal 
to that displayed by the Confederate soldiery. 

MON preached in Trinity Church, Boston, 
ON Sunday Morning, September 22, 1878. 
By Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D.D., Dean 
of Westminster. Svo. A. WILLIAMS & Co. 
Boston. 1878. 

The visit of this distinguished gentleman, who 
represented not only one of the most famous of 
English Chapters, but one of the most illustrious 
of the noble houses of the Old World, will be 
long remembered by all whose happy fortune it 
was to be brought into personal contact with his 
genial and human character, his strong common 
sense, his rapid and impulsive judgments, and 
his keen, crisp manner of criticism. In the 
closing words of this sermon, the point of which 
is that religion must be the bond between the 
Eastern and Western nations, as Christ was the 
bond between the Eastern and Western races, 
Hebrew and Gentile, the eloquent Dean com- 
mends to each the work of moral regeneration, 
"a work which requires all the reverence, all 
the seriousness, all the repose of the East, all 
the activity, all the freedom, all the progress 
of the West ; all the long past of Europe, all 
the long future of America — a work in which 
neither can do for the other, but a work which 
both can do together." 

We wait with interest for the publication of the 
farewell sermon delivered at Grace Church, New 
York, which was full of apposite and character- 
istic reflections on American character, as it 
had presented itself to him on his visit. 

AND Genealogical Register. October, 
1878. Boston. 

This number contains several valuable pa- 
pers, two of which carry illustrations. One, 
a Memoir of Nathaniel Greene, the well-known 
founder of the Boston Post newspaper ; a second. 

a paper by Frederick Kidder on the discovery 
of North America by John Cabot in 1497, with 
a section of the Mapa mundi of Sebastian Cabot 
and a chart of the route of John Cabot. The 
writer expresses a natural surprise that we have 
not yet had from England a thorough history 
of the Cabots, compiled from materials recently 
brought to light. 

Haak, Oldenburg and Others of the 
Founders of the Royal Society with 
Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, 
1661-1672. With an introduction and notes 
by Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D. Reprinted 
from the proceedings of the Society. Svo, 
pp. 49. Press of John Wilson & Son. 
Boston. 1878. 

This pamphlet contains a number of interest- 
ing letters, obtained by Mr. Winthrop from the 
Royal Society through the intervention of Sir 
Henry Holland. They were addressed by Gov- 
ernor Winthrop of Connecticut to the first Sec- 
retary of the Royal Society, and give a curious 
insight into the amount of knowledge on subjects 
of natural philosophy then current. 

In addition to these, Mr. R. C. Winthrop con- 
tributes from his own ample store of early 
American treasures two letters from Samuel 
Hartlib, the Master Hartlib to whom Milton 
addressed his essay on education, and whom 
Winthrop styled " the Great Intelligencer of Eu- 
rope ; " also letters from Haak and Oldenburg, 
both friends of Milton's also, and likewise from 
Lord Brereton and Sir Robert Moody. They 
all show an eager desire on the part of the wise 
men of England to learn all they could about 
the new country, over which the star of civili- 
zation had paused in its western transit. 

of America for the use of Schools. By 
John R. G. Hassard. With an introduction 
by the Rev. J. L. Spalding, D.D., Bishop of 
Peoria. i2mo, pp. 378. Appendix, 27. The 
Catholic Publication Society Co. New 
York. 1878. 

In the preface the reverend prelate announces 
the purpose of the introduction of this volume 
in the list of text-books of Roman Catholic schools 
to be to see that in the education of American 
youth the teachers do not lose sight of the 
rise, progress and social influence of the church 
in the United States. If the comments of the 
teachers who use the volume are as free from 
sectarian bias as the book itself, we do not see 



that much religious influence will be exerted on 
the scholar. We cr.n perfectly understand that 
the Catholics desire to exclude books which 
carry attacks upon themselves. We are glad 
to bear witness that Mr. Ilassard has not com- 
mitted the error of which they complain. 

OK THE Tropics. With an Appendix, con- 
taining the Seward-Samana Mystery, now 
made public. By Mrs. Wplliam Leslie Caz- 
NEAU. [Satchel series.] 4to, pp. 130. The 
American Publishing Company. 1878. 
The vein of this pleasing little fiction calls 
up to memory the charm of tropical life, with 
its lazy indifference to all that does not touch 
the sense. The famed beauties of Cuba are 
well known to many of us from actual expe- 
rience. Here we are taken in imagination 
through the recesses of the historic peninsula, 
and permitted to breathe the odors of the orange 
groves of Samana. In the appendix the author 
supplies a leaf for the history of the diplomatic 
mystery, which is connected with this Summer 
Eden, a spot which Mr. Seward endeavored to ac- 
quire for the United States. We here learn why 
the Dominican Government declined to carry out 
the proposed bargain and the consequent dismem- 
berment of their republic, and why the agent of 
Mr. Seward was compelled to return with the 
first instalment of the purchase money. 

AND Principal Cause of Fraud, Poverty 
and Ruin. Stringent Usury Laws the 
BEST Defence of the People against Hard 
Times. An answer to Jeremy Bentham. By 
John Whipple, LL.D., of Rhode Island. 
With an introduction by Nahum Capers, 
LL.D. Svo, pp. 62. American News Com- 
pany. New York. 1878. 
The older members of our generation are 
familiar with Whipple's article on usury laws, 
iirst published in 1 836. We do not care to 
touch upon this question. The folly of any 
restriction on the free flow of money is suffi- 
ciently demonstrated by the well-known fact 
that money is cheapest where there are no laws 
restricting its price. Nor can we follow Mr. 
Capers in his introductory argument. He 
tells us that "Money is not property." No 
economic conclusion which depends upon such 
a premise as this comes within reach of ordin- 
ary reasoning. This modern school of finance 
needs an alphabet, a grammar, a dictionary and 
a code of logic of its own. 

Towns, Scenery, and Resources. With 
tables, containing valuable information for per- 
sons desiring to settle within the limits of the 
State. By J. T. Dkrry. With illustrations. 
Svo, pp. 199. J. B. Lippincott. Philadel- 
phia. 1878. 

We have repeatedly called attention to the 
value of these guide-books, and of the importance 
to libraries of having complete collections of them. 
They preserve an amount of local information 
which is extremely difficult to obtain elsewhere. 
This is an excellent guide for travelers also and 
with its pretty illustrations will be a welcome 
companion to those who visit Georgia on busi- 
ness or pleasure. 

In this volume we find the reasons for the 
rapid growth of the Empire State of the South. 
An excellent school system and a liberality to- 
wards Northern settlers have attracted a large and 
enterprising population, which before the war 
gave her power, and is now regenerating her 
politically and morally. 

IX. D. Prepared by his Executors, F. A. 
Jackson and G. B. Keen. Svo, pp. 89. 
Philadelphia. 1878. 

We notice this catalogue, which carefully de- 
scribes no doubt the most important and exten- 
sive collection on the subject in America; one 
only inferior to three or four of those in Europe. 
It is well printed, with bibliographal notes. 

LECTION OF THE United States Natio.nal 
Museum in charge of the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, Washington, D. C. By Charles 
Rau. 4to, pp. 104. Published by the Smith- 
sonian Institution, Washington City. 1S76. 
Professor Rau, whose researches in American 
archaeology are well known to all engaged in 
this branch of investigation, and whose opinions 
carry with them an almost undisputed authority, 
was entrusted in 1876 with the classification of 
the Smithsonian Archaeological and Ethnological 
Collections. While engaged upon this work he 
prepared the elaborate account now presented. 
The objects are classified in their separate di- 
visions of Stone, Copper, Bone Horn, etc.; and 
the text is elaborately illustrated by engrav- 
ings. The Smithsonian Collection is already a 
great store -house of this curious material, and 
is every day increasing its treasures by the con- 
tributions of intelligent investigators in every 
part of the continent. 



The West between Salt Waters ; Hud- 
son Bay a Free Basin like the Gulf of 
Mexico ; Hudson Strait a Free Gate 
like the Strait of Florida ; Manitoba, 
LIKE Louisiana, a Maritime State ; North 
America for Citizens, not for Subjects ; 
THE West and its Ways out to the Coast 
and in from the Ocean. Miscellany. By 
Thomas S. Fernon. 8vo, pp. 89. For sale 
at Brentano's Literary Emporium. New 
York. 1878. 

The comprehensive title sufficiently indicates 
the purpose of the author of this politico-econ- 
omic tract. He looks to the annexation of the 
British American States, and points out the ad- 
vantages which will come from Hudson Bay as a 
distributing basin in summer time. A great deal 
of unnecessary field is traversed in this argument, 
which would have been more clear if its limits 
had been narrowed. 


Unis. Par M.John p. Townsend. 8vo, pp. 

24. A. Chaix & CiE. Paris. 1878. 

This is a memoir read before the International 
Scientific Congress of Provident Institution, 
which met in the Palace of the Trocadero, 
Paris, 4th July, 1878. It was translated from 
the text of Mr. Townsend, well known as the 
Vice President of the Bowery Savings Bank, by 
the Secretary of the Congress (M. de Malarce). 
It conveys in a brilliant and lucid manner the 
present condition of our savings institutions. 
From it we learn that there were 626 sav- 
ings banks in the United States ; in eight 
States, containing nine millions of inhabitants, 
that the deposits reached the sum of $783,264,- 
256 from 2,184,264 individuals, an average of 
358 dollars for each individual. 

A general law of the United States, which 
would require the investment of fifty per cent. 
of the deposits iu United States securities, 
would give security to these institutions, and 
make a proper resting place for so much of the 
Government indebtedness. 

TURE. Monthly. Published by F. W. Rob- 
inson & Co. Philadelphia. 1878. 
This excellent periodical deserves its name as 
a careful record of literature as it appears. In 
the number before us we find also an article of 
considetable interest on the Private Libraries of 
Philadelphia; the subject of the present paper 
concluding the account of the collection of Mr. 
Henry C. Lea. 


Bryant, Born 1794, Died 1878. 4to, pp. 72. 

Evening Post Office. New York. 1878. 

In a cheap and convenient form, this volume 

presents the articles printed in the New York 

Evening Post soon after the death of the great 

poet, who was for so many years the chief editor 

of that paper. It appropriately begins with 

Thanatopsis, his earliest, and closes with The 

Flood of Years, his latest work. It is prefaced 

by a photograph. 


Journal devoted to the interests of the Na- 
tional Guard of the United States. Charles 
A. Coffin, Publisher, 85 and 87 John street, 
New York. 

This monthly is the first publication we have 
noticed that is entirely devoted to the militia of 
the country. As everything that relates to this 
branch of the service, which has played an im- 
portant part in our history from the colonial to 
the present time, is of value, we are glad to see 
a regular publication of this character in a shape 
that can be preserved for reference by students of 
military affairs. To the industry and judgment 
of its enthusastic publisher, Mr. Charles A. 
Coffin, the well-known printer, the public is in- 
debted for the conception of this periodical, 
which we are rejoiced to hear is an established 

SETTS Historical Society. Vol. V. Fifth 
series. Svo, pp. 532. Published by the Society. 
Boston. 1878. 

This volume contains the first section of the 
Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674 to 1729, com- 
prising the part from 1674 to 1800; a period 
of remarkable interest in the history of the 
Commonwealth. An introduction supplies a 
genealogy of the Sewall family and of those 
allied to it. The volume is prefaced by a fine 
engraved portrait of Judge Sewall, from M'hat is 
supposed to be an original picture, and is sup- 
plemented by an exhaustive and well-digested 
index. This publication has been long looked 
forward to with interest as a repository of au- 
thentic information as to the manners and cus- 
toms of the Puritans of New England, a race 
of which he may justly be called the last legiti- 
mate representative. Our readers are familiar 
with the admirable essay upon this diary by Mr. 
Henry Cabot Lodge, a member of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society, prepared from the 
advance sheets of this volume, and printed in our 
number of November, 1877. The publication of 
the diary will be continued by the Society. 




FOR American Commerce. By Charles D. 

Hill. Third edition, revised. i6mo, pp. 64. 

D. Appleton & Co. New York. 1877. 

This is a powerful plea from a gentleman, 
whose voice is well entitled to a national hear- 
ing from his peculiar advantages to speak of the 
subject whereof he treats, in favor of reasonable 
subsidies to foster an American marine. The 
facts and figures presented show in what man- 
ner the United States have lost, and arc still 
rapidly losing, their position as a maritime 
power. By a judicious system of government 
aid, Great Britain has interwoven the world with 
the network of her steam marine, and acquired 
a hold on the markets of the South American 
States which it will take us a long time to weaken. 

DORE JosiAH Tattnall. By Charles C. 
Jones. 8vo, pp. 255. Appendix, pp. 4. 
Morning News Printing House. Savan- 
nah. 1878. 

This memoir of a gallant seaman, whom his 
companions in arms in the lost cause delight to 
honor, was written at the request of his family, 
and bears the weight of authority. The Com- 
modore belonged to a Georgia family, who de- 
scended from an emigrant from England to 
South Carolina in the beginning of the last cen- 
tury. Josiah was born at Bonaventure, the 
family estate, in 1795. His mother was the 
daughter of Edward Fenwick of South Caro- 
lina. He was commissioned midshipman in the 
United States Navy in 1812, served with dis- 
tinction under Decatur against the Algerines; 
in the Mexican war on the coast service, and at 
Canton in the joint attack of the American and 
English forces on the forts in 1859. When 
Georgia left the Union he went out with her, 
and entered the Confederate service. In 1862 
he succeeded Buchanan in command of the Vir- 
ginia, and blew her up to escape capture. After 
the war he resided for some time in Nova 
Scotia, but returned to Savannah, where he died 
in 187T. The personal incidents of his career 
are well narrated in this volume, which will re- 
main an enduring testimony and an historic 
record of events, which grow in interest as time 
rolls by. 

History and Biography. No. 3 of Vol- 
ume II. 

In this number of this excellent Magazine we 
find several interesting articles. The leader by 
Professor Oswald Seidenstickerof the University 
of Pennsylvania gives an account of William 

Penn's travels in Holland and Germany in 1677. 
which throws considerable light on the state of 
religious thought on the European continent. 
Penn paid little attention to nature or art in 
his travels, but neglected no individual who 
could further his schemes of colonization or aid 
the cause of the Friends. He even interviewed 
Peter the Great, the Russian Czar, in behalf of 
the Friends, but wkether his winning manners 
touched the callous heart of the wise but unsen- 
timental prince we do not learn. The military 
operations near Philadelphia in 1777-7S are de- 
scribed in a letter from Tom Paine to Dr. Frank- 
lin. This is followed by a paper on the Stamp 
Act in New York and Virginia, by Charles R. 
Hildeburn, from the Swift papers in his pos- 

A fine steel-plate engraving of Francis Hop- 
kinson, from a painting by himself, prefaces the 
number, as an illustration of a sketch of Hop- 
kinson, one of the centennial collections of bi- 

ICAL AND Antiquarian Society of New- 
bury, Essex County, Mass., September 11, 
1878, commemorative of the Settlement of 
Newbury, A. D. 1635. By George D. 
Wildes, D.D, 8vo, pp. 27. T. Whitaker. 
New York. 1878. 

The reader need not look to this oration for 
any historic reminiscences of the town of New- 
bury. That field, the author tells us, was fully cov- 
ered by its patient and judicious historian, Joshua 
Coffin. The orator discoursed upon subjects of 
general historic interest, from Runnymede to 
Plymouth Rock, and closed with an eloquent 
apostrophe to his tempting theme, "Old New- 

of Detroit. With new Map. i6mo, pp. 67. 
Silas Farmer Sc Co. Detroit, Michigan. 
This prettily illustrated little volume will be 
found a handy and instructive companion by vis- 
itors to the lake city. 

WITH Biographical Sketches. 4to (in num- 
bers). J. C. Buttre. New York. 1879. 
In this gallery our well-known engraver is 
doing a good work by presenting portraits and 
biographical sketches of some of the most prom- 
inent Americans in various walks of life. Tlie 
text is carefully prepared, and the portraits, 
among which we particularly notice as excellent 
those of John Russell Bartlett and the late 
Evert A. Duyckinck, are of general interest. 




Fishery from its Earliest Inception to 

THE Year 1876. By Alexandes Starbuck. 

8vo, pp. 767. Plates, vi. Published by the 

author. Waltham, Mass. 1878. 

In the introduction to this volume we learn 
that its preparation was undertaken at the re- 
quest of Professor Spencer F. Baird, United 
States Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries, 
whose labors in the preservation and propaga- 
tion of this important element of our food and 
commerce have been so signally successful from 
Maine to Oregon. The Report gives an account 
of the celebrated whaling posts of Nantucket, 
Long Island, Cape Cod, Salem, Boston, Rhode 
Island, and Martha's Vineyard, from 1700 to 
1750; of the same, and New Bedford and Will- 
iamsburgh from 1750 to 1 784, a period when 
foreign wars diminished the whaling fleet, but 
give ample employment to the hardy seamen 
who manned it. Little was left of it in 1784, 
and the record from that year to 18 12 is one of 
varying and uncertain life. The peace of 1815, 
which established sailors' rights, gave an instant 
impulse, and in 1820 Nantucket alone had a 
fleet of seventy-two ships, with an aggregate of 
20,449 tons, besides smaller craft. During the 
civil war in 1865 the Shenandoah made havoc 
in the Pacific with the peaceful fleet, pursuing 
her captures into Behring's Straits. But this 
was not without its compensation to the Union 
cause, as thousands of men, driven from their 
employment, enlisted in the United States Navy, 
and at Mobile, New Orleans and on the block- 
ading squadrons applied the lex talionis with 
merciless severity. 

In 1871 the Arctic fleet met with a terrible 
disaster. Thirty-four vessels off Point Belcher 
were crushed in the ice, and at one time there 
were twelve hundred shipwrecked seamen in 
Honolulu. Whaling has since declined, and 
on the 1st January, 1877, the entire fleet was 
reduced to one hundred and twelve vessels. 
The narrative of the rise and fall of this great 
business is full of chapters of thrilling interest. 
A continuous table, covering several hundred 
pages, gives the record of all the vessels engaged 
from 1784 to 1877, a monument of patience, re- 
search and industry. 

OF General William Selby Harney. By 
L. W. Reavis. With an introduction by 
General Cassius M. Clay. Svo, pp. 477. 
Bryan, Brand & Co. St Louis. 1878. 
The life of this well-known soldier includes 
an eventful period of our history. His first 
commission was dated February 13, 1818, and his 

earliest service was in pursuit of the Lafitte 
pirates, who invested the swamps of Louisiana 
at that time. He was prominent in the two 
Seminole or Florida and Black Hawk, all 
Indian wars, and later as Colonel of Dragoons 
in the Mexican war, where he did good service 
during the siege of Vera Cruz. A quarrel with 
General Scott led to his being relieved of his 
command. He was tried by court-martial for 
disobedience of orders on charges preferred by 
General Worth, and was reprimanded by order 
of the court. Marcy, who was then Secretary 
of War, sympathized with Harney, and by order 
of the President rebuked Scott. Restored to 
his command, he again broke orders, but being 
successful in a gallant affair at the Madellin, 
was excused by his commander. At Cerro Gorda 
he distinguished himself by a brilliant charge 
upon the Mexican batteries, which he carried, 
and was promoted Brigadier-General. At Cori- 
treras he was equally dashing, and at the con- 
clusion of peace was ordered to Washington 
with dispatches. Later he served in the Indian 
country and against the Mormons. 

In 1859, wiih characteristic independence, he 
resolved to settle the dispute with regard to the 
English occupation of the Island of San Juan 
on the Oregon coast by the sword, and took 
forcible possession. He was sustained by the 
Government, and maintained his position until 
the arrival of General Scott as an arbiter ; 
the dispute resulting in an ultimate abandon- 
ment of all British claims to the territory in 

When the civil war broke out he was in com- 
mand at St. Louis, but was shortly after removed 
from the command of the Department of the 
West by Mr. Lincoln. Upon this part of his 
career his biographer claims to have vindicated 
the character and conduct, the honor and patri- 
otism of General Harney. Pie was placed upon 
the retired list early in 1861, and General Lyon 
placed in command. 

An interesting chapter is devoted to the Amer- 
ican Indians, with whom, from first to last, Har- 
ney had much to do. 

THE Olden Time in New York. By James 
Kent. i6mo, pp. 304. G. P. Putnams's 
Sons. New York. 1877. 

The scene of this story, the main incidents of 
which are drawn from a family record, and de- 
scribed many years since by a prominent actor in 
the drama of life it portrays, is laid in the Mo- 
hawk Valley. The time the beginning of the 
present century. In one of the chapters will be 
found an interesting and vivid description of the 
famons Thayendanega. 



TORic Study. By C. Edwards Lester. 8vo, 
pp. 104. The American News Company. 
New York. 1878. 

The purpose of this pamphlet appears to be an 
argument in favor of Diaz, and a denunciation 
of Lerdo, whom the author considers the arch 
enemy of the peace of Mexico. A sketch is given 
of the history of the country under Spanish rule. 
A comparison is drawn of its condition in the 
lifteenih and nineteenth centuries, and an 
account of the national movements since 1857. 
The one great need of Mexico is closer commer- 
cial relation with the United Slates, and the 
author recommends the establishment of a Zoll- 
verein for the entire American hemisphere. 
The outward pressure of the products of the 
Western United States will ere long bring about 
a compulsory solution of the problem. 

the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of 
Philadelphia. By Ashbel Woodward, M. 
D., of Franklin, Conn. 4to, pp. 61. J. 
MuNSELL. Albany. 1878. 
This paper, originally read before the Society 
in 1868, is now for the first time given to the 
public. It treats of Indian money from the day 
when the Cacique of Cuba offered to Columbus, 
on his landing from his second voyage to the 
New World, a string of shell-beads as assurance 
of welcome, until the final decline of its use 
among our own Indians. It was in use in New 
York in 1693 as an equivalent for silver in small 
sums, and accepted for ferriage for half a cen- 
tury ; often the only circulating medium among 
the Dutch, and for a quarter of a century a legal 
tender in New England, The last recorded in- 
stance of its use as a ratification of a treaty was 
at Prairie du Chien in 1825. 

Firt volume. Copp's Hill Epitaphs. Pre- 
pared by William H. Whitmore. 8vo, pp. 
116. Joel Munseel. Albany. 1878. 
In the year 1852 Thomas Bridgeman published 
a book entitled Memorials of the Dead in Bos- 
ton, which purported to contain an exact tran- 
script of the inscriptions in Copp's Hill bur)'ing 
ground. The want of exactness and completeness 
in the work gave rise to the present publication, 
which contains two thousand inscriptions, the 
accuracy of which is beyond question, since they 
were prepared by the late Thomas B. Wyman, 
Jr., well known for his thoroughness and pains- 
taking in all labors of this kind. 

Equally faithful copies of the inscriptions in 

other graveyards in old Boston were made by 
Mr. Wyman for Mr. Whitmore, and we sincerely 
trust that the present volume will meet sufficient 
encouragement to warrant their publication. 
The work is well enough printed, and there are 
plates of the various coats of arms on the stones. 
The King's Chapel yard, the first in Boston 
proper, was fenced in 1642 ; the second in date, 
the Copp's Hill yard, which was designated as 
the new for burial by an order of the town 
in 1660. 

UAL OF Typography. Containing practical 
directions for managing all departments of a 
printing office, as well as complete Instruc- 
tions for Apprentices. With several useful 
tables, numerous schemes for imposing forms 
in every variety, hints to authors, etc. By 
Thomas Mackellar. 8vo, pp. 383. Mac- 
kellar. Smiths & Jordan. Philadelphia. 

In a note to this, the eleventh edition of this 
standard authority of American printing offices, 
the publishers announce that its success is with- 
out a parallel in typographical literature; ten 
editions, or about ten thousand copies, having 
been disposed of since the day of publication. 
While an indispensable hand-book to the prac- 
tical printer, it is full of information that any 
one who has anything to do with book-making, 
whether as publisher, editor, writer or proof- 
reader, should thoroughly understand. 

system of Moral Philosophy founded in 
evolution and the continuity of Man's 
existence beyond the grave. By Hudson 
TuTTLE. i6mo, pp. 155. Published by the 
Religio-philosophical Publishing House, 
Chicago. 1878. 

We have here an efTort to base a system of 
morals upon the constitution of man. The au- 
thor scouts the idea that man has ever had any 
higher estate than the present, and needs no 
other redemption than he is certain to obtain by 
his inherent susceptibility of infinite improve- 
ment. In spiritualism and its teachings of the 
future, the author seems to find more authorita- 
tive lessons of morality than are to be derived 
from the experience of the past. We are asked 
to listen to a voice. To us, we frankly admit, 
no voice from beyond the confines of this world 
has ever made itself audible. In the words of 
the poet, the author "hears a voice we cannot 




November-December, 1878. A. S. Barnes 

& Co. New York. 1878. 

This number closes the fifth volume of this 
valuable periodical, which increases in interest. 
Following the example of the Revue des Deux 
Mondesy a new feature is introduced in the be- 
ginning of a serial novel; A Shocking Story, by 
Wilkie Collins. Of interest to historical stu- 
dents, we especially note articles by George W. 
Julian on Pending Ordeals of Democracy ; by 
A. R. Spofford on The Government Library 
at Washington ; by Horace White on the ab- 
sorbing topic; After Specie Resumption — What? 

Mr. Spofford's article is of peculiar value to 
all who concern themselves with the progress of 
our great public libraries. He takes up the his- 
tory of the Government collections at Washing- 
ton at its inception in 1800, with the modest 
appropriation of five thousand dollars from 
Congress, and follows it through its various 
vicissitudes to the present day, when its shelves 
hold 340,000 books, besides 120,000 pamphlets ; 
to which he adds that at its present rate of ac- 
cession, without extraordinary additions, it will 
number half a million within ten years, and one 
million within forty. He closes this sketch with 
an appeal to Congress to provide a suitable build- 
ing for this repository of the nation's learning, 
the completeness of which the copyright laws 
of the United States secure beyond the compe- 
tition of any other public institution. 

ANT, by Robert C. Waterston, at the Meet- 
ing of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
June 13, 1878. With an appendix. 8vo, pp. 
53. John Wilson & Son. Boston. 1878. 
All sections of. the country have united in do- 
ing honor to our national poet. Among the 
tributes to his memory this is particularly inter- 
esting, as coming from one who accompanied 
Mr. Bryant in his visit to the famed castles of 
the Rhine, and had opportunities of watching 
him in his intercourse with that nature of which 
he was so earnest a votary. We are not sur- 
prised to hear that he was familiar with the 
history and character of every shrub. His eye, 
says Mr. Waterston, embraced everything ; the 
stupendous ruin, the winding river, the encir- 
cling mountains, the motions of the birds, their 
varied songs, the clouds sailing through the 
heavens and each floating shadow on the land- 
scape. Nothing escaped him. They stood 
together at the grave of Virgil ; and while in 
Naples, before a small company, the poet was 
baptized, standing with snow white head and 
flowing beard like one of the ancient prophets, 
while through the open window shone smooth as 

glass the bay, over which the apostle sailed when 
he brought Christianity from Alexandria to Italy. 


Historical Society, October 15, 1878. 

8vo, pp. 47. J. & J. M. Poland. Montpe- 

lier. 1878. 

Besides the usual record of the progress of 
the institution in its various branches, this 
pamphlet contains a Memorial Address on the 
Life and Character of the Rev. William H. 
Lord, D.D., read on the occasion by Rev. Mat- 
thew H. Buckham. Mr. Lord was graduated 
at Dartmouth, and pursued his theological stud- 
ies at Andover, soon after which he was called to 
the Congregational church in Montpelier, where 
he remained, admired and beloved, until his 
death, in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and the 
thirtieth of his pastorate, in March, 1877. 


During the present year special attention 
will be given in the Magazine to the geog- 
raphy of the American Continent, as shown 
upon early globes. In the present number 
our readers will find a critical article upon 
the Globe of Ulpius in the possession of the 
New York Historical Society. The next will 
be the "Lenox Globe," an instrument how 
unknown to but few persons, and of which, 
up to the present writing, no public mention 
has been made, though it is probably the oldest 
post-Columbian globe extant. It was found in 
Paris about twenty-five years since by the archi- 
tect Richard M. Hunt, who presented it to Mr. 
Lenox, among whose priceless collections in 
the ' ' Lenox Library " it is now preserved. This 
globe is one of the nine ancient terrestial globes 
.of which we have personal knowledge ; that be- 
ing the number of those antedating the middle 
of the sixteenth century, unless others are 
still lying in seclusion. The '* Lenox Globe" 
is of copper, and about eight inches in diameter, 
the workmanship being excellent. It probably 
belongs to the period of 1510-12. It was pur- 
chased by Mr. Hunt as a curious antique, but 
it is reasonable to suppose that it would not have 
left Paris so easily if its existence hc^d been 
known to the savans of that city. New York 
is fortunate in possessing two — a very fair pro- 
portion — of the most interesting of these ancient 
witnesses to geographical knowledge. Editor. 

^A /. ^ 

<;3i_ <5-<L-C- 


.... ■ ^f- '.-, 

_. ^___^ 










1. ..--U 


/'VoOT o»» ii'uf^roa'inff bji /I. /I Hall after a JUmiaturi 



1 Hirch 


Vol. Ill FEBRUARY 1879 No. 2 


THIS valuable and curious document, now for the first time printed, 
is the property of the State of New York, and is included among 
the treasures of the State Library at Albany. It is one of a num- 
ber of memorial relics of Washington purchased by Act of the Legislature 
passed April 26, 1871, from Mrs. Ella Bassett Washington, the widow of 
Col. Lewis W. Washington, who was the sole surviving son of George 
Custis Washington, who was the son of William Augustine Washington, 
the eldest of the five nephews of Washington. This memorandum was 
uninterruptedly in the possession of the Washington family until its 
purchase by the State of New York. 

Dr. H. A. Homes of the Library gives the following account of its 
origin and purpose in his description of these memorials : 

This paper was prepared by Washington in the winter of 1 791-2, 
after the defeat of Gen. Arthur St. Clair, by the Indians, in the autumn of 
1790, near the Miami, in Ohio, and in anticipation of the necessity of the 
appointment of some one to succeed him in the command of the army. 
It was intended to serve as a memorandum of the various characters 
and claims to the office, of the Generals of the revolution then living, both 
for his personal use and for the deliberations in council with his cabinet. 
As the result of these deliberations, Gen. Anthony Wa3^ne was 
appointed St. Clair's successor in April, 1792, and Otho H. Williams and 
Rufus Putnam, First, and John Brooks and James Wilkinson, Second 
Brigadier Generals. Twenty-three officers are mentioned in the series, 
and Washington gives his opinion of the qualifications of sixteen of them 
for the office in question, viz.: of Generals Lincoln, Steuben, Moultrie, 
Mcintosh, Wayne, Weedon, Hand, Scott, Huntington, Wilkinson, Gist, 
Irvine, Morgan, Putnam, Pinckney and Gov. H. Lee. 

The paper is not signed, but is entirely in the autograph of Wash- 


ington. It bears an early endorsement which will serve for its title. 
The proof has been carefully compared with the original manuscript, 
and minutely follows variations in the spelling and punctuation. 



The following list contain the names of all the General officers now 
living & in this country, as low as actual Brigadiers inclusively. — 
Except those who it is conjectured would not, from age, want of 
health — & other circumstances, come forward by any inducements that 
could be offered to them — & such as ought not to be named for the 
important trust of Commander in Chief. 


Sober, honest, brave and sensible, but infirm, past the vigor of life — & 
reluctantly (if offered to him) would accept the appointment, — 


Sensible, sober & brave, well acquainted with Tactics & with the 
arrangement & discipline of an army. — High in his ideas of Subordina- 
tion — impetuous in his temper — ambitious— and a foreigner. — 


Brave, & it is believed accomodating in his temper — Served the whole 
of last war ; & has been an officer in the preceeding one, at least had 
been engaged in an Expedition against the Cherokees ; having defeated 
them in one or two considerable actions. — What the resources, or 
powers of his mind are — how active he may be, and whether temperate 
or not, are points I cannot speak to with decision, because 1 have had 
little or no opportunities to form an opinion of him. — 


Is old and inactive ; — supposed to be honest and brave. — Not much 
known in the Union, and therefore would not obtain much confidence, 
or command much respect ; — either in the community or the army. 


More active & enterprising than Judicious & cautious. — No ceconomist 
it is feared : — open to flattery — vain — easily imposed upon and liable to 


be drawn into scrapes. Too indulgent (the effect perhaps of some of 
the causes just mentioned) to his Officers and men. — Whether sober — 
or a little addicted to the bottle, I know not. 


Not supposed to be an Officer of much resource, though not deficient of 
a competent share of understanding — rather addicted to ease & pleasure 
— & no enemy it is said to the bottle — never has had his name brot. 
forward on this acct. 


A sensible & judicious man ; — his integrity unimpeached ; — and was 
esteemed a pretty good officer. — But if I recollect rightly, not a very 
active one. — He has never been charged with intemperance to my 
knowledge ; — His name has rarely been mentioned under the present 
difficulty of chusing an officer to comm'd, but this may, in a great 
measure be owing to his being at a distance. — 


Brave & means well; but is an officer of inadequate abilities for 
extensive command ; — &, by report, is addicted to drinking. — 


Sober, sensible and very discreet. — Has never discover'd much enter- 
prise ; yet, no doubt has ever been entertained of his want of spirit, or 


Is, by brevet Senr. to those whose names follow — but the appointment to 
this rank was merely honorary, — and as he was but a short time in 
service, little can be said of his abilities as an Officer. — He is lively, 
sensible, pompous and ambitious, but whether sober or not, is unknown 
to me. 


Little has been said of his qualifications as a General Officer — His 
activity & attention to duty is somewhat doubtful, tho' his spirit, I 
believe, is unimpeached. — 



Is sober, tolerably sensible and prudent. It is said he is an oeconomist; 
and supported his authority whilst he was entrusted with a seperate 
command ; but I have no recollection of any circumstance that marks 
him as a decidedly good, or indifferent officr. 


Has been fortunate, & has met with eclat. — Yet there are different 
opinions with respect to his abilities as an Officer. — He is accused of 
using improper means to obtain certificates from the soldiers — It is said 
he has been (if the case is not so now) intemperate : that he is troubled 
with a palpitation which often lays him up ; and it is not denied that he 
is illiterate. 


Is a sensible man, but not without vanity. No doubt, I believe, is 
entertained of his firmness : — and it is thought he does not want activity, 
— but it is not easy, where there is nothing conspicuous in a character, 
to pronounce decidedly upon a Military man who has always acted 
under the immediate orders of a superior officer, unless he had been seen 
frequently in action. — The discipline, interior oeconomy and police of his 
Corps is the best evidence one can have of his talents in this line, and 
of this, in the case of Genl Williams I can say nothing ; as he was 
appointed a Brigadier after he left the Northern to join the Southern 
army. — But a material objection to him is delicate health (if there has 
been no change in his constitution), — for he has gone to the Sweet Springs 
two or three years sucessively in such bad health as to afford little hope 
of his ever returning from them. 


Possesses a strong mind — and is a discreet man. — No question has ever 
been made (that has come to my knowledge) of his want of firmness. 
In short, there is nothing conspicuous in his character — and he is but 
little known out of his own state, and a narrow circle. 


A Colonel since Septr. i6th, 1776; but appointed a Brigadr. by brevet, 
at the close of the War, only. — In this Gentleman many valuable qualities 
are to be found. — He is of unquestionable bravery — Is a man of strict 
honor, erudition & good sense : and it is said has made Tactics a study — 

Washington's opinion of his general officers 85 

But what his spirit for enterprise is — whether active or indolent ; — or 
fitted for arrangement, I am unable to say — never having had any 
opportunity to form a judgment of his talents as a military character. — 
The capture of Charleston put an end to his military services : but his 
Junr. Rank, and being little known in this part of the Union, are the two 
considerations most opposed to him, — particularly the latter, as it is 
more than probable his being a prisoner prevented his promotion : 
which ought not to be any bar to his ranking as a Brigadier from the 
time that others of his standing as a Colonel, were promoted. 

The above and foregoing closes the list of all the General Officers 
who as has been observed from age — want of health — disinclination, or 
peculiar circumstances, can be brought into view ; from whom to chuse 
an officer to command the Troops of the U. S. 

If from either of the three Major Generals, which have been mentioned ; 
— or from those made so by brevet, the Commander of the Troops should be 
taken, no Junior Officer can decline serving on the score of Rank ; 
although he may desire, and have had expectations of being — first in 
command — himself. 

Under this idea, and upon the principle of distribution, the arrange- 
ment of the Commanding officer, and those next in grade to him, may 
be placed in the following points of view. 

Lincoln .... or Moultrie. 
Under either of these Major Generals might serve as Brigadiers. 

Wayne .... unless by being a Majr. Genl. by brevet & seeking 

the command himself he should recoil at it. 
Morgan . . . j for one of the above reasons would also revolt 

( viz — command or Williams or Darke. 

* Pickens 

* Brooks 

* If Lincoln commands. Brooks cannot be appointed : and if Moul- 
tree commands the same will happn to Pickens. 

If Pennsylvania gives the Commanding Officer and he is of the Rank 
(by brevet) of Majr Generl; the above arrangement is equally applicable 
on the principle of distribution, & as unexceptionable on the score of 
rank. But if, in the first case, Wayne, Morgan and Williams refuse to 


serve, and in the second, the two last do it, unless it be as Commander, — 
then some others Junr. in dates of Commission, or of inferior rank, 
must be resorted to. 

If upon a full view of characters, and circumstances. General Pinck- 
ney should be deemed the most eligable for the command, it would be a 
fruitless attempt, & a waste of time to propose to those officers who 
have been his seniors, to engage again subordinately ; especially if they 
have been his seniors in the line of Colonels: and here I would draw a 
line which I think is a just one — and that is — that his Colonel's, & not 
his Brigad'rs Commission, ought to decide his Rank as a Generl Officer, 
because it would be hard upon him to suffer in it, on acc't of his captivity ; 
when motives of policy and not demerit suspended (as may fairly be 
presumed) his promotion during that period : — but why, when it did 
take place. Rank was not (to a certain antecedent date) restor'd, I am 
unable to conceive. 

If this be fair reasoning (and I really think it is), neither Morgan nor 
Williams would have ground to object against serving under Pinckney : 
but as it is more than probable they will look to what is, rather than to 
what ought to be ; a difficulty would be made on the subject of Rank — 
especially if there is any dereliction in them to the service in any other 
character than that of commanding it — and therefore it would be expe- 
dient perhaps to look for officers of Junr Rank, — & in that case may 
come in as ... . 

WiLKENSON, whose rank is very questionable 
Darke — or Howard 
WiLLET— or Smith 

If Governor Lee should be prefered to the command, then Officers 
of lower grades than any that have been mentioned in the preceeding 
pages must be sought after, as all of those are greatly his seniors — & 
their being, in my opinion but little ground to hope, that either the 
military talents which he has displayed in the course of the War, or his 
present dignified station, would reconcile any of them to act a subordinate 
part, except it be Wilkenson, who, as has been observed before, from hav- 
ing been but a short time in service, & quitting it at an early period of the 


war, would have but little or no cause to complain. — As also Pickins, 
who has never been in the Continental line. — The arrangement w'd 
then be, in this case. — 

GovR. Lee — Commander 

The authorities for the following brief biographical memoranda are 
Drake's Dictionary of American Biography and Gardner's Dictionary 
of the Army of the United States. The memoranda of the officers are 
given in the order of their mention in the document. 

Major Generals. — Benjamin Lincoln, born at Hingham, Massachu- 
setts, 23 January, 1733; died there, 9 May, 18 10. Baron Frederick 
William Augustus Steuben, born at Magdeburg, Prussia, 15 November, 
1730; died at Steubenville, New York, 26 November, 1794. William 
Moultrie, born South Carolina, 1731 ; died at Charleston, South Carolina, 
27 September, 1805. Lachlan Mcintosh, born near Inverness, Scotland, 
17 March, 1725 ; died at Savannah, 20 February, 1806. Anthony Wayne, 
born in Chester County, Pennsylvania, i January, 1745 ; died at Presqu' 
Isle, 15 December, 1796. George Weedon, of Fredericksburg, Virginia; 
date of birth and death unknown. Edward Hand, born at Clyduff^ 
Kings County, Ireland, 31 December, 1744; died at Rockford, Lancas- 
ter County, Pennsylvania, 3 September, 1802. Charles Scott, born in 
Cumberland County, Virginia, 1733; died 22 October, 1820. Ebenezer 
Huntington, born at Norwich, Connecticut, 26 December, 1754 ; died 
there 17 June, 1834. 

Brigadier Generals. — James Wilkinson, born near Benedict, 
Maryland, 1757; died near Mexico City, 28 December, 1825. Mordecai 
Gist, born at Baltimore, Maryland, 1743 ; died at Charleston, South 
Carolina, 2 September, 1792. William Irvine, born at Fermagh, Ireland, 
3 November, 1741 ; died at Philadelphia, 29 July, 1804. Daniel Morgan, 
born at Hunterdon County, New Jersey, 1736; died at Winchester, 
Virginia, 6 July, 1802. Otho Holland Williams, born in Prince George 
County, Maryland, 1749: died 16 July, 1794. Rufus Putnam, born at 
Sutton, Massachusetts, 9 April, 1738; died at Marietta, Ohio, 4 May, 
1824. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, born at Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, 25 February, 1746; died there, 16 August, 1825. 

88 Washington's opinion of his general officers 

Colonels. — William Darke, born in Philadelphia County, Pennsyl- 
vania, 1736; died in Jefferson County, Virginia, 26 November, 1801. 
Andrew Pickens, born at Paxton, Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 13 Sep- 
tember, 1739; died in Pendleton District, South Carolina, 1817. John 
Brooks, born at JNledford, Massachusetts, 1752; died 1825. John Eager 
Howard, born in Baltimore County, Maryland, 4 June, 1752 ; died there, 
12 October, 1827. Marinus Willett, born at Jamaica, Long Island, 31 
July, 1740; died in New York City, 22 August, 1830. William Stephens 
Smith, born. New York, 1755; died at Lebanon, New York, 10 June, 

The Governor Lee referred to was Henry Lee, Governor of Virginia, 
1 791- 1 794, born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, 29 January, 1756; 
died at Cumberland Island, Georgia, 25 March, 1818. 


After the brilliant affairs of Trenton and Princeton, in the last days 
of 1776 and the first week of 1777, Washington established his head- 
quarters at Morristown, where he remained in an attitude of quiet expec- 
tation, watching the movements of General Howe. In June, after a feint 
which caused Washington to summon the Continental troops at Peekskill 
to join him in New Jersey, Howe suddenly changed ground, and on the 
28th fell back from the firm position he had taken, between Brunswick 
on the Raritan and Somerset Court House on the Millstone river, to 

The withdrawal on the 30th of June of Howe with his army to 
Staten Island, wholly evacuating the Jerseys, satisfied Washington that 
a junction with Burgoyne, then beginning his operations against 
Ticonderoga, was the real purpose of Howe, and caused an instant 
change in his plans. The camp, which had been moved from Morris- 
town to Middlebrook on the 28th May, was removed to its old 
quarters on the 4th July. Here Washington again waited to see 
whether Howe would attack the New York defences at the Highlands 
or move against Philadelphia by water. 

On the morning of the nth July Washington, by the advice of his 
officers, moved his army towards the North River, whence he could 
operate to oppose either movement. On the 12th he was at Pompton 
Plains, where he established his Headquarters on the 13th and 
was detained two days '' by the badness of the weather," as he himself 
notes in a letter of that date. On the 15th he was at the Clove, a narrow 
passage leading through the Highlands, about eighteen miles west of 
the Hudson, in which the army was constantly in motion, as the skillful 
commander led his forces behind the curtain of the New Jersey Hills 
from King's Ferry to Morristown, and from Morristown to King's Ferry, 
,to meet the enemy advancing on Philadelphia or threatening the 
defences of the North River. 

Pompton Plains, from which Washington wrote the letter already 
quoted, is described as lying between the Pompton Mountains and the 
Preakness Hills, and is nearly twenty miles in circumference, with a 
variable breadth seldom exceeding four miles. The Pequannock, Ring- 
wood and Ramapo rivers uniting at the head of the plains form the 
Pompton River, which flows along its eastern side to the Passaic, about 


eight miles. The southern and much of the western side of the plains 
are marshy, and embrace about fifteen hundred acres of peat ground. 
The village of Pompton is at the head of the plain, and distant about 
eighteen miles from Morristown, which was the principal base of the 
army operations in the Jerseys. The abundance of water and fuel and 
the shelter afforded by the hills made this a favorite camping ground. 
It is to-day one of the most charming spots in New Jersey. 

The New Jersey Brigade went into winter quarters at Pompton the 
30th November, 1780. The New York Brigade, under the command of 
Brigadier-General Philip Van Cortlandt, passed the winter of 178 1-2 in 
huts at Pompton. It was here that the eccentric divine, Doctor Gano, 
exhorted the men to enlist for the war, telling them that the Lord and 
Saviour had no nine or six-months men in his service. In the spring 
General Van Cortlandt moved his men ** to the fiat field, and there exer- 
cised and manoeuvered to great advantage in the presence of Baron 
Steuben, who was delighted with their performances during his visit of 
a few days." While still in the huts the General had a visit from 
Washington with his lady, who remained " in his humble station from 
Saturday evening until Monday morning." 

Whether the house, a view of which accompanies this sketch, is that 
which was occupied by the Commander-in-Chief on his march in June, 
1777, is not certain. There is, however, a tradition that at some time 
during the war his headquarters were here. It stands at the bend of a 
cross road leading from the Ryerson Furnace to the Passaic County 
Hotel, a tavern kept by the Posts and Thompsons since the beginning 
of the century; on the opposite side of the main road is the old 
Ryerson house ; at the other side of the cross road runs the little stream 
of Wynockie. The house belonged to Captain Arent Schuyler in the 
revolutionary days. Judge M. J. Ryerson occupied it from 1783 to 
181 5, and his descendants until 1870, when it was sold to Miss Harriet 
Mills, who now owns it. It is said that the beams still show the prints 
made by the bayonet points of the soldiers who were quartered there. 

The building is of frame, painted yellow, and overrun with bushes and 
shrubs in picturesque wildness. Remains of the army occupation are 
constantly found in this neighborhood ; during the past summer, 1878, a 
silver spur was dug up in the garden of the house, which probably 
belonged to one of the French officers who passed through the valley 
in 1 78 1, with the allied forces of Washington and Rochambeau, on 
the campaign which closed with the surrender of Cornwallis. 




From the oHginal in the Library of the State of New York 




Months Days 






T-^^y ""^owt" 
















5. 4.10 
II. 3. 
9.12. 4 

8.12. 9 

10. 9. 8 
9. 2. 10 

8. 12.10 

9. 11. 11 

7.13. 2 
II. 12. 3 

11 . 1 . 
10.12. 8 
10.18. 6 

I . 
2. 7 

7- 7 

2. 9 



• 4 




I. 15.0 
I .12.0 

I . 6.0 

II .0 

1 . 0.0 

I. 12. 8 


0. 5 . 10 
I . 10. 


1 . 12. 

I . 10. 

I. 18. 
2 19. 

1 . 15. 
I . II . 

0. I .0 



I .0 





I. 13.0 
II .0 
11 . 

Amt. 14 Weeks 
Board was . . . 

132. 2. 9 





3- 7-0 

5- 2. 


19. 13 . 10 

5- I- 

132. 2. 9 

22. 9 



3. y.o's. 2. 1 


19. 13. 1015. I. 





BREAD &c. 











May. . . . 
June . . . 














I. 0.6 

I. II. 6 
1. 15.0 

I. 3.6 
1. 16.8 

I. 15.0 
I. 15.6 

1. 7.0 

2. 4.0 
I. 8.0 
I. 2.9 

IS- 6 

II. 10 

12. 6 

13. 9 

18. 6 

14. 9 

13. 3 
16. 6 


15. 6 


















I. 2.0 



I. 5.0 




1. 7- 5 
1. 19. 

1. 18. 9 

2. 3. 

2. 5- 8 
2. 6. 6 
1. 15. 10 

1. 19. 2 

3- 7- 5 
2. 2. 

2.18. 2 

1. 19. 

2.13. IC 


8. 6 



I. r 

2. 0.6 
1. 19. 

2. 5-0 

2. 9-3 
2. 6.0 
2. 6.0 















. . . 

. . . . 

21. 18.4 


6. Z.6 

7. 2.6 


7. 2.6 

29.10. 9 

2. 2. 
4. 7.1' 



21. 18.4 


6. 8.6 

7. 2.6 


\l. 2 6 

29.10. 9 

6. 9.11 


3- 3-6 




BREAD &c. 










I. Corn 




June . . . 















I. 0.0 


1. 17. 9 

3. 6.11 
2.19. 3 
4.19. 7 

4.17. 6 
6. 0. 3 

4. I- 3 
5- 2. 9 

3.18. 6 
5.18. 6 
4. 5. 6 
3. I. 6 

2. 0.0 

3. 8.0 

3. 1.6 
2. 3.0 
2. 8.0 

4. 6.0 
1. 17.6 


2. 0. 
2.12. 6 
I. 4. 

3- 6 
I. 4. 
I. 6. 

1. 12. 

I 6 

' V.6 



2. 0.0 
4. 7.6 




3. 4.9 
I. 4.0 


I. 2.0 

3- 3-0 

I. 2.0 

3. 4.0 

4. 3-0 
1. 19.0 
1. 18.6 





1. 13.0 


3. 9- 
2. 3-6 

58. 5. 3 

41. 6. 
3. 6.1 


14. 4 

4. O.IO 

1. 1.6 

3. 4.6 

32. 7 3 

40. 2. 



58. 5. 3 

44.12. 1 


18. 4.10 

1. 1.6 

3. II. 6 

35. 2.3142.12. 
































I . 2.0 





9 I i.o 






1. o.c 

2. 0.0 

I. 0.0 


I. 9.6 
1. 13.6 



12. 0.0 


I. 8.0 


7. 6.6 
1. 13.0 


21. II. 




5- 1-3 

1. 15.6 



21. II. 


2.5. 1.-.. 











Brandy Cordials 




Hyson ] Bohea 

May. . . . 
June. . . 















4. 4.6 

4. 16.0 

I . 16.0 
2. 10. 

4. 0.0 
2. 15 .0 
2. 5.0 
10. 4.0 
I . 10,0 



12 .0.( 

D 6.6.0 



34. 0.62 
0.14.0 2 








2.16.0 12.0. ( 

D 6.6.0 


I6.8.0J34. 14.6 4 
















Dble 1 Single 
Refined Refined 

Lump Brown 




May. . 

















3- 9-9' 

2.: 6.61 



5. 2.8 

2. 6.6 

10. 7.0 2. d. 


2. 4. 

4.13- 9 



I. 0.0 



5- 3-4 


3. 3-8 



4.15. 10 

7. 0.0 



1. 19. 62. 3. 2 

9. 9. 7 




8.0.0 5.10.2 
3.0.0 16. 16.6 

17. 6. 



29. 9.66.11. 2 
1. 16. 8 

15. 4. 6 



8.17. II 

ii.o. I20. 6.8 



29. 9.68. 7.10 



















May. . . . 
June . . . 
















I. 7.0 


II. 6 


II. 6 

I. 1.9 

* * Vi*. 6 



2. 5.1 



I. 13.0 








2 . 

2. 2.0 

1. 17. 6 

1 . 2.0 



3. I. 10 



1. 16.0 

I. 4.0 




8. II. 6 

5.10.0 13. 4.3I-3-9 

8. 13. 1 

3. I. 10 



II. 6. 6.10.0 

8. II. 6 

5. 10.0113. 4.3ii-3.9 

8. 13. 1 

3. I. 10 



II. 6.C 

































I .^ 

) -O 


II . 10 

14. 6 

3. 3.* 6 

15. 3 

1. 5- 6 

2. 9. 

1 . 5- 10 


7. 6 

I. 3. 6 


2. 6 


21. 15. 6 

42. 9.9 

58. 9.1 

75- 9.0 
62.11 .6 

S3. II. 3 
6r. 7.6 
95. 1.2 
51. 8.7 

1. 13. 6 


1.6.3 14. 5-II 

4.10.4 . 

! I 


825. 4.1 
188. II. 5 



1.6.3 1 14. 5. II 

4.10.4 1 


1013. 15.6 


1013.15. 6 

Cash advanced Mr. Frauncis between the 24th of April — the day on 
which the President arrived in New York and the 17th of May the 
day on which the above accounts commenced and which com- 
pleats the third of a year 67 2.1 r 

Horses — at livery from the 24th of April until May 27th ;£'4o, and 
from May 27th until Aug. 24th, completing 4 months — ;^85.9.3 
together 125. 9. 3 

Sundry Expences which have accrued for repairing carriages — making 
and repairing saddles — covers for horses — Netts &c, ;£"95.i4.3, but 
not more than i of this can be properly ch'g'd to the 24th of Aug. 
as these expences may not occur again in a year 47' 1 7- 

Wages to Servants viz — 5 men @ 7 Dollars per month — 4 months ;^56. 
Mr. Frances @ 25 Dollars per ditto, 4 months ;^4o. Mrs. Reed 
@ 8 Dollars, and 3 other Women @ 5 Dollars each per month — 4 
months ^£"36. 16. Valet de Chambre @ 35 Guineas per ann., | of 
which ^21.13.2 154.11. 9 

Liverys for 5 white servants @ ^^11.12.0 each amounts to ;^58, one 
third of which is ^^19. 6. 8. Annual cloaths of 5 bla. Servts. viz. 
Will, Austin, Giles, Paris and Christopher @ ;£"i8.8 each per ann. 
;^92, J of which is ^,^30.13.4. Two black maids @ ^;^6.i6 per 
ann., ^ is ^12.5.3. Boots, 4 pair, 24 Dollars, J ;^3.4.o 65.19. 3 

Salaries of Secretary, assistant and three aids per ann. ;^8oo, one third 

of which comes to ;^266.i3.4 266.13. 4 

4 months 1741. 9. 


A year 4925. 7. 

Note. — In the descriptive notes upon first term of office as President. Wash- 

the Memorial Relics of Washington in ington, in his first inaugural address, 

the New York State Library, prepared expressed his unwillingness to receive 

by Dr. H. A. Homes, the custodian of any money from the public treasury 

the institution, an account is given of beyond his actual expenses, and in pur- 

the above document. suance of this principle had his accounts 

This MS., on one sheet, forty-two carefully kept by his steward, and here 

inches long by eight inches wide, in the reduces them in a table in a manner to 

handwriting of Washington, is a view show how much had been spent for 

of his household expenses in New York each item during this period, so as 

for three months, from May 24 to Aug. to be able to calculate his probable 

24, 1789, at the commencement of his expenses for a year. 




Preliminary Note. — The family 
register of the German-Dutch branch of 
the Washington family, now for the first 
time printed, was communicated to the 
New York Historical Society by the 
Honorable Frederick Kapp, long a resi- 
dent of New York, where he was a dis- 
tinguished member of the Bar, and held 
important public offices. He is now 
returned to Berlin, whence he was exiled 
for his participation in the revolutionary 
movement of 1848. 

Mr. Kapp accompanied the gift with 
the following account of the manner in 
which he became interested in it : 

"When on a visit to Germany in the 
summer of 1862, I met at the office of 
William W. Murphy, our Consul at 
Frankfort-on-the-Main, a young gen- 
tleman who was desirous of coming to the 
United States, and entering her volun- 
teer army. He called at that office in or- 
der to obtain information about the con- 
ditions of his joining our forces, and of 
obtaining a commission therein as offi- 
cer. He had been, if my memory serves 
me right, a lieutenant in the Bavarian 
army, and showed by his accent and 
manner that he was a Southern German. 
For some cause or other he finally gave 
up his intention. At the above interview 
he mentioned, as an inducement for his 
acceptance, that he was a namesake and 
distant relative of the greatest American. 
When asked his name, the young man, 
not quite twenty years of age, called 
himself Baron de Washington, and to 
prove his claims to that name produced 
a pedigree, written partly in Dutch and 

partly in German, of that branch of the 
Washington family to which he belonged. 
This pedigree was given to me by Mr. 
Murphy at my request, for the purpose 
of presenting it to our Society, as one of 
the oldest and most efficient institutions 
of its kind. I did not lay it before you 
sooner, on account of the great crisis 
which the country has undergone since 
my return. At a time when the fate of 
a great nation rests on the point of the 
sword, the mind of the patriot is not dis- 
posed to move in historical by-ways, and 
pick up trifles ; but now after a glorious 
and honorable peace has been secured, 
it does not appear to me improper to en- 
joy even the smallest relics, unimportant 
in themselves, which however become of 
some consequence by their connection 
with the name of a great and good man. 
The pedigree of the Dutch - German 
branch of the family goes back to the 
middle of the seventeenth century to 
James Washington, brother of General 
Washington's great-grandfather, John. 
James as early as the year 1650 went to 
Holland, while John, with his brother 
Andrew, emigrated in 1656 to Virginia. 
James Washington settled in Rotterdam, 
where he married Clara van der Lanen, 
daughter of the burgomaster of that 
port. He had five children, the oldest 
and youngest of whom were males. The 
oldest (Samuel) died unmarried, while 
Jacob, the youngest, had a son of the 
same name born in 1689, and who in 
1724 intermarried with Maria Wynantz, 
from whom the continental Washington 
descended. It will be tedious to enu- 
merate the descendants of Jacob. The 
particulars will form the pedigree itself, 
prepared, as you will perceive, from the 




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family register. I will make in relation 
to it but a few general remarks. 

While it may be taken as a general 
rule that families, after having flourished 
for three generations, subsequently de- 
cline, an exception appears in favor of 
the European branch of the Washington 
family ; for it improved with every suc- 
ceeding generation. Thus, Jacob was 
a justice of the peace at Rotterdam, his 
three sons became civil and military offi- 
cers in the service of the Government 
of the Netherlands, and one of his 
grandsons, also called Jacob, born in 
1778, and who died in 1848, was made 
a lieutenant-general in the Bavarian 
army, and having been created a baron, 
married a titled lady of Bavaria. The 
youngest of his sons, born in 1833, is 
the young man from whom this informa- 
tion is derived. His brother Max mar- 
ried the Duchess of Oldenbourg, and in 
this way became connected with one of 
the oldest sovereign families of Europe. 
The House of Oldenbourg, as you are 
aware, is the main branch of the Hol- 
stein-Gottorp stock, and has given em- 
perors to Russia and kings to Denmark, 
and is now connected with the English 
throne by the Princess Alexandra, lately 
married to the Prince of Wales. Al- 
though the Dutch branch is not so highly 
connected, it nevertheless occupies a 
prominent position in its country. Ja- 
cob Washington, another great-grandson 
of the first Jacob, died in 1845 at Sura- 
baya while a first lieutenant in the Dutch 
navy; and his sister Johanna Cornelia 
married Cornelius L. Keurenaar, a 
wealthy banker at the Hague, both of 
whom are still living, and hold possess- 
ion of the family register, and to them 

we are referred for further information. 
In conclusion permit me to direct your 
attention to the fact that the Dutch 
Washingtons, as late as the middle of 
the last century, were consistent mem- 
bers of the English Church at Holland, 
but that the German branch, in conse- 
quence probably of the marriage of 
Jacob to a Bavarian lady of the Catholic 
faith, adhered to that church." 


James Washington, having in the 
middle of the seventeenth century left 
England, which was then agitated by 
civil wars, settled in Rotterdam. His 
brother departed for the English Col- 
onies in America, settled there as planter, 
and was the grandfather of the founder 
of the American Union, George Wash- 

James Washington married in the year 
1650 at Rotterdam Clara van der Lanen, 
daughter of the Burgomaster at that 

From this marriage were born : 

Samuel — died single. 

Elisabeth — died single. 

Maria — was married at Rotterdam to 

P. Konigh. 
1687 — Dec. is Johanna married to 
Robert Millingh, minister of the 
English Church at Leyden, and sub- 
sequently at the Hague. 
1689 — Dec. is born at Rotterdam Jaco- 
bus Washington. 
171 1 — July 13. the said Jacobus was 
promoted and appointed advocate, and 
further justice of the peace in the City 
of Rotterdam. 



17 12 — July 13. Died at the Hague, Jo- 
Johanna Washington, wife of Robert 

1724 — Oct. 24. Jacobus Washington mar- 
ried Catha. Maria Wynantz. 

1725 — ^iig' 25. A son born, named Ja- 
cobus, baptised in the English Church 
at Rotterdam. 

1728 — JVov. 20. A son named Jan. 

1730 — Aug. 26. A son named Daniel. 

1737 — Sept. 19. A son named Robert. 

1738 — June I. Died the said Robert. 

1749 — May. Jan appointed as clerk in 
ordinary in the office of the High 
Mighty (the States General). 

1749 — Oct. Jacobus, Cornet in the 
military service of the Country, mar- 
ried Catharina de Blanche at Campen. 

1750 — Aug. I. Is born a daughter Cath- 
arina Maria. 

1752 — jDec. 21. Is born a son, Jan. 

1755 — Dec. 21. Is born a daughter, 
Suzanna Cordelia. 

1756 — J^une 30. Is born a son, Pieter 

1756 — Dec. 12. Jan, clerk in ordinary, 
married Maria Petronella Steal, at 

1757 — J'an. Died, the said Suzanna 

1757 — /an. 24. Died, Jacobus Wash- 
ington, fully 68 years old. 

1758 — jF'e^, II. Died, Mrs. Catharina 
Maria Wynantz at the Hague. 

1758 — /u/te 25. Died, Mrs. Maria Pe- 
tronella Steal at the Hague. 

1758 — /u/y I. Died, Pieter Antonie 
Washington at Filburg. 

1760 — IVoz', 16. Jan Washington re- 
married with Elisabeth Wagener at 

1762 — Dec. 25. Died, Jacobus Wash- 
ington, under Lieutenant in the serv- 
ice of the country, at Leerdam, fully 
37 years of age. 

1762 — Dec. 28. A son born to Jan 
Washington and Elisabeth Wagener, 
Jacobus; baptized in the English 

1763 — Dec. 7. Died, Mrs. Elisabeth 
Wagener at the Hague. 

1764 — Oct. 28. Daniel Washington mar- 
ried Maria Elisabeth Ter at the 

1765 — March \']. Jan Washington con- 
tracted marriage, for the third time, 
with Levina Johanna Styger at Am- 

1767 — Nov. 24. Born, a son to Jan 
Washington and Levina Johanna Sty- 
ger at the Hague, Johannes; baptised 
in the English Church. 

1768 — Aug. 21. Married Miss Catharina 
Maria Washington with Johs. Albs. 
Schlosser, Med. -Doctor, Amsterdam. 

1769 — March 2. Died, the same, and 
on the 20th following also her husband. 

1769 — March 3. A son born to Jan 
Washington and Levina Johanna Sty- 
ger, named Daniel, baptised in the 
English Church, who died on the 15th 
of the second month of 1770. 

1770 — July 21. Adaughter born to Jan 
Washington and Levina Johanna Sty- 
ger, Suzanna Cornelia, baptised in the 
English Church. 

1772 — Aug. 25. Again born to them a 
son, also called Daniel, baptised in 
the English Church in the Hague. 

1775 — June 10. Again born to them a 
daughter, Elisabeth Cornelia, baptised 
in the English Church at the Hague. 



1775 — JVov. 28. Died, Mrs. Maria 
Elisabeth Fer, wife of Mr. Daniel 
Washington, Military Solicitor at the 
Hague, without leaving issue. 

1777 — J^ed. 2. Daniel Washington re- 
married with Elisabeth Cornelia Hoog- 
stad at the Hague. 

1778 — /an. 26. Born to them a son, 
Jacobus, baptised in the great church 
at the Hague. 

1781 — July 2"]. Born to them a second 
son, Daniel, baptised in the great 
church of St. Jacob at the Hague. 

1781 — Sept. 28. Jacobus Washington ap- 
pointed as clerk in ordinary of the office 
of the High Mighty (States-General). 

1782 — Oct, 15. Jan Washington ap- 
pointed a Receiver of Fines and Ex- 
cise duties, etc, 

1785 — Feb. 10. Jan Washington, Junr., 
placed at the office with his father. 

1786 — Oct. 10. Died, Daniel Washing- 
ton, advocate and military solicitor at 
the Hague, fully 57 years old. 

1786 — Oct. 10. Jan Washington, son of 
Jacobus, became proprietory Captain 
of a Company of Infantry in the 
Regiment Poeltardy. 

1788 — April 2^. The said Jan married Ja. 
Cu. van Bommel at Bergen op Zoom. 

1789 — Sept. 25. Died at Noordwyk and 
buried there, Mrs. Elizabeth Cornelia 
Hoogstad, widow of the said Daniel 
Washington, leaving two sons under 
age. Jacobus and Daniel. 

1 789 — Nov. 9. Died here, Miss Suzanna 
Cornelia Washington, aged 19 and 
about 4 months; buried in the great 
church, in the grave of Mrs. E. C. 
van Hoogstad ; she was on the point 
of being married to Pieter van den 
Swet, merchant at Amsterdam. 

1 790 — Noz'. 9. A son born to Jan Wash- 
ington, son of Jan, and J. C. van Bom- 
mel, named Jacobus Gerrit Hille- 

1791 — y?^«^ 12. Jan Washington, Junr, 
married Anna de Lange at Zaandam. 

*793 — March 13. Died here at the 
Hague, Elizabeth Cornelia Washing- 
ington, aged 17 years, 9 months, and 
buried by her sister. 

1797 — •^^^- 12. Died at the Hague, Mrs. 
Anna de Lange, wife of Jan Washing- 
ton, son of Jan, without issue. 

1800 — Sept. 27. Died at the Hague, Jan 
Washington, about 72 years. 

1 80 1 — May 7. Died at the farm Nieu- 
wenhowen, near Halsteren, Jan Wash- 
ington, son of Jacob, at the age of 
nearly 49 years. 

1802 — May 20. Remarried, Jan Wash- 
ington, son of Jan, with Maria Kruel 
at the Hague. 

1802 — Oct. 17. Married. Daniel Wash- 
ington, son of Jan, Johanna Cornelia 
van de Polder, at the Hague. 

1803 — May 23. Born to them a daughter, 
Levina Johanna, baptised in the Con- 
vent Church. 

1804 — March 24. Born, a son to Jan 
Washington and Maria Kruel, bap- 
tised in the Convent Church, named 

1805 — March 2. Born, a second daught- 
er to Daniel Washington and J. C. van 
de Polder, Cornelia Margaretha Jo- 

1805 — April 26. Died, the child of Jan 
Washington and Maria Kruel, fully 13 
months old. 

1806 — March 14. Born to them, a sec- 
ond son, baptised in the Convent 
Church, named Jan. 



1806 — March 22 — Died at Rotterdam, 
Mrs. Levina Johanna Styger, widow 
of the late Jan Washington, at the age 
of nearly 70 years. 

1806 — Nov. 5. Born to Daniel Wash- 
ington and Ja. C. van de Polder, a 
son, baptised in the Convent Church, 
and named Jacob. 

1807 — Sept. 25. Died at Bergen op 
Zoom, Mrs. Johanna Catharina van 
Bommel, widow of the late Capt. Jan 
Washington, son of Jacob. 

1808 — SepL 4. Daniel Washington, son 
of Daniel, married Caroline Julie 
Dorothea Marcard te Stade. 

1809 — April T^o. Married, Jacobus Wash- 
ington, son of Jan, Johanna Sprong te 

1809 — May 10. Born to Daniel Wash- 
ington and Joh. Corn, van de Polder, 
a third daughter, baptised in the church 
at Amsterdam, and named Johanna 

1810 — Jan. 22. Born to Jan Washington 
and Maria Kruel at the Hague, a 
daughter, baptised in the Convent 
Church, and named Levina Petronelle 

1 8 10 — Sept. 18. Born to Daniel Wash- 
ington, son of Jan, and J. Corn, van 
de Polder (a daughter), baptised at 
Amsterdam, and named Suzanna Jo- 
hanna Cornelia. 

181 1 — Oct. 10. Died, the little daughter 
of Daniel Washington and J. C. van 
de Polder, named Johanna Maria, 
born 10 May, 1809. 

181 1 — Oct. 30. Born to Jan Washington 
and M. Kruel at the Hague, a second 
daughter, baptised in the Convent 
Church, a»d named Johanna Cornelia. 

181 1 — Nov. 23. Mrs. J. C. van de Polder, 
wife of Daniel AVashington, was con- 
fined with a dead son. 

181 1 — Dec. 9. Died, the little daughter 
of Daniel Washington and J. C. van 
de Polder, named Cornelia Marga- 
retha Johanna, born 2d March, 1805. 

1812 — Feb. 17. Died, the little daughter 
of the foregoing, named Suzanna Jo- 
hanna Cornelia, born i8th Sept., 

1 81 2 — Sept. 2. Born to Jacobus Wash- 
inton, son of Jan and Johanna Sprong, 
at Amsterdam, a daughter, born say 
baptised in the Amstel Church, 
and named Elizabeth Frederica Jo- 

1 8 13 — March 22. Born to Jan Wash- 
ington and Maria Kruel at the Hague, 
a third daughter, baptised in the Con- 
vent Church, and named Cornelia 

18 13 — Sept. 6. Died, Daniel Washing- 
ton, Daniel's son, fully 32 years old. 

18 14 — Nov. 17. Died, Levina Petro- 
nella Johanna, born 2 2d Jan., 18 10. 

18 14 — Dec. 13. Died, Cornelia Elisa- 
beth, born II March, 181 3. 

18 15 — May. Married, Jacs G. H. Wash- 
ton at the Brielle, to W. D. Lux of 
that place, 

1816 — March 25. Born to them, a son, 
named Joan Hendrick. 

1 81 6 — Sept. 10. Born to Jan Washing- 
ton and Maria Kruel at the Hague, a 
fourth daughter, baptised in the Con- 
vent Church, named Johanna Petro- 
nella Elisabeth. 

iSi J— Aug. 27. Born to J. G. H. Wash- 
ington at the Brielle, a daughter, 
named Johanna Cathrina Juliana. 



1818 — Sept^ I. Born to Jacobus Wash- 
ington, son of Jan, and Juliana Sprong, 
at the Hague, a daughter, baptised in 
the Convent Church, and named Al- 
leta Amih'a Jacomina. 

iZi^—Sept. 18. Born to J. G. H. Wash- 
ington, a daughter, named Jacoba 
Dorothea (N. B. at the Brielle). 

1822 — July 28. Married, Jacobus Wash- 
ington, son of D. G. Chamberlain, 
Colonel and aid de camp of II. M. the 
King of Bavaria, Commandeur and 
Knight of sundry orders, A. C. M. A. 
T. M. G., Dowager van Lochner at 
Huttenbach, born Baroness de Verger, 
Lady of the order of Sta Anna. 

1823 — July 21. Died, Levina Johanna 
Washington, born 23d May, 1803. 

1825 — Feb. 12. Died, Joan Hendrick, 
born 25 March, 1816. 

1825—5^//. 14. Born to J. G. H. Wash- 
ington at Brielle, a second son, Joan 

1827 — Feb. 28. Died, Mrs. Johanna 
Cornelia Washington, born. v. d. Pol- 

1827 — Nov. 1 1. Born to Jacobus Wash- 
ington, son of Daniel, and A. C. M. 
S. M. G. de Verger, a son, named 
Louis Charles Auguste Maximilian 
Gebhart. H. M. the King stood god- 

1829 — July 23. Died, Daniel Washing- 
ton, son of Jan, at the age of 57 years, 

1829 — Au^. 3. Born to Jacobus Wash- 
ington, Daniel's son, and A. C. M. A. 
S. M. G. de Verger, a second son, 
named Maximilian Emanuel Willi- 
bald Jan Bernhart Gebhard. 

1832 — June 5. Jan Washington, son of 
Jan Washington, son of Jan and Ma- 
ria Kruel, promoted to an officership 
in the Netherland Camp, 

1832 — Nov. 21. Married, Johanna Cor- 
nelia Washington, daughter of Jan 
Washington and Maria Kruel, to Cor- 
nells Lodewyk Keurenaar at the 

1836 — Jan. 3. Died, Jan Washington, 
son of Jan, at the age of fully 68 years. 

1836 — April 26. Born to Cornelis Lo- 
dewyk Keurenaar and Johanna Cor- 
nelia Washington, a daughter, named 
Anna Maria. 

1837 — May 26. Died, the last men- 
tioned infant. 

1838 — Sept. 17. Born to Cornelis Lo- 
dewyk Keurenaar and Johanna Cor- 
nelia Washington at the Hague, a son, 
Jan August. 

1840 — July 22. Died at the Hague, 
Maria Kruel, widow of the late Jan 
Washington, son of Jan, at the age of 
55 years. 

1843 — Dec. II. Died at Gouda, Mrs. 
Wilhelmina Dorothea Washington, 
born Lux, at the age of 56 years. 

1845 — March 25. Died, at Surabaya, 
Jacob Washington, Lieutenant at Sea, 
I St Class, Knight of the military or- 
der of William, at the age of about 
39 years, son of the late Daniel Wash- 
ington and J. C. van de Polder. 

1846 — Jan. 17. Died at Gouda, Jan 
Hendrick Washington, aged fully 20 
years, only son of J. G. H.Washington 
and Wilhelmina D. Lux. 

1846 — Jan. 19. Born to Cornelis Lo- 
dewyk Keurenaar and Johanna Cor- 
nelia Washington at the Hague, a 
daughter, called Johanna Maria. 

1846 — June 17. Died at Rotterdam, 
Jacobus Washington, son of Jan, at the 
age of 84 years. 

1847— (9^/. 8. Died at the Hague, Jo- 
hanna Maria, born iqth Jan., 1846. 



1848 — June 29. Married, Johanna 
Catharina Juliana Washington, eldest 
daughter of Jacobus Gerrit Hilde- 
brand Washington and W. D. Lux, 
with J. Lux. 

1849 — June 9. Born to Cornells Lo- 
de wyk Keurenaer and Johanna Wash- 
ington, a daughter, named Johanna 
Cornelia Louisa. 

185 1 — Sept. 24. Died, the last men- 
tioned infant at the Hague. 

1853 — Dec. 3. Born to Cornells Lode- 
wyk Keurenaer and Johanna Cornelia 
Washington at the Hague, a daughter, 
named Johanna Cornelia. 

1858 — Sept. 27. Died at Bergen op 
Zoom, Johann Jacobus, eldest son of 
J. Lux and J. C. J. Washington. 

i860 — Oct. 14. Died at the Hague, Jo- 
hanna Petronella Elisabeth Washing- 
ton, at the age of 44 years, youngest 
daughter of Jan Washington and Ma- 
ria Kruel. 

1861 — Sept. 10. Died, at Oestgeest, 
Cornells Lodewyk Keurenaar. 


Furnished by Carl Theodor von 

1830 — Died, the wife of Jacob, Baron 
von Washington. 

1 833 — 2^ Jan. Married, Jacobus Baron 
von Washington, Caroline Baroness 
Segesser of Brunegg. 

1833—27 Oct. Born Carl Theodor Ba- 
ron von Washington. 

1840 — 13 April. Died, Caroline Baron- 
ess Washington, born Baroness Se- 
gesser of Brunegg. 

1848 — 7 April. Died, Jacobus Barop 

von Washington, Chamberlain and 

Adjutant General of His Majesty the 

King of Bavaria. 
185 1 — I Feb. Died, Ludwig Baron von 

Washington, Lieutenant in the 3d 

Regiment of Infantry. 
1855 — 15 Aug. Married, Maximilian 

Baron von Washington, Frederica, 

Duchess of Oldenburg. 
1856 — 2 Aug. Born, George Baron of 

1858 — June. Born, Stephan Baron von 


N. B. — All further information re- 
specting the family of Washington is to 
be obtained from Mr. Jan Keurenaar, 
Banker at the Hague. 

Supplementary Note. — The manu- 
script of the register, partly in the Ger- 
man and partly in the Dutch language, 
is preserved in the collections of the 
New York Historical Society. 



at a board of general officers 

convened at new winsdor 

the i2th day of 

JUNE 1781 

His Excellency the Commander in Chief 
Majors General Brigadiers General 

Lord Stirling Knox 

Genl. How Patterson 

Genl. Parsons Hand 

Genl. McDougall Huntington 

Du Portail 

The Commander in Chief informed 
the Board that the principal reason of 
bis calling them together was to make 



them acquainted with the plan of opera- 
tions concerted between His Excellency 
The Count de Rochambeau and him- 
self, at their late meeting at Wethers- 
field — He requested that they would, 
at all times in the course of those oper- 
ations, give him their advice and opin- 
ions, individually, without hesitation or 
reserve — assuring them, that he should 
ever receive them with thankfulness, and 
that, although circumstances or other 
considerations might sometimes lay him 
under the necessity of taking measures 
different from what might be proposed, 
he hoped that would be no impediment 
to their still continuing to communicate 
to him their ideas. 

The Commander in Chief urged to 
the Board the necessity of economising 
provisions, and recommended to the 
Generals, particularly the Brigadiers, the 
necesssity of inspecting the Returns 
made by their Commissaries upon every 
drawing day, in order to see that the 
quantity of Rations drav/n did not ex- 
ceed the number to which the Brigade 
was strictly entitled, assuring them that 
he should, in future, look upon them as 
answerable for any irregularities upon 
this head. He here took occasion to 
state to the Board, generally, the present 
System of the departments of Commis- 
saries General of Purchase and Issues, 
and shewed the impossibilty of their 
being, upon their present plan, a check, 
as was intended, upon each other, and 
wished the Board to take the matter into 
consideration and report any method 
which appeared to them more likely to 
answer the end proposed — 

He also desired them to take the fol- 
matters into consideration and report 
upon theip accordingly. 

1st. A plan for the regular inspection of the 
Magnzines of provision — that the state of the 
provision may not only be constantly known but 
that the Commissaries may be called to account 
for any damage which may appear owing to 
their negligence. 

2d. Whether the number of Issuing post to 
the Northward of Virginia (agreeable to a return 
which will be laid before them by the Comm'y 
Genl.) appear to them necessary. If they do 
not, pointing out which, in their opinions, ought 
to be abolished. 

3d. A plan for baking for the Army drawn 
up by General Knox. 

4th. The proportion of Women which ough/. 
to be allowed to any given number of men, and 
to whom Rations shall be allowed. 

5th. What Officers of the Staff shall be al- 
lowed to draw Waiters from the line of the 

6th. Whether it will be safe during our ad- 
vance toward New York and while we are oper- 
ating against that place, to trust the posts at 
King's Ferry and West point to the following 
Garrisons — composed of the weakliest and 
worst Men, but who are to remain in the Works 
assigned them. 

C. LC. M. 

North Redoubt 

Middle do 


No. I r 

;;;;:::::;::;;■■ { 

Fort Putnam ( 

Webb I ] 

Wyllis ( 

Clinton i 

Kings Ferry 
Stoney point. 

c. s. 



j I. 
( I- 





I. 2. 



( I. 
( I- 





j I. 
I I. 





I 2. 








4. 8. 



West point. . 





19- 33. 


.. . . 

. I. 

. I. 

I. 2. 
I. 2. 


. T. 





2. 4. 

19- 33. 


I. I. 2. 10. 21. 37. 


7th. How far will it be advisable to encamp 
the Army — and what place will be best to draw 
them together in the first instance. 

JVO TE. — Ms. communicated by John Davies, 







1754 TO 1780 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Alexandria, 2 2d, [March] 1754 
Dr. Sir 

I wrote to you in Frederick not know- 
ing your Intention of going to Stafford, 
desiring that all your Men &c. might be 
in readiness to inarch by the middle or 
last of next week at furthest for 
Ohio : I have just receiv'd the Gov- 
ernor's Orders (which was sent upon the 
arrival of Captn Trents express) to dis- 
patch with all expedition thither, with 
the men already raiz'd and such Officers 
as I see proper : therefore, I shall do 
myself the Honour of callling upon you 
for one ; I expect several others up this 
Day, together with three Sloops from 
York James River, and Eastern Shore 
with recruits ; those who cannot be in 
readiness to go, are to stay and march 
with Coin. Frye who is to bring out the 
remainder of the Men Artillery &c. I 
shou'd be glad you wou'd repair to 
Alexandria imediately upon the receipt 
of this in your way to Winchester that 
we may consult on proper Means. 
I am Dr. Sir 

Yr Aff. Hble Servt 
Go. Washington 
William Fairfax, Esqr 

[On the reverse of the same leaf is .•] 

P. S. I suppose you have read or 
heard of the Governor's comand requir- 

ing all officers to be and appear at Alex- 
andria the 20th inst. 

W : Fairfax 
2 2d March 


Communicated by Simon Gratz 
Mount Vernon 
Saturday morning [1756] 
Dear Madam, 

Letters which I have just received 
from the President and others from 
Winchester render it necessary for me to 
set out for Williamsburg to morrow. If 
you or any of the young Ladies have 
Letters to send, or other commands 
that I can execute, I should be glad to 
be honored with them, and you may 
depend upon my punctuality — please to 
accept my Compliments yourself, and 
offer them to the young Ladies and be- 
lieve that I am with great truth and 

Dr Madam 
yr most obedt & obliged 

Go. Washington 


Communicated by T. Bailey Myers 
Fort Loudon, July 12, 1757 

I received yours of the loth Inst. 
Covering the Drummers Deposition 
about the Enemys Motions and Designs 
which will I hope prove as favorable to 
us as the last Intelligence from that 
Quarter. I have transmitted Governor 
Dinwiddle a Copy of it and would have 
sent another to Colo. Stanwix, did not the 
Bearer assure me that there could be no 
doubt of your Expresses reaching him 
in due time. If you should at anytime 
hereafter have occasion to send an Ex- 



press here you need not be at the Trouble 
of sending it further than Pearsalls 
whence Captn McKenzie will immedi- 
ately forward it here. The bearer seems 
unfit for the Service he is now on being 
a drunken dilatory Fellow. 
I am Sir 

Your Most Obedient 
Go. Washington 


Communicated by C. W. Frederickson 
Alexandria Novr. 13th 1757 
Reverend Sir 

Necessity — and that I hope will apol- 
ogize for the trouble I must give you — 
obliges me to ask the favour of a visit — 
that I may have an opportunity of con- 
sulting you on a disorder which I have 
lingered under for three Months past — 
It is painful for me to write — Mr. Car- 
lyle will say the rest — I shall only add, 
that I am with great esteem 

Yr most Obedt. Hble Sevt, 

Go. Washington 
To the Reverd Mr. Charles Green 

Communicated by Joseph W. Drexel 
Mount Vernon, July 14th, 1761 

This serves to address a copy of my 
last, and at the sametime to inform you 
that I have just received advice from 
J my Steward of the Tobacco which he 
has put on Board the Argo, amounting 
in the whole to seventy Hhds ; Thirty 
of which belongs to me, and the rest to 
my Ward Jno. Park Custis. You will 
please to make a proper Insurance there- 
on, and as you may readily perceive how 
much the usual Consignments have been 

exceeded, for this year or two past, so I 
hope you will likewise exert your best 
endeavors in the Sales of our Tobacco's, 
that by a carefull attention in this 
necessary point, our corrispondance 
may be continued with mutual advan- 

I have not sufferd any alterations as 
yet to be made in the marks of my York 
River Tobacco ; but so soon as you 
think it can be done with safety please to 
advise me thereof, that the proper distinc- 
tions may be made to avoid confusion 
hereafter. — The present Crop in Boyce, 
will be readily enough distinguishd by, 
the Marks and Numbers in the Bills of 
Lading (if my directions are attended to) 
because it is to be observd that none of 
of my D. P C, nor IC Tobacco, have the 
same numbers or Letters as my Wards, 
my D P C Leaf beginning with the No 15 
and ending with 27, and the Stemd with 
the Letter H, ending with M. — The IC 
Leaf begins with 12, and ends with 19 
and the Stemd with I ending in M. — 
This particularity I have been causd to 
run into here, least the Captn thinking 
it unnecessary to give separate Bills of 
Lading contrary to my directions to Mr 
Valentine shoud Include the whole To- 
bacco in one Sett, and by that means 
render it impossible to distinguish one 
from the other 

Johnston is at length safe anchord in 
the River, but I have neither got my 
Goods nor Letters yet which came by 
him ; however as he is expected up 
every Tide I dont doubt but I shall 
soon receive both. 

I am Gentn 
Your most Obedt Hble Servt 

Go. Washington 



' VI 
Communicated by C. W. Frederickson 
The Warm Springs 
26th Aug 176 1 
Revd Sir 

I shoud think myself very inexcusa- 
ble were I to omit so good an oppor- 
tunity as Mr. Douglass's return from 
these Springs, of giving you some Ac- 
count of the place, and of our ap- 
proaches to it. 

To begin then, — We arriv'd here yes- 
terday, and our journey as you may 
imagine was not of the most agreeable 
sort; through such weather & such 
Roads as we had to encounter ; these 
last for 20 or 25 miles from hence are 
almost impassible for Carriages, not so 
much from the Mountainous Country 
(but this in fact is very rugged) as from 
Trees that have fallen across the Road, 
and render'd the way intolerable. 

We found of both Sexes about 200 
People at this place, full of all manner 
of diseases & Complaints ; some of 
which are much benefited, while others 
find no relief from the waters — Two or 
three Doctors are here, but whether at- 
tending as Physicians or to Drink of 
the Waters I know not. 

It is thought the Springs will soon be- 
gin to lose their virtues, and the weather 
get too cold for People not well pro- 
vided to remain here. They are situ- 
ated very badly on the East side of a 
steep Mountain, and Inclo'd by Hills on 
all Sides, so that the afternoon's Sun is 
hid by 4 o'clock and the Fogs hang 
over us till 9 or 10 wch occasion's great 
Damps and the Mornings and Evenings 
to be cool. 

The Place I ajm told, and indeed have 

found it so already, is supply 'd with 
Provisions of all kinds — good Beef & 
venison, fine veal, Lamb Fowls & &c. 
may be bought at almost any time, but 
Lodgings can be had on no terms but 
building for them, and I am of opinion 
that numbers get more hurt by their 
manner of lying, than the waters can do 
them good, had we not succeeded in 
getting a Tent & marquee from Win- 
chester we shoud have been in a most 
miserable situation here — 

In regard to myself I must beg leave 
to sa)^, that I was much overcome with 
the fatigue of the Ride and weather to- 
gether — however I think my fevers are 
a good deal abated, altho' my Pains 
grow rather worse, and my sleep equally 
disturb'd ; what effect the waters may 
have upon me I cant say at present, but 
I expect nothing from the air — this cer- 
tainly must be unwholesome — I purpose 
to stay here a fortnight & longer if ben- 
efitted — 

I shall attempt to give you the best 
discription I can of the Stages to this 
place, that you may be at no loss, if 
after this acct. you choose to come up. 
Toulston I should recommend as the 
first, Majr Hamilton's or Israel Thomp- 
sons the 2d, ye one abt 30, the other 35 
miles distant from thence you may reach 
Henry Vanmeters on Opeckon Creek or 
Captn Paris's 4 miles on this side, which 
will be ab' 35 miles ; and then your 
journey will be easy the following day 
to this place. 

I have made out a very long, and a 
very dirty Letter, but hurry must apolo- 
gize for the latter & I hope your fond- 
ness will excuse the former, — please to 
make my Complimts acceptable to Mrs. 



Green and Miss Bolan & be assured 
Revd Sir that with a true respect 

I remain Yr most obed & obliged 
Go. Washington 

[Revd Charles Green] 

P. S. If I coud be upon any cer- 
tainty of yr comg or coud get only 4 
days previous notice of yr arrival I 
woud get a House built such as are here 
erected very indifferent indeed, they are 
tho. for yr. receptn. 

30 Augt 

Since writing the above Mr. Douglass 
lost his horse and was detain'd, but I 
met with a Fairfax man returng home 
who is to be back again immediately for 
his wife. This Person I have bird to 
carry some Letters to Mrs. Washn. und 
whose cover this goes ; by him you are 
furnish'd with an oppertunity of honor- 
ing me with yr commands, if you retain 
any thoughts of com'g to this place — I 
think myself benefitted by the waters, 
and am now with hopes of their making 
a cure of me, little time will shew now. 


Communicated by Simon Gratz 


Monday Evening 
Dear Sir, 

I will take the best care I can of your 
Letters, that for Mr. Waite shall be sent 
to him, and an answer got, if he works 
for Mr. Page near Fredericksburg. 
Anthony and I have examined your 
Wheels, and find one of them so decayed 
in the knave that it would sink under 
the first load. I have therefore forbid 
his wasting time in making an axle, but 
to get a pair of wheels from one of my 
Plantn Carts, and fix to the Tumbrel 

he is making for you 'till a new pair can 
be provided. I have also directed 
Miles to call for my Waggon Harness 
[Cart Harness I have none, but what are 
at my Plantns used with the Plows] 
which will answer your purpose very 
well, as it is for a single Team. 

I directed a man to you on Saturday 
last with shells, they were not very good, 
but I did not know how far they might 
be necessary ; my Boat will be at your 
service whenever you choose to call for 
her, and I shall enquire as you desire 
where Paint Sz Oil may be had, for I be- 
lieve I shall want of them myself, es- 
pecially of the latter. 

I shall beg leave to say a little now 
in regard to Jno Askew. That he went 
to work at your House, was not only 
with my knowledge but by my express 
desire, and had he stayd there *til this 
time it would have been perfectly agree- 
able to me ; but as you know when he 
left your work, so I can assure you that 
he never came to mine until Wednesday 
or Thursday last. I then asked him if 
he did not think himself one of the 
most worthless and ungrateful fellows 
that lived for his treatment of me — for 
you must know Sir that so small a job 
as making the Front Gate in my yard 
was left him to do when I went to Wil- 
liamsburg abt the loth of May last, and 
was found undone at my return, altho I 
urged him in the strongest manner I 
could to get it finished for this very prev- 
alent Reason namely, that I might In- 
close my Chariot Horses in a Pasture 
round the House secured by a Post & 
Rail fence and by that means prevent 
them from breaking into a field where I 
had about 10 acres of Peas, that is now 



by his Idlenes and there letting in my 
sheep entirely rooted out. This as I 
before said he neglected, and I was from 
that time untill a day or two before Mr. 
Carlyle asked for him to go to Belvoir, 
e'er I coud get him to work again ; so 
that you may partly judge from this of 
the provocation he has given me, but 
you will be more convinced of it when 
I tell you that the Ball'e he owes me is 
for Tools Imported for him, and money 
actually lent to keep him from starving 
and from a Goal, from whence [at least 
the Sheriffs Custody] I have once or 
twice redeemed him — and lent him 
money to cloath & by necessaries for 
his Family. This is the real truth of 
the case, and it is so far from my want- 
ing to keep him [longer than he will 
finish the Gate, and repays 7 days 
work due to my Carpenters, and how 
about] that I never desire to see his 
Face again, if he can fall upon any 
method of paying what he owes me in 

I have made an exchange of Planta- 
tions with old Saml Johnson, giving the 
place where Clifton lived for the Lots 
he held in the Neck, otherwise I shd 
have been glad to have obliged Doctr 

Mrs. Washington will be very glad to 
see Mrs. Fairfax &c. at Mount Vernon, 
as I shoud have been — to whom please 
to tender our Complimts & believe me 
to be 

Dr Sir 

Yr Most Obt Hble Servt 

Go. Washington 
Geo. Wm. Fairfax, Esq. 



Communicated by Simon Gratz 

Mount Vernon 17th July 1763 
Dear Sir, 

We were a good deal disappointed in 
the promised visit — A constant watch 
was kept until the accustomed Bell gave 
the signal for Dinner, and said it was 
time to look no more. We do not 
readily comprehend the cause of the 
disappointment, but as Water seems not 
to be the element favourable to our 
wishes, we hope you will no longer trust 
to so uncertain a conveyance, but give 
us the pleasure of securing a visit at the 
next appointment. I am under a neces- 
sity of going to Frederickburg early in 
next week [i. e. about the 26th] for a 
week's stay, to which place if you have 
any commds I shoud be glad to execute 
them — Our compliments, I mean Mrs. 
Green's, he is at Church, Mr. & Mrs. 
Fairfax's and Mrs. Washington's, are 
tendered along with those of, Sir. 
Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt 

Go. Washington 
George William Fairfax Esqr 

Communicated by Simon Gratz 
Fredk. Warm Springs 

i8th Augt [i7]69 
Dr Sir, 

About a fortnight ago I came to this 
place with Mrs. Washington and her 
daughter, the latter of whom being 
troubled with a complaint, which the 
efficacy of these waters it is thought 
might remove, we resolved to try them, 
but have found little benefit as yet from 
the experiment ; what a week or two 
more may do, we know not, and there- 
fore are inclined to put them to the Test 
— it was with much pleasure however I 



heard by Mr. Clingan that you stand in 
no need of assistance from these Springs 
which I find are applied to in all cases, 
altho there be a moral certainty of their 
hurting in some. Many poor miserable 
objects are now attending here, which I 
hope will receive the desired benefit, as 
I dare say they are deprived of the 
means of obtaining any other releif, 
from their Indigent Circumstances. 

Give me leave now Sir to thank you 
for the polite & friendly assistance you 
gave to the affair I took the liberty (in 
March last) of recommending to your 
notice — Captn Crawford, from whom I 
have since heard, informs me, that your 
Letter procured him a free, and easy 
admission to the Land office, & to such 
Indulgences as coud be consistently 
granted ; consequently his work became 
much less difficult, than otherwise it 
would have been. 

Some confident reports of Indian dis- 
turbances at Fort Pitt, drove many 
famlies in from Redstone, and gave 
some alarm to the Female Visitors of 
these waters ; but upon a stricter scrut- 
iny into the causes of the reports, we 
find that mis-representation & ill 
grounded fears, gave rise to the whole ; 
& that our own People more than the 
Indians are to blame for the little mis- 
understandings which have happened 
among them. 

My best respects attend Mrs. Arm- 
strong, in which Mrs. Washington joins, 
& I am with very great esteem 
Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt & 

obliged Hble Servt 
Go. Washington 
Colo. Jno. Armstrong In Carlyle 

By favour of Mr. Clingan 


Communicated by Joseph W. Drexel 
Mount Vernon, May 13th, 1770 

Your favour of the 9th came to hand 
last night, but I do not think myself 
prepared at this time to give any con- 
clusive answer to the question you pro- 
pounded, respecting Mr Custis's travel- 
ling to perfect his Education. 

It is a matter of very great conse- 
quence and well deserving of the most 
serious consideration especially one 
who stands in the degree of Affinity to 
him that I do — A natural Parent has 
only two things principally to consider, 
the Improvement of his Son, and the 
Finances to do it with : if he fails in the 
first (not through his own neglect) he 
laments it as a misfortune ; if exceeded 
in the Second, he endeavours to correct 
it as an abuse unaccountable to any, 
and regardless of what the World may 
say, who do not, cannot suspect him of 
acting upon any other motive than for 
the good of the Party ; he is to satisfy 
himself only : but this is not the case in 
respect to Guardians : they are not only 
to be actuated by the same motives 
which govern in the other case, but are 
to consider in what light their conduct 
may be viewed by those whom the con- 
stitution hath placed as a controuling 
power over them ; because a faupas 
committed by them often incurs the 
severest censure, and sometimes punish- 
ment ; when the Intention may be 
Strictly laudable. 

Thus much Sir I have taking the lib- 
erty of saying to shew you in what light 
I consider myself (generally) as the 
Guardian of this youth : But before I 



coud adopt the measure fenally, upon 
the extensive plan you seem to propose, 
and give a definitive answer ; it would 
be incumbent on me (as the person who 
is to acct for his Worldly concerns as 
well as personal accomplishments) to 
have some regular System proposed ; 
that it may be seen at one view how the 
expence and his Income are proportioned 
to each other, for tho' I am far, very far, 
from harbouring any distrust of your 
being influenced by any sinester views, 
or that you woud be unreasonable in 
your expectations as his Governor, yet 
some plan shoud be pointed out, some 
estimate formed, by which I am to be 
guided ; otherwise were I hastily to de- 
termine that a year or two hence (or as 
his Education and Judgment ripened) 
he was to travel, and when that period 
arrivd it was found to be upon a plan 
too enlargd for his fortune and a stop 
thereby put to it, it might be a disap- 
pointmt to you which I shoud be sorry 
for, as I make it a point, at least endeav- 
our to do so, not to deceive any one. 

From what I have said, you may pos- 
sibly conceive that I am averse to his 
Travelling, for the completion of his 
Education ; but be assured Sir I am not ; 
there is nothing, in my opinion, more 
desirable to form the manners and en- 
crease the knowledge of observant youth 
than such a plan as you have sketchd 
out ; and I beg of you to believe, that 
there is no Gentleman under whose care 
Mrs. Washington and myself woud so soon 
entrust Mr Custis as yourself (after he is 
sufficiently instructed in Classical know- 
ledge here) It may be depended on 
therefore, that the gratification of this 
passion in him, will never meet with any 
interuption from me, and I think I may 

venture to add from his mother, pro- 
vided he is disposed to set out upon 
such a Plan of Improvement as your 
good sense is capable of dictating to 
him ; & provided also that you will 
undertake to accompany & guide him in 
the pursuit of it : Add to this, that he 
will be content with such an allowance 
as his Income can afford ; for here it is 
also necessary to observe, that tho he is 
possessd of what is called a good Estate 
it is not a profitable one — His Lands 
are poor, consequently the Crops short ; 
and tho' he has a number of slaves, 
slaves in such cases only add to the Ex- 
pence — About 60 and from that to 80 
Hhds of Tobo. is as much as he gener- 
ally makes of a year ; and if this is 
cleared, it is as much as can be expected 
considering the number of People he 
has to Cloath and the many incident 
charges attending such an Estate. 

This Sir is all the answer I am capa- 
ble of giving you at present, if you will 
do me the favour to be more explicit on 
this subject in another Letter, I will not 
only think of the matter with the best 
attention to it I am master of, but 
advise with some of his, and my friends, 
whilst I am in Williamsburg as a Justifi- 
cation of my conduct therein, — and as 
to his being Innoculated for the Small 
Pox previous to such an Event, the pro- 
priety of it is so striking, that it cannot 
admit of a doubt. In truth my opinion 
of this is, that it ought to happen wheth- 
er he travels or not as this disorder will 
in the course of a few years be scarce 
ever out of his own Country. 

With very great esteem I remain 
Rev'd Sir Your most Hble Servt 
Go. Washington 
The Revd Mr Boucher in Caroline Co. 




Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmet 
Mount Vernon, Dec'r 3d, 1772 
Dear Brother, 

I was in great hopes to have met with 
you at Fredericksburg, or seen you at 
this place on your way up but it would 
almost seem as if you had foresworn this 
part of the Country. 

I have taken the liberty of troubling 
you with the Inclosed Letter to Doctr 
Briscoe &: beg that you will take a copy 
of it, and serve him with the original 
when it happens to suit your conven- 
ience — I have also by Colo Fairfax 
wrote to Colo Stephen respecting our 
Lands over the Mountains, desiring the 
former if he should not see the latter 
himself to send the Letter to your care 
which I beg may be contrived to him by 
a safe hand. 

If you have heard what is done in 
Kennedy's Replevy please to let me knoAV 
as I fancy the three months must have 
expired — I was glad to hear by Charles, 
that you still entertain'd some thoughts 
of coming down this Winter, but as I 
have met with so many disappointments, 
I shall never expect till I see you ; My 
love in wch Mrs. Washington &c. joins 
is offer'd to Yr self, my Sister & 
Family & I am Dr Sir 

Yr Most Affec Br 

Go. Washington 
To Colo Saml Washington 


Communicated by Simon Gratz 

Mount Vernon April 20th, 1773 
Dear Sir 

As it would be very inconvenient to 
to me to set out for New York as soon 

as I returned from Williamsburg, I have 
resolved to postpone my journey to the 
last mentioned place, & of course to 
give you the trouble of doing my busi- 
ness there ; I have therefore by the 
bearer, Inclos'd you some Bonds, and 
orders for money, which I beg the fa- 
vour of you to receive for me. The ac- 
count against Mr. Mattw. Whiting Mr. 
Mongomerie is to pay, as you may see 
by my Letter to him, left open for your 
perusal — Should Mr. Montgomerie con- 
trary to my expectation, refuse to allow for 
the loss I sustaind by my Brothr, Charles's 
receivg 340 Dollars at 6/. please to 
take care of the papers which contains a 
List of the different kinds of money in 
his own handwriting, as it was paid, for 
I am determined not to submit to it ; as 
Mr. Montgomerie, after neglecting to 
pay the money in Williamsburg, had no 
right to impose Dollars at that value — 
Whatever sum you receive from him, on 
acct. of Mr. Whiting's Bond, wilU go 
towards lessening my claim upon Arm- 
istead's Estate, which you may see by 
the Inclosed Acct. & Protest, & which I 
beg the favour of you to endeavour to 
receive for me. Messrs. Buckner's Bond 
(Inclosd) is accompanied by a Letter 
to them, pressing payment of the money 
to you, as I have very urgent occasion 
for what money I can collect — You also 
have a Letter to Colo. Bannister request- 
ing him to pay you ;£"32-io — & I have 
wrote to young Mr. Edmd. Pendleton, 
& also to Colo. Carter Braxton (one of 
Colo. Bernd. Moore's Trustees) and to 
Mr. Armistead for p^4oi-ii-o-sterlg. 
due from the said Moore's Estate for 
Intt. of the Bond to which Colo. Baylor 
was Security ; and hope that it will be 



paid, as I have informd them that the 
Bond will be put in Suit without — I 
have some hopes likewise, that Mr. John 
Fry (or Mr. John Nicholas in his behalf) 
will pay you the sum of ^^3 1-0-4 which 
he stands indebted to me for his propor- 
tion of the expenses of Patenting the 
Ohio Lands, and I should be obliged to 
you to ask Mr. Norton if Mr. Thruston 
has not desired him to pay ;^i 2-1-9 ^^ 
the same acct., & to receive it if he did. 
Mr. Thruston informs me that he has 
desired Mr. Norton to pay this sum to 
me at this Court. Should you go over 
to Gloucester — or, if there is any Body 
that does business in Wmsburg for your 
Brother, please to know if it will be con- 
venient to pay the ;^4o due last October 
for the Interest of his Bond, and ask 
Mr. Hill for what money he collects for 
me — Out of which several Sums please 
to pay the following Drafts, which I ex- 
pect will be there against me (or you in 
my stead), Mr. Hodge for a servant 
(Gardner) bought of him ^35 Cy., Mr. 
Robt. Washington ^60 in part for the 
two Negroes mentioned in my last, 
bought of him. The rest of the money 
be so good as to bring up to me, as I 
shall be a good deal distressed to com- 
ply with my wheat, and other engage- 
ments, if I meet with a disappointment 
in these several payments to you. As 
soon as matters in respect to them are 
reduced to a certainty, be so good as to 
write me from Wmsburg by the Post 
(preferable to any other conveyance, as 
I know where to send for these Letters) 
what it is I have to rely on ; and, as 
soon as you return home, advise me 
thereof, that I may send for the needful. 
I had like to have forgot that it is possible 

Captn. Page (or Mr. Carr in his behalf) 
may demand ;£"i4-i4-o Sterig, which I 
promised to pay in Apl. ; — if it is de- 
manded of you, please to discharge it ; 
if not, take no notice of it yourself — 
and be so good also as to receive the In- 
closed small acct. at the Treasury. I 
have left all my Letters open, that by 
perusing them you may be the better 
acquainted with my expectations, and 
of course transact it with greater ease. 
Inclos'd you have a List of the Several 
Sums which I expect to receive, and 
pay, agreeable to the several orders ; 
and in case I should recollect any other 
business, I should be obliged to you 
whilst in Williamsburg, to enquire at the 
Post office on Saturdays, for Letters, as 
I shall write to you by the Post if I do. 
I am Dr. Sir with our best wishes 
Yr. Most Affecte Hble Servt. 
Go. Washington 
Col. Fielding Lewis 

P. S. Please to let me know by the first 
Post if this Letter & Papers have got safe. 

N. B. I wrote the foregoing Letter 
in much haste, expecting to send it by a 
Person who, I was inform'd, would take 
Fredericksburg in his way to Williams- 
burg, a few days ago ; wishing it to get 
to hand before you sat of on the i8th as 
advis'd. I now forward it by Mr. Hen- 
derson, to be delivered in Williamsburg, 
being disappointed in my first expecta- 
tion ; and have to request that, after 
being satisfied of the collection you will 
make on my acct., if the amount (when 
the several sums of ^£^5 £^^ ;£^ 14-14 
Sterl. and a further sum of ^^50 as- 
sumd to Wm. Crawfords order, in favr. 
of John Hite are paid) falls short of 
jQ2,oo. that you will make up that sum 



as near as you can, by selling the Inclosd 
Bills, and remit it to me by Mr. Hen- 
derson ; as I shall not, otherwise, receive 
it before my departure to New York, 
which is now fixed to about the 8th of 
next month ; if you can on the other 
hand collect, or find you can collect, as 
much money as will make those pay- 
ments, and furnish me with ;^3oo be- 
sides, then, and in that case, please to 
return the Bills to me again — if you 
could contrive to provide half Joes for 
me (but remember there are a great 
number of forged ones in circulation) it 
would suit my present purposes best — 
Let me know to whom each of the 
within Bills are sold, if you dispose of 
them at all, that I may know to give 
advice properly. 

I am as before 

Yrs &:c 

G. W N 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Cambridge, 30th Oct., 1775 
Dear Sir, 

After you left this yesterday Mr Tudor 
presented me with the Inclosed — as 
there may be observations worthy of 
notice I forward it to you, that it may 
be presented to the Congress ; but I 
would have his remarks upon the fre- 
quentcy of General Courts Martial con- 
sidered with some degree of caution, 
for although the nature of his office af- 
fords him the best opportunity of discov- 
ering the imperfection of the present Rules 
and Regulations for the Army, yet a desire 
of lessening his own trouble may induce 
him to transfer many matters from a 
Genl Court Martial where he is the prin- 

cipal actor, to Regimental Courts where 
he has nothing to do — I do not know 
that this is the case, but as it may be, I 
think it ought not to be lost sight of. 

In your conference with Mr Bache be 
so good as to ask him whether the two 
Posts which leave Philadelphia for the 
Southward both go through Alexandria, 
& if only one, which of them it is, the 
Tuesdays or Saturdays, that I may 
know how to order my Letters from this 

My letter to Coll. Harrison on the 
subject we have been speaking of, is in- 
closed, and open for your perusal, — put 
a Wafer under it, and make what use 
you please of it. — Let me know by the 
Post ordr v/hat the World says of Men 
& things : — My Compliments to Mrs 
Reed & with sincere regards I remain 
Dr Sir 

Yr affect Humble Ser 

Go. Washington 
Joseph Reed Esqr. 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 

Cambridge 15 November 1775 

Enclosed you have a Copy of instruc- 
tions given to Genl Sullivan on his de- 
parture for Ports-mouth New Hamp- 
shire. As it is now very apparent that 
we have nothing to depend on in the 
present Contest but our own strength, 
care firmness & union, should not the 
same measures be adopted in yours and 
every other Government on the Conti- 
nent? Would it not be prudence to 
seize on those Tories who have been, 
are & that we know will be active 
against us ? Why should persons who 



are preying upon the vitals of their 
Country be suffered to stalk at large, 
whilst we know they will do us every 
mischief in their power ? these Sir are 
points I beg to submit to your serious 

I congratulate you on the surrender 
of St Johns which hope will soon be 
followed by the reduction of the rest of 
Canada. I have the honor to be with 
great respect 

Sir Your Most H. Servt 

Go. Washington 
The Honble Governor Cooke 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Cambridge, 27th Novr, 1775 
Dear Sir. 

Your Letter of the i6th by Post now 
lyes before me, & I thank you for the 
attention paid to my Memorandums ; the 
arrival of Money will be an agreeable 

I recollect no occurrance of moment 
since my last, except the taking posses- 
sion of Cobble Hill on Wednesday night, 
this to my great surprize we did, and 
have worked on ever since, without re- 
ceiving a single shott from Bunkers Hill 
— the Ship — or Floating Batteries — what 
all this means we know not, unless some 
capitol strike is meditating. — I have 
caused two half Moon Batterries to be 
thrown up for occasional use, between 
Litchmore's Point & the mouth of Cam- 
bridge River ; and another Work at the 
Causey going on to Litchmores point to 
command that pass & rake the little 
Rivulet which runs by it to Patterson's 
Fort. — besides these I have been, & 
mark'd out, three places between Sewell's 

point, & our Lines on Roxbury Neck for 
Works to be thrown up, and occasionally 
mann'd in case of a Sortee, when the 
Bay gets Froze. 

By order of Genl Howe, 300 of the 
poor Inhabitants of Boston were landed 
on Saturday last at point Shirley, desti- 
tute almost of everything ; the Instant I 
got notice of it, I informed a Committee 
of Council thereof that proper care might 
be taken of them — Yesterday in the 
Evening I received information that one 
of them was dead, & two more expiring ; 
& the whole in the most miserable & 
piteous condition — I have order'd Pro- 
vision to them till they can be remov'd 
but am under dreadful apprehensions of 
their communicating the small Pox as it 
is Rief in Boston — I have forbid any 
of them coming to this place on that 
acct. — 

A Ship well fraught with Ordinance, 
Ordinance Stores &c is missing & gives 
great uneasiness in Boston, her Convoy 
has been in a fortnight — I have orderd 
our Arm'd Vessels to keep a good look 
out for her — the same reasons which 
restrained you from writing fully, also 
prevent me. I shall therefore only add 
that I am 

Dr Sir Yr Affect Hble Serv 

Go. Washington 

If any Waggon should be coming this 
way. Pray order a qty of good writing 
Paper to head Quarters, & Sea'g Wax. 
Joseph Reed Esqr. 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 

Cambridge, Dec. 14, 1775 


Your favor of the 11 Instant was 



handed me by the two French Gentle- 
men, for which I am exceedingly obliged 
to you — I have heard their proposals 
and plan for supplying the Continent 
with Arms & Ammunition, which ap- 
pears plausible and to promise success ; 
But not thinking myself authorized to 
enter into any contract respecting the 
same, and being not fully acquainted 
with the measures Congress have adopted 
for procuring these articles, I have pre- 
vailed upon them to go to Philadelphia 
and recommended them and the consid- 
eration of their plan to that Body, where 
the matter will be finally agreed upon or 
rejected — I must pray the favour of you 
to furnish every neccessary for accomo- 
dating them & Carriages with all ex- 
pedition for carrying them as far as 
Governor Trumbulls. They are to Travel 
at the Continental expence, and whatever 
charge you may be at, on their account, 
you will be pleased to transmit to me and 
It shall be immediately reimbursed. 
I am Sir With great esteem 
Your Hble Servt 

Go. Washington 
Honr Governor Cooke 

Communicated by Edward E. Sprague 
[Cambridge, 2 2d March, 1776] 
The General presents his best respects 
to Doctr Morgan — Upon enquiry of 
Colonel Mifflin, concerning the Horse 
(the Doctr very kindly made a tender of 
to him) he is given to understand, that 
this Horse did not belong to the King or 
any of his officers ; but was the property 
of a Doctr Loyd, an avow'd Enemy to 
the American Cause — 
As the Genl does not know under 

what predicament the property of these 
kind of People may fall ; In short, if 
there was no kind of doubt in the case, 
as the Horse is of too much value for 
the General to think of robbing the 
Doctr of, he begs leave to return him ; 
accompanied with sincere thanks for the 
politeness with which he was presented, 
and this request, that the Doctr will not 
think the General meant to slight his 

He is sorry to hear of Mrs Morgan's 
Indisposition, hopes she is better to day. 

Friday Morning 22d March 1776 
To Doctr Morgan 

D. Genl Hospital 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Cambridge, 28th March, 1776 
Dear Sir 

General Howe has a grand Manouvre 
view — or — has made an inglorious re- 
treat. — Yesterday Evening the remains 
of the British Fleet left Nantasket 
Road & (except an Arm'd Vessel or 
two) hath left the Coast quite clear of 
an Enemy — Six more Regiments will 
instantly march for New York — two 
days hence another, — and a day or two 
after that our whole force, except about 
3 or four Regiments to erect such works 
as shall be adjudged necessary for the 
security of this place — In three or four 
days from this date I shall follow my- 
self — In other words, the moment I can 
put things upon such a footing as the 
exigency of Affairs may require, I shall 
depart. — 

I have receiv'd your favor of the 15th 
Inst but hurried as you may well sup- 
pose me to be (in sending expresses to 



one and another) upon this occasion I 
shall only add that I am with sincere 
regard and affection 

Your most obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 
Joseph Reed Esqr. 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
New York, 23d April 1776 
My Dear Sir 

I have been favourd with several of 
your Letters since I came to this place, 
some of them indeed after getting pretty 
well advanced on the Road towards 
Boston — My extreame hurry with one 
kind of business and engagement or 
another, leaves me little more than time 
to express my concern for your Indis- 
position, and the interposition of other 
obstacles to prevent me from receiving 
that aid from you which I have been 
wishing for & hourly expecting. 

Your Letter of the i8th descriptive 
of the jealousies and uneasinesses which 
exist among the Members of Congress 
is really alarming — if the House is di- 
vided, the fabrick must fall, and a few 
Individuals perish in the Ruins. — For 
the occurrances of this place I shall 
beg leave to refer you to Mr. Palfrey, 
who at the particular request of Mr. 
Hancock comes to Philadelphia. 

The sooner my Camp Equipage is 
sent to this place the better, that it may 
be ready for any Service I may be sent, 
or find necessary to go upon — If you 
could hire Horses to bring the Waggon 
&c to this place and could conveniently 
and readily, sell those two you bought 
I would now rather wish it as the use 
for them is uncertain, and the expense 

of keeping them (Provender being both 
scarce and dear) great — to which may 
be added that I have not the same oc- 
casion now as when I first required 
them, having taken four of the Troop 
Horses which were found in Boston 
and which answered the purpose ex- 
ceeding well from Cambridge here to 
fit out my Baggage Waggons. I do not 
mean however by what I have said that 
you should with-hold the Horses if you 
cannot immediately & readily dispose 
of them without loss. 

Inclosed is a letter to Mr. Hancock 
for payment for the whole. I am with 
sincere esteem and regard 
Dr Sir 
Yr Most Affecty Hble Ser, 
Joseph Reed Esqr. 

Go. Washington 


Communicated by Frank Moore 

Head Quarters June 14th 1776 

You are to repair to Fort Montgom- 
ery and take upon you the comm. of the 
Posts in the Highlands — use every 
means in your power to provide your 
Regiment with arms fit for service — one 
step towards which endeavour to Im- 
ploy an armourer or two or more as the 
case may require — 

Use every possible diligence in for- 
warding the works at Forts Montgomery 
& Constitution, agreeable to late direc- 
tions given Mr. Bullow, who will furnish 
you with the same as it is pro [posed] by 
the Provincial Congress of New York to 
recall their Commissioner [from charge] 
of those posts and leave the care of them 
altogether to the Commanding officer of 



the Continental Forces and his orders. 

As these are or may become Posts of 
infinite importance, especially the lower 
one, I can not sufficiently Impress 
upon you the necessity of putting them 
into a fit Posture of Defence without 
delay — I have desired that a Battalion, 
of at least five hundred of the New 
York Militia, may be ordered to rein- 
force those Garrisons, as well for the 
purpose of defence as to assist in the 
work — these are also to be under your 

The whole are to be kept close to 
duty & not suffered to be absent on 
Furlough, but in cases of real necessity, 
and then not more than two at a time 
are to be absent, from a Company at 

Review the men. Inspect the arms 
&c & make Reports of the state of them, 

so soon as you get to these Posts 

Lieut. Col. Livingston is to be sent 
from this place in order to proceed to 
long Island to take charge of the remain- 
der of your Regiment toward the East 
end thereof — 

Inform me if there are Barracs or 
Houses convenient to the Forts Mont- 
gomery & Constitution in which the 
Millitia ordered there may be lodged — 
make daily returns of your strength and 
advise [Manuscript defaced] 
and of Importance 

Given under my hand 

Head Quarters near the city of New 
York, this 

14th day of June 1776 

Go. Washington 

To Colo. [James] Clinton 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 

Head Quarters 
New York 15th July 1776 
Dear Sir 

Since my last Two of the Enemies 
Ships, One of Forty the other twenty 
Guns, taking advantage of a Strong 
Wind and Tide pass'd us notwithstand- 
ing a warm fire from all our Batteries, 
they now lie in Taapan Sea, between 
Twenty and thirty Miles up Hudsons 
River, where no Batteries from Shore can 
molest them, their Views no doubt are to 
cut of all Communication between this 
and Albany by Water, which they effect- 
ually will do — If the Gundaloes Row 
Gallies &c. from Providence and Con- 
necticut were here I should think of 
making their Station uncomfortable. If 
possible I must request they may be 
sent on, as soon as conveniently may 
be, I have wrote Governor Trumbull 
requesting the same of him, 'tis not un- 
reasonable to suppose these Ships have 
a number of Small Arms on Board 
which are intended to put into the 
hands of the disaffected on the North 
River and in the back parts of this 
Province when a favorable opportunity 
may offer for their making use of them 
against Us. I am sorry to say their 
numbers by the best information I can 
get are great. 

We have one large Row Galley com- 
pleate and another which will be ready 
by the time those arrive from Provi- 
dence and Connecticut, the whole when 
collected will be sufficient to Attack the 
two Ships up the River, — if no mater- 
ial alteration between this time and 
their arrival, the channel they now lie 



in is so narrow they cannot work their 
Guns to Advantage. — Lord Howe ar- 
rived on Fryday last — his fleet cannot 
be far of — I have the Honor to be with 
Esteem Sir 

Yr Most Huml Servt 
Go. Washington 
The Hon'ble Nicholas Cooke Esqr 

att Providence 


Communicated by James E. Mauran 

Morristown Jan ii, 1777 

Whereas the Honourable Congress by 
a resolve of the 27th ulto have ap- 
pointed Sixteen Battallions more to be 
raised in addition to Eighty Eight 
Noted in September last & have author- 
ized me to nominate & Commission 
Officers for the same — Know you that 
I reposing the utmost Confidence in 
your Abilities & attachment to the 
United States of America — by Virtue of 
the power aforesaid, do Constitute and 
appoint you, a Colonel of one of the 
said Battalions, giving and granting you, 
by & with the Advice of your other 
Field Officers, to appoint all Officers 
(under the Rank of Field Officer) 
necessary for the same. Nevertheless 
reserving to myself the right of Ratify- 
ing or Rejecting such appointments, and 
as many good Officers may have been 
Overlooked in the New appointments 
by the Committees of the several States 
Assigned for the discharge of that Busi- 
ness — it is my wish that you give a 
preferrence to such of them as you 
know to be deserving of Notice. 

I do heieby require & enjoin you 
forthwith to take Measures for Recruit- 
ing such Battalions in the most expedi- 

tious manner to serve for the Term of 
Three years or During the Continuance 
of the War with Great Brittain & upon 
such pay, bounties & allowances as 
have been resolved on by Congress for 
these Eighty Eight Battalions Aforesaid. 

Given at Head Quarters Morris Town 
this Eleventh day of Januy, 1777 

Go. Washington 

To Henry Sherburne Esqr. 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Head Qrs. Morristown 

i2th Janr 1777 
Dear Sir 

Yours of the eleventh is come to 
hand. If the account the prisoners give 
be true it is a very agreeable and im- 
portant one. 

The order you sent to Colonel Winds 
has interfered with a plan, concerted by 
Generals Sullivan & Maxwell. When- 
ever you have occasion to order a move- 
ment of any part of the army, it will be 
best to apply to the Commanding offi- 
cer, lest it may, as it has in the present 
instance, interfered with some other 
object. I wish you had brought Van- 
horne of with you, for from his noted 
character, there is no dependance to be 
placed upon his Parole, — nothing new 
here but the arrivall of Genl. Stevens 
with the baggage of the Army. Genl. 
Putnam is or soon will be at Princeton. 
Heath is moveing towards Kingsbridge, 
a Detachment from that quarter are at 

I am 
Dear Sir your affcte H. St 
Go. Washington 
Colonel Reed 




Communicated by James E. Mauran 
Morris Town, January 12th 1777 

Instructions Recruiting Orders — and a 
Warrant for 6000 Dollars to Recruit 
with, are now Inclosed to you — Copies 
of the Recruiting Orders are to be given 
to the Officers so soon as they are nom- 
inated, & I should think if only part of 
the bounty was given to the Men at the 
time of enlisting them and the residue 
when they join their Regt. it might be 
a means of preventing Desertion. 

You are to fix upon some Central 
place for the Rendezvous of your Re- 
cruits where you are to attend in order 
to receive — form — Cloath — Discipline 
and provide necessaries for your Regi- 
ment — the Recruits with proper Offi- 
cers are to be Assembled at that 
place as fast as they are Inlisted — and 
you are once a week to advise me of the 
State of your Regiment & how you pro- 
ceed in the Recruiting of it — 

The short time allowed us for the 
most Vigorous Exertions which I am 
persuaded Render Arguments unneces- 
sary to stimulate you to the speedy 
Completion of your Regiment and pre- 
paring it for the Field. 

In this Business I heartily wish you 
success & am Sir yr most Obt Servt 
Go. Washington 

Eleazar Oswald, late with Genl 
Arnold is to be yr Lt. Col. 

Bradford — is to be your Major. 

Henry Sherburne Esq 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 

Morris Town Jany. 14, 1777 
Dear Sir. 

I very much approve of your visiting 

Genl. Putnam, as I cannot acc't for 
his remaining at Crosswicks instead of 
removing to Princeton, as I have de- 
sired in several of my Letters. — 

I would have him keep nothing at 
Princeton (except two or three days 
provisions) but what can be moved off 
at an hours warning. — in that case, if 
good Scouting Parties are kept con- 
stantly out, no possible damage can 
happen to the Troops, under his Com- 
mand ; who are to retreat, in case they 
are compelled to leave Princeton, to- 
wards the Mountains, so as to form a 
junction with the army under my im- 
mediate Command. — This will serve as 
a direction to him in removing the stores 
if any yet remain at Princeton. 

I would have no time lost in drawing 
the Flour from the Mills on Millstone, 
least the Enemy should attempt, & avail 
themselves of it. — I would also have 
Genl. Putnam draw his Forage as much 
as possible from the Vicinity of Bruns- 
wick, that the Enemy may thereby be 
distressed. The inhabitants of that dis- 
trict should be compelled to bring it in. — 

The two Companies under Command 
of Col. Durkee, aided by the militia in 
that Quarter should be constantly 
harassing the Enemy about Bound 
Brook and the Westward side of Bruns- 
wick (Rareton I mean) — I have directed 
Genl. Sullivan to do the like on the 
quarter next him. 

Particular attention should be paid 
to the Surgeon sent by Lord Corn- 
wallis (by my consent) to take charge 
of their wounded at Princeton. — He 
will more than probably, convey a true 
acct. of your numbers (which ought to 
be a good deal magnified) at Princeton; 
and give other useful knowledge of your 



Situation. — If therefore, the wounded 
are in a condition to remove, would it 
not be best to send them to Brunswick 
with the Surgeon ? If any of them, or 
their attendants, have been considered 
and properly were Prisoners to us, for an 
equal number to be demanded in lieu. — 

I have inclosed Genl. Howe a copy 
of Mr. Yates's declaration, and have re- 
monstrated sharply on the treatment of 
our Prisoners. — What have you done 
with the Negro you apprehended ? The 
waggon with the ammunition and watch 
coats, I am obliged to you for taking 
care of. — It is not yet arrived. — In what 
manner did Col. Quick's militia leave 
the Rangers ? — In the Field ? — run- 
away ? If so, they ought to be punished, 
or sham'd. 

I recollect my approving of Wind 
way laying of the Roads between Bruns- 
wick and Amboy. — I must beg the favr. 
of Colo. Cox, in your absence, to con- 
tinue the pursuit after Intelligence. — 
Would it not be well for the Militia 
under Colo. Malcolm to unite with the 
Rangers for the purpose of keeping out 
constant scouts to annoy and harass the 
Enemy in manner before mentioned ? — 
I ask for information, as I would not 
suffer a man to stir beyond their Lines, 
nor suffer them to have the least Inter- 
course with the Country. — 

I am Dr Sir Yr obed. & affec 

Go. Washington 
[To Colonel Joseph Reed] 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Morris Town Jan: 15th, 1777 
Dear Sir 

The enclosed was intended to have 

gone by the Express who brought me 
your last Letter — He came in the Even- 
ing of the 13th, was desired to call 
early next morning, & I have never seen 
or heard of him since. 

Many days ago I wrote to Genl. Put- 
nam supposing him to be at Princeton 
to have the stores rescued from the 
hands of the Militia who had borne 
them off, and had no doubt but he had 
done it. — What in the name of Heaven 
he can be doing at Crosswicks I know 
not, after my repeated wishes to hear 
of him at Princeton. — Surely he is 
there by this time. — In that case desire 
him from me, to use every possible 
means to recover the stores and bring 
the authors to punishment; especially 
Colo. Chambers to whom I have written 
on this subject. 

I will speak to the Quarter Master 
Genl. for a Person to be sent on this 
business but apprehend from what I 
heard him say yesterday, that he has 
nobody to spare not being able to carry 
on his business here for want of Biddle 
& Mifflin who are both absent [and] 

If the Militia cannot be prevail'd upon 
to restrain the Foraging parties & to 
annoy and Harass the Enemy in their 
excursions & upon a march they will 
be of very little use to us, as I am sure 
they can never be brought fairly up to 
an attack in any serious matter. 

When you see Genl. Mercer be so 
good as to present my best wishes to 
him — & congratulations (if the state of 
his health will admit of it) on his re- 
covery from death. — You may assure 
him that nothing but the confident as- 
sertion to me that he was either dead- 



or within a few minutes of dying, and 
that he was put into as good a place as 
I could remove him to, prevented my 
seeing him after the action, & pursuit at 

My Complim'ts also if you please to 
Colo. Coxe, from whom I shall expect a 
continuation of such Intelligence as 
occurs & he is able to procure. 
Yrs &c 
Go. Washington 

P. S. The letter to Colo Chambers 
you will have sent — it is open for your 

[Colonel Joseph Reed] 

Communicated by James E. Mauran 

Head Qrs Morristown, 
Feby loth 1777 
Sir — I yesterday evening received 
your Letter of the 4th Inst : and in 
answer thereto, inform you that I have 
not the least objection to your appoint- 
ing Major Meigs your Lieut. Colo, in 
the room of Mr Oswald, his character 
as a Soldier and an Officer being good 
and such as deserves notice ; However, 
previous to this measure I wish 
you to Consider the prospect you 
have of raising your Regiment, for tho 
it is my desire to promote men of Credit 
to office and to rank, yet a regard to 
publick interest will not authorize their 
promotions without they can be of ser- 
•vice afterwards, and multiplying the 
number of Officers without Regiments, 
will not be answering the end proposed, 
viz adding to our strength, but will be 
incurring a heavy and large expence. 
I regret much the policy of the New 
England States which has given rise to 

so many difficulties and which I fear 
will be severely felt. I Cannot give 
directions for an Extra bounty, that 
would be approving a measure which I 
have always Condemned, and which so 
far from being justifiable has been repro- 
bated by Congress as impolitick & in- 
jurious to the publick Cause. If the 
Gentlemen appointed in those Govern- 
ments to a part of the Sixteen addi- 
tional Battallions cannot make up their 
Corps, the truth of these observations 
will be verified, and happy will it be, if 
the measure should not extend its bane- 
ful influence elsewhere. 

I am Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 
To Col. Henry Sherburne — 

by favor of Maj. Meigs 


Contributed by Simon Gratz 

Head Qrs Morristown 

Feby 14, 1777 

I have now before me your two Letters 
of the 29th Ulto. and the 8th Inst, with 
which you have been pleased to honour 
me. The disputes subsisting about 
Rank in Colo. McCoy's Regiment, I 
will try to settle and accommodate 
agreeable to your request, should I hear 
anything more upon the Subject. I have 
not yet seen the Colo. — 

In respect to the return of Lt. Roble 
& Ensigns Hoffour and Sneider with 
the privates they have, I cannot see any 
necessity for it. It is true their number 
is but small, yet as every aid at this 
time is wanted, and their presence at 
Philadelphia not necessary to facilitate 
the levying, or the arrangement of the 



Regiment, I think their return should 
be dispensed with. 

I am much obliged by your attention 
to my several Letters. The collection 
of the public arms, is a subject that 
requires much of our care — The utmost 
of our industry, I am apprehensive, will 
not entirely relieve us from difficulties 
& embarrassments on that Head. Our 
demand for Artillerists will make the 
arrival of Captn Courtnay's company 
seasonable and of importance. 
I have the Honor to be 

with much esteem yr most Obedt St. 
Go. Washington 

[Committee of Congress] 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Morristown Feby 23d, 1777 
Dear Sir 

Your Letters of the 13th and i8th 
inst. are both to hand — the last in date 
arrived first, — the first this morning 

I am sorry, upon the footing you have 
put it, and under the apprehensions you 
seem to be, that I did not accept your 
Commission as Adjt. Genl. when you 
offered it, tho' your fears cannot be 
realized, because at that time it was 
mentioned in Genl. Orders, that you 
having resigned, Colo. Weedon was ap- 
pointed Pro. Tem ; your having the 
Comn. in possession therefore can be no 
argument against your Resignation — 
but I am willing to accept it at any time. 

I am sorry the Cartel settlmt by Genl. 
Conway with the French cant be found 
— I have lately wrote to Genl. Gates for 
it, who I think told me he had it. — I 
would by no means wish you to come 

up merely on that acct ; especially as 
I have not, as yet, got any answer from 
Congress relative to my recommenda- 
tion of you to the Command of the 
Horse. — If they should listen to my 
wishes in this appointment, — if a sepa- 
rate Quarter Master is necessary for the 
Horse, & Colo. Coxe Inclines to accept 
it, I can have no possible objection to it, 
but how far the Rank of Colo, can be 
annexed to the office I cannot under- 
take to say. I would wish to think of 
it a little 

I believe all the Prisoners from the 
Eastern States are now gone in. — that 
they did not do it long ago is not my 
fault. — this I thought Colo. Miles had 
been satisfied of when he was out — & 
what method I could devise to furnish 
their pay, except in a currency that 
would not pass, I am sure I know not, — 
all the hard money that could be had 
he must know was sent in. — 

I am not a little surprised at what you 
mention concerning Colo. Griffin. — Be- 
fore Christmas I offered him a Regi- 
ment, & the nomination of his own 
officers — this he refused. — Since that he 
has been offered the Leiutenant Colo- 
nency of a Regiment of Horse, & this 
he has refused. — If his expectations are 
higher than that of a Regiment, which 
he was offered (even before I was vested 
with full Powers to do it) the Congress 
are alone competent to the gratification 
of them, as I have no authority to go 
beyond what I have already offered him. 

If you should have the Command of 
the Horse, it will be quite agreeable to 
me that you should have one of those 
that was bought at Boston. — if you have 
not, as they were got for that particular 



service by Express order of Congress 
and I have already refused Genl. Green, 
I could not with propriety consent to it, 
as I mean, after choosing a couple, or 
three, for my own use, to throw the rest 
into some of the Troop, or let them go 
among the officers. 

I wish your leisure would permit you 
to digest a proper plan for the preven- 
tion of Desertion, and apprehension 
of Deserters that would have a general 
operation throughout all the United 
States. — I have, in general terms recom- 
mended to Congress, and to all the 
States Individually, the absolute neces- 
sity of adopting some efficatious mode 
to accomplish the latter, but each will, 
unless some method can be adopted by, 
or recommended from Congress, or the 
Commander of the Army, have some 
newfangled, or inadequate schemes of 
their own. — In like manner, if you can 
give any assistance to Genl. Mifflin in 
an arrangement of waggons I shall be 
glad of it. — One Snickers, a Gentlem. 
on or near Shanondoah in Fredk Coun- 
ty, Virginia has offered to buy a num- 
ber. He is a person well acquainted in 
this business, and may be depended on. 

I think the Congress ought not, under 
the present appearance of things by any 
means to return to Philadelphia — I 
think we are now in one of the most 
critical periods wch America ever saw, 
& because the Enemy are not in actual 
motion (by the by I believe they are 
not far from it) every body seems to be 
lulled into ease and Security. — 

Would Colo. Coxe accept the ap- 
pointment of Corny of Prisoners ? — if 
he will, I wish to God he would repair 
hither immediately — I want a shrewd 

sensible man exceedingly for this busi- 
ness & obtaining Intelligence which 
offices are very corrispondent — Let me 
hear from you on this point as quick as 
possible — the Pay may, I presume be 
equal to that of Colonel. — 

I am Dr Sir Yr most Obect Ser 
Go. Washington 
[Colonel Joseph Reed] 


Communicated by Edward E. Sprague 
Camp near Clove July 24th 1777 
My Lord 

Since my last to you ; dated at Gal- 
laways in the Clove, I have march'd 
one division of the Army to this place 
whilst two others proceeded to Chester, to 
be ready to march by a back road to 
Philada (if need be) or to cross at New 
Windsor, if the Enemy, contrary to our 
present expectation, should attempt to 
operate up the North,- or East River — 

I have to request, that your Lordship 
would apply to Genl. Putnam to have 
Boats ready to throw your division (and 
such other Troops, as occasion shall re- 
quire) across the North River with the 
utmost expedition, upon notice given, 
which if at all, will be sudden — or, how 
would it answer if your Lordships divi- 
sion was to come over to this side, and 
wait orders ? Could you recross being 
on the spot, and Boats ready, before the 
communication could be stopped ? — and 
which is of consequence, could your 
men get comfortably covered in the 
Neighbourhood of Kings Ferry ? 

My last advices, which can be de- 
pended upon, are that the Enemy's 
Fleet except 40 Sail (which are at New 
York) have fallen down to the Hook, 



that it consists of 170 Sail of Topsail 
vessels, and abt 50 or 60 smaller ones — 
this, with the Report of the Pilots being 
Southern ones & some other Circum- 
stances have led to a belief that Phila 
is the object— Was this certain no time 
shd be lost in drawing both yours and 
Genl. Sullivan's divisions (with other 
Troops) over — under the probability 
of it, however, it is I have suggested 
the idea of your recrossing, and do fur- 
ther suggest the propriety of Genl. 
Sullivan's taking your ground at Peeks 
Kill ; for if there is no appearance of 
the Enemy in the Sound his moving 
Easterly towards Crum pond is alto- 
gether useless — 

I do not give these as orders, but wish 
you to consult Genl. Putnam, and the 
other General officers on that side, & 
see how my ideas corrispond with theirs 
& such certain Intelligence as you may 
have and act accordingly — If the Enemy 
are destined for Philadelphia these 
moves will facilitate the March of the 
Troops thither — if to the Eastward, 
they will be retrograde. — but such is the 
disadvantage we do, and such we must 
labour under, if the Enemy have Cun- 
ning enough to keep their own Coun- 
cils, whilst they have shipping to move in, 
and the absolute Command of the water. 

I am with great regard yr Lordships 
most obedt Hble Servt 

Go. Washington 
Majr Genl. Lord Stirling, Peeks kill 


Communicated by Edward E. Sprague 
Near Pottsgrove 24th Sept. 1777 
J after 5 oclock P. M. 
My Lord 

Since I have seen Captn Faulkner, and 

by him learnt the situation of Genl. 
McDougal, I am really uneasy to find 
how low he is down & near to the Enemy 
(if they continue in the same position 
they were this morning) 

Captn Faulkner says your Lordship 
proposed to send an officer to conduct 
him by some upper Road, but lest any 
other business should have withdrawn 
your attention from this matter, I send 
to inquire, & if it is not done, to beg 
that not a moments time may be lost 
in doing of it. — To do this expedi- 
tiously is, in my judgment a matter of 
great Importance, as I conceive they 
will if they can get any Intelligence of 
his situation and numbers (this night) 
aim a stroke at him. — Besides the officer 
that may have gone, I also beg that a 
few light horse with a good guide or two, 
may be sent to Patrole between him and 
the Enemy with orders to give him 
notice of any movement which may ap- 
pear towards him this night 

After expressing my uneasiness on 
this head I shall rely upon yr. Lordships 
care &c. to guard against the stroke 
which I think (if the Enemy have 
knowledge of McDougals Situation) 
may be aimed — Your Lordship will 
please to forward any accts which may 
come to your hands of the Enemy's 
Situation or movements. 

I am my Lord Yr Lordships Most Ob 
Go. Washington 
[Major General Lord Stirling] 

Contributed by John Davies 
Head Quarters Sept 25th 1777 
II Oclock A.M. 
My Lord 

I have your favor of 8 Oclock now be- 



fore me, and am surprised to find the 
Enemy in the same situation after the 
movement which they appear'd to be 
making according to the Information 
given by Genl. Reed. — 

I am sorry the Picquets march'd from 
hence yesterday, & I am still more con- 
cern'd that Genl. Armstrong with the 
militia moved to the Trap, as it was 
owing to a mistake they were not halted 
along with the other Troops at this place, 
the countermand of the march being 
intended for the whole, tho, I presume 
it never reached Genl. Armstrong. — 

Under these circumstances, and the 
present appearance of the weather 
(which has induced me to pitch our 
Tents, and see what the clouds have in 
charge) I mean to Halt here, at least 
to day especially as I find Genl Wayne 
will not be up till night (if then) and 
Smallwood not till to morrow, I should 
be glad therefore if your Lordship 
would consult Genl. Armstrong & the 
other Genl. officers with you, and deter- 
mine whether it will be best for you to 
march back the Picquets, & for Max- 
wells Corps to join their respective Bri- 
gades immediately or wait till to mor- 
row. — 

That you may be the better enabled 
to determine this feint I am to inform 
you, that I have directed Genl. McDou- 
gall to Halt at a place mark'd in the 
map Markeys, on the Skippack Road, 
between Welgers & Pennebakers Mill 
(at a star in the Fork of Perkiomy) 
and officers are gone out to view the 
ground thereabouts, to see if it w'd be 
a convenient situation to assemble our 
Troops at & form a Camp ; at the same 
time I must add that the Curr't Senti- 

ment of the Genl. Officers here, is, that 
it is too near the Enemy till we are in a 
better condition to meet them on any 
ground than we seem to be at present. — 
I shall only add that the reason for halt- 
ing McDougal there, is to save him the 
fatigue of a Counter March if we should 
move that way, as his Troops must be 
greatly fatiegued by the length, & (of 
late) the rapidity of his march to form 
a junction with us. — How far his situa- 
tion there may be eligable, a few hours, 
with the Intellegence they may bring, 
will probably determine, — your Lord- 
ship will as before desired take the sen- 
timents of the Officers with you on these 
matters & let me know the result — I am 
yr Lordships most Obed, 

Go. Washington 
[Major General Lord Stirling] 

Communicated by Frederick E. Gibert 
Head Qrs. Philad. County 

15th Octob 1777 
Dear Sir 

Note. — This letter is printed in Sparks' 
Writings of Washington [Vol. V, 91], the follow- 
ing postscript to it being omitted. 

P S. By sundry concuring accounts of 
persons out of Philadelphia and from De- 
serters, the Enemy's loss in the action 
of the 4th was very considerable. The 
lowest say it was 1500 killed and 
wounded, others 200 & some as high as 
2500. Perhaps the two last are exag- 
gerated, but there are many reasons to 
believe that the first cannot much ex- 
ceed the mark. For they were com- 
pleatly surprized and drove in great 
disorder for a long time & for a consid- 
erable distance at every point of attack. 
Had it not been for the extreme foggi- 



ness of the day which prevented our 
several Columns discovering each other's 
movements and from improving the ad- 
vantages which they separately gained, 
in all probability the day would have 
been a most fortunate one — But owing 
to that circumstance they got confused 
and retreated at a moment when there 
was every appearance of victory in our 
favor The Enemy lost some valuable 
officers, among the slain Genl. Agnew 
& it is said another Genl. officer was 
dangerously wounded. We were not 
without on our part Brigadr Nash was 
wounded by a Cannon Ball & is since 
dead — We had also several other officers 
of inferior rank wounded & some killed 
— This crude, undigested account I dont 
mean for publication — I hope all will 
yet end well. 

To Governor Clinton 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 

White Marsh, Deer 2d, 1777 
Dear Sir 

If you can with any convenience let 
me see you today I shall be thankful for 
it — I am abt fixing the Winter Canton- 
ments of this Army and find so many & 
capitol objections to each mode pro- 
posed, that I am exceedingly embar- 
rassed, not only by the advice given me, 
but in my own judgment, and should be 
very glad of your sentiments on the 
matter without loss of time. — In hopes 
of seeing you, I shall only add that 
from Reading to Lancaster Inclusively 
is the general Sentiment, whilst Wel- 
mingtod and its vicinity, has powerful 
advocates — this however is mentioned 
under the rose — for I am convinced in 
my own opinion, that if the enemy be- 

lieved we had this place in contempla- 
tion they would possess themselves of 
it immediately. — I am very sincerely 
Dr Sir Yr affecty 

Go. Washington 
[Colonel Joseph Reed] 


Communicated by S. H. Shreve 

[Dec 1777] 
To THE Officers and Soldiers of the 
Militia in the Counties of Hunter- 
don, Burlington, Gloucester, Salem 
and Cumberland. 

Friends and Fellow Soldiers : The 
enemy have thrown considerable force 
into your State with intent to possess 
themselves of the post at Red Bank 
and after clearing the obstructions in 
the Delaware make incursions into your 
country — To prevent them from effect- 
ing either of these purposes I have sent 
over such a number of Continental 
Troops as I trust will, with the spirited 
operations of the militia totally defeat 
their designs and oblige them to return 
to the City and suburbs of Philadelphia 
which is the only ground they possess 
on the Pennsylvania Shore, in which 
they cannot subsist cut off from the 
supplies of the plentiful State of New 
Jersey. I therefore call upon you, by 
all that you hold dear to rise up as one 
man and rid your country of its unjust 
invaders. To convince you that is to 
be done by a general appearance of all 
its freemen armed and ready to give 
their opposition, I need only to put you 
in mind of the effect it had upon the 
British Army in June last who laid 
aside their intention of marching 
through the upper part of your State 
upon seeing the hostile manner in which 



you were prepared to receive them. 
Look also at the glorious effects which 
followed the spirit of the union which 
appeared among our brethren of New 
York and New England, who, by the 
brave assistance they afforded the Con- 
tinental Army obliged a royal one, flushed 
with their former victories to sue for 
terms and lay down their arms in the 
most submissive manner. Reflect upon 
these things and I am convinced that 
every man who can bear a musket will 
take it up and without respect to time 
or place give his services in the field 
for a few weeks, perhaps only a few 

I am your sincere friend and coun- 

G. Washington 


Communicated by John Davies 
Valley Forge 30th Deer. 1777 
My Lord, 

The bearer presents the horse to you 
which I offered in exchange for your 
black — In the Summer when I first got 
him, he had the appearance of a fine, 
and handsome horse — at present (by ne- 
glect at Bethleham) his appearance is 
altered. He was purchased for me by 
Col. Moylan as a horse of Six yrs old, & 
I believe him to be sound, knowing 
nothing to the contrary. — he goes 
rough equal I believe to your black, and 
has no bad qualities that I know of ; 
however, as I have no oppertunity of 
sending the black to my home at pres- 
ent, your Lordship may try the other, & 
judge from the experiment of the eligi- 
bility of the swap — In the mean time 
yours may, or may not, as you choose 

it, stand in my stable ; as I design him 
for no other purpose than a stud horse 
for the use of my Mares in Virg,a. 
I am with sincere esteem & affecte 
Yr Lordships most ob,t 
Go. Washington 
[Major General Lord Stirling] 


Communicated by Edward E. Sprague 
Valley Forge Jany 7th 1778 
Dear Sir 

Learning that the Captured Brig con- 
tains a great qty & variety, of officers 
baggage ; and necessaries proper for 
them ; many articles of which from the 
length of time I have been in the ser- 
vice & difficulty of procuring them at 
first, I stand much in need of — I shall 
be obliged to you for sending me, if to 
be had, the things contained in the In- 
closed memm I will pay the appraised 
value, or come in as a common pur- 
chaser at a public auction as shall be 
thought best. With sincere esteem and 
regard I am 

Dr Sir Yrs Most obedt Servt 
Go. Washington 

P. S. 

I shall refer you to another Letter of 
mine written since the above, — but still 
wish for the articles in the Inclosed 
To Brigr Genl. Smallwood, 

at Go. Washington, Wilmington 


Communicated by S. H. Shreve 
Head Quarters Valley Forge 
14th April 1778 
Sir : I received yours of the loth inst 
inclosing the proceedings of a Court- 



Martial against William Seeds and Sam- 
uel Carter. I confirm the sentence of 
the former, and desire that he may be 
executed at such time and place as you 
may think most proper. I cannot con- 
firm the sentence against Carter until I 
have consulted Gov. Livingstone upon 
the matter. Introducing martial-law 
into this State was intended to remedy 
the weaknesses of the civil ; but in New 
Jersey where there is a law founded ex- 
pressly for the purpose of trying in- 
habitants taking arms on the side of the 
enemy, I think that such persons should 
be delivered to the civil power. When 
I have Governor's determination upon 
this matter you shall hear from me — 
In the meantime secure the prisoner — 
I am Sir, your most obed Servant 
G. Washington 
Col [Israel] Shreve 


Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmet 
14 July 1778 

Colo Laurens will suggest to his Ex- 
cellency Count de Estaign the advan- 
tages which would more than probably, 
result from a French ship of (sufficient) 
force getting into the sound, as far up as 
lyons tongue or somewhere thereabouts. 
A measure of this kind would clear that 
channel of the British armed Vessels 
wch now infest it, and cover the passage 
and landing of a party of men wch 
might be sent to long Island for the 
purposes of removing the cattle out of 
the way of the Enemy, destroying their 
Horses &ca and would afford supplies 
of Fresh provisions to the Fleet, Vege- 
tables and other comforts. 

The Vessels belonging to the Har- 
bours of Connecticut would presently 
take of the fat cattle and other stock if 
the British cruisers were driven from 
the Communication between the Island 
and the Main. 

How far the enterprize upon Rhode Is- 
land is compatible with a watch of the 
Fleet in the harbour of New York, is 
wholly submitted to the Admirals supe- 
rior judgment — But, as an Imbarkation 
of the Army at that place cannot happen 
without notice being had of it, nor an 
evacuation of the harbour after it is begun 
in less than 48 hours, I would take the 
liberty of recalling the subject to his 
consideration as the destruction of 
the Fleet after it had passed the hook 
might be the consequence of the at- 
tempt. — 

The enterprize upon Rhode Island 
might be followed by an attempt upon 
Hallifax ; which if fortunate would be 
a deadly stroke to G. Britain as it is the 
only Dock on the Continent in which 
ships of large force can Career, and 
moreover abounds in Naval & Military 
stores of all kinds. 

Go. Washington 

Memorandum from Gen Washington 
to J. L. on military matters 

East Channel 

j 2 Galleys 

( I Sml Frigate 

W Chi 2 Sm Frigates 

Main Chi 2 Frigates 

at Newport 3 Galleys 

2 or 3 Frigates 

Ld forces, 7000 

25 th 20 gun sloop of war, passed pt 
Judith standing for Newport. 




Communicated by Joseph W. Drexel 
White plains July 22d 1778 

The Marquiss de la Fayette will 
command under the orders of Major 
General Sullivan, the detachment from 
this army consisting of Glover & Var- 
nums Brigades, and the detachment 
under the care of Colonel Henry Jack- 
son — You are, consequently, to obey 
his orders 

I am Sir Yr most obt Servt 
Go. Washington 
To Colonel Henry Jackson 

Communicated by Joseph. W. Drexel 
Head Quarters, White Plains 
Augt 12, 1778 

I have just received a second letter 
dated the loth, from General Maxwell, 
confirming the intelligence of the de- 
parture of the British fleet, from the 
Hook, which it may not be useless or 
unsatisfactory for you to know — an ex- 
tract from which I do myself the honor 
to enclose. The State of the winds for 
two or three days past, makes me hope, 
this communication may not arrive too 
late. With the most ardent wishes for 
your success and the sincerest respect 
I have the honour to be Sir 
Your most obdt Servt 

Go. Washington 
His Excellency 

Count D'Estain Vice Admiral &c &c 

Communicated by T. Bailey Myers 

Head Quarters 4th October 1778 
My Lord 

It is now three days since I have 

received any intelligence from your 
Lordship. This makes me the more un- 
easy as my movements depend alto- 
gether upon the indications of those of 
the enemy. It is of so much importance 
to me to be regularly informed that I 
must request that you will send expresses 
daily, acquainting me precisely with the 
enemys position, and communicating 
such intelligence as you may collect 
from spies deserters &c. It is often a 
satisfaction to know that nothing new 
has happened, although it may not ap- 
pear very interesting to make a report of 
it and your Lordship will at any rate be 
able to compensate the dearth of events 
by favoring me with your conjectures. 
I am with great regard 

Your Lordships most obdt Servt 
Go. Washington 
Major General Lord Stirling 
P. S. I open this letter to acknowl- 
edge the receipt of your Lordships favour 
of yesterday. I have also received two 
New York papers transmitted me by 
Mr Livingston at your desire. I have 
nothing to add but my thanks for the 
intelligence you communicate. Major 
Washington with Moylan's Regt is on 
his way to join your Lordship. 

Communicated by Joseph W. Drexel 
Head Quarters 
Frederick bg 25 October 1778 
My Lord 

The intelligence communicated in 
yours of yesterday is confirmed by a 
Gentleman who has been into New York 
with a flag and is just returned. 

The mistake into which we have been 
led, as to the embarkation and sailing of 



those transports which actually have the 
troops on board, has somewhat deranged 
us. Lest the enemy should take any 
advantage, be pleased to order Wood- 
fords Brigade to move immediately to- 
wards the Clove, and to take post in such 
a situation as to be able to occupy it 
should they move up the River. Instead 
of sending the parties to repair the Roads 
from Maxwells and Woodfords Brigades, 
they may, now, both go from Woodfords, 
which will lay in a conveniant situation 
for that purpose. 

Should the enemy, contrary to our ex- 
pectation, move up the River, you will 
take such measures to cooperate with us 
as shall seem to your Lordship most 

I will in my next give you an answer 
respecting Colo Burr. 

I am with great Regard 

Your Lordship's Most obt Servt 
Go. Washington 
Maj Gen Lord Stirling 


Communicated by John Austin Stevens 

Head Quarters Dec 17, 1778 

I have the pleasure to transmit you 
the inclosed Commission and the copy 
of a Resolution of Congress that ac- 
companies it — I received the Letter 
which inclosed the Commission on my 
way from Fredericksburg; but being 
separated from my papers just after it 
came to hand — and not gettmg the Let- 
ter again till a day or two ago, I have 
been prevented from sending the Com- 
mission till now. 

In consequence of your Commission 
and the Resolution ot Congress — you 
are to join Colonel Lambs Regiment 

and fill the vacancy, occasioned by the 
resignation of Lt Colo Oswald. 
I am Sir with esteem 

your most obed Servt 
Go. Washington 
Lieut Colonel Ebenezer Stevens 


Communicated by John Davies 

[Head Quarters 21 Dec 1778] 

Congress having been pleased to re- 
quire my attendance at Philadelphia 
for a few days the immediate command 
of the Troops at this place will devolve 
upon your Lordship. 

The hutting the Troops in the most 
speedy and commodious manner, and 
the preservation of order and discipline, 
I doubt not will receive your Lordships 
particular attention — I must request 
that you will as much as possible avoid 
granting furloughs to officers, except in 
the manner and proportion heretofore 
specified in General orders, and will not 
deviate but where the circumstances of 
the case are of a very peculiar and 
pressing nature. — The frequency of ap- 
plications on this head induces me to 
particularize the caution. 

Your Lordship will give me the earl- 
iest intelligence of any thing of conse- 
quence that may happen. 

Given at Head Quarters 
this the 2istDayof Deer 1778 
Go. Washington 
[Major Genl Lord Stirling] 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Head Quarters 3d March — 79 


The President of Congress has trans- 



mitted me the instructions of the As- 
sembly of your state to their delegates, 
founded on a representation of the dis- 
tresses of your western frontiers — and 
further the opinion of a Committee of 
the House on the subject of their de- 
fence — together with the two Resolves 
•made in consequence. 

I am therefore to inform your Excel- 
lency that offensive operations against 
the hostile tribes of Indians have been 
meditated and determined upon — that 
preparations have some time since been 
making for that purpose — and will be 
carried into execution at a proper sea- 
son if no unexpected event takes place, 
and the situation of affairs on the Sea- 
board will justify the undertaking — But 
the profoundest secrecy was judged 
necessary to the success of such an en- 
terprise for the following reasons — That 
immediately upon the discovery of our 
design the Savages would either put 
themselves in condition to make head 
against us, by a reunion of all their 
force and that of their allies, strength- 
ened besides by succours from Canada 
— or elude the expedition altogether — 
which might be done at the expence 
only of a temporary evacuation of 
forests which we could not possess — 
and the destruction of a few settle- 
ments, which they might speedily re- 
establish — 

Tho' this matter is less under the veil 
of secrecy than was originally intended 
— your Excellency will see the propri- 
ety of using such precautions as still 
remain in our power — to prevent its be- 
ing divulgated — and of covering such 
preparations as might tend to announce 
it — with the most specious disguise that 

the enemys attention may not be awak- 
ened to our real object. 

With respect to the force to be em- 
ployed on this occasion — it is scarcely 
necessary to observe that the detaching 
a considerable number of continental 
troops on such a remote expedition 
would too much expose the country 
adjacent to the body of the enemys 

There must therefore be efficacious 
assistance derived from the States whose 
frontiers are obnoxious to the inroads 
of the barbarians — and for this I in- 
tended at the proper time to make ap- 
plication — Your Excellency will be 
pleased to acquaint me what force yours 
in particular can furnish in addition to 
the five Companies voted by Congress — 
and when you think those Companies or 
the major part of them will probably be 
raised — What proportion of the levies of 
your State might be drawn from those in- 
habitants who have been driven from the 
frontier — And what previous measures 
can be taken to engage them without 
given them an alarm — This Class of 
people besides the advantages of knowl- 
edge of the Country, and the particular 
motives with which they will be ani- 
mated — are most likely to furnish the 
troops best calculated for this service — 
which should be Corps of active Ran- 
gers, who are at the same time expert 
marksmen and accustomed to the irreg- 
ular kind of wood-fighting practiced 
by the Indians. Men of this descrip- 
tion embodied under proper officers 
would be infinitely preferable to a su- 
perior number of Militia unacquainted 
with this species of war — and who would 
exhaust the magazines of Ammunition 



and Provision — without rendering any 
effectual service — 

It will be a very necessary attention 
to avoid the danger of short inlistments 
— the service should be limited only by 
the expedition or a term amply com- 
petent to it — otherwise we shall be ex- 
posed to the evident ill-consequences of 
having the mens engagements expire at 
an interesting, perhaps a critical junc- 
ture — 

I have the honor to be with great re- 

Sir Yr most Obedt and 

most Hble Servt 
Go. Washington 
His Excellency President Reed 

Communicated by C. W. Frederickson 
Middlebrook March 20th 1779 
Dear Sir 

I have received your favour of the 
14th Inst by Colo Morgan, and have had 
a good deal of conversation with him 
respecting our affairs to the Westward. 

I wish matters had been more pros- 
perously conducted under the command 
of Genl Mcintosh. This Gentlemn was 
in a manner a stranger to me, but dur- 
ing the time of his residence at Valley 
forge I had imbibed a good opinion of 
his good sense — attention to duty, and 
disposition to correct public abuses, 
qualifications much to be valued in a 
separate & distant command. 

To these considerations were added 
(and not the least) his disinterested con- 
cern with respect to the disputes which 
had divided & distracted the Inhab- 
itants of that Western world — and which 
would have rendered an ofificer from 

either Pensa or Virga improper, while 
none could be spared from any other 
State with so much convenience as Mc- 

He is now coming away, and the sec- 
ond in command, Brodhead (as there 
will be no military operation of conse- 
quence to be conducted) will succeed 
him — but, once for all, it may not be 
amiss for me to conclude with this ob- 
servation — That, with such means as are 
provided, I must labour. 

I am Dr Sir Yr most obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters 23d March 1779 
Dear Sir 

For the more speedy assembling of 
the Militia upon an emergency, I have 
agreed with the Field Officers in this 
and the next County to erect Beacons 
upon the most conspicuous Hills, the 
firing of which shall be Signals for them 
to repair to their different Alarm Posts — 
You will be pleased to have one erected 
upon the Mountain in the Rear of Pluck- 
emin, upon the place that shall seem 
most visible from the adjacent Country. 
The Beacons are proposed to be built 
of Logs in the form of a Pyramid ; 16 
or 18 feet square at the Base, and about 
20 feet in height, the inner part to be 
filled with Brush — Should there be oc- 
casion to fire it you shall have proper 
notice — Be pleased to send me one of 
the Copies of the last arrangement of 
the ordnance department — 

I am Dear Sir Your Obt Servt, 
G. Washington 
Brig Genl Knox 



P. S. As the inclosed Resolve of 
Congress includes the Artillery I have 
transmitted to you and request you to 
order Returns to be made agreeable 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Middle brook March 29th 1779 
Dear Sir 

Since mine of yesterday, I have re- 
ceived the inclosed extract of a Letter 
from General Maxwell at Elizabeth 
Town, which I send lest the suggestion 
contained in my letter may have made 
a deeper impression than I intended ; 
which was no more than to hint at the 
advantages which might result from a 
systematical plan of assembling the Mi- 
litia at certain points, on any sudden 
exigency & with more expedition & less 
expence than it could be effected in the 
ordinary course of proceeding — Such 
a measure would, I am certain, be eliga- 
ble in one point of view, but how far it 
can be planned without giving an alarm 
to our friends, and setting the numerous 
speculators and stock jobbers to work, 
you can judge better of than I. 

I am with great esteem and regard 
Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 
His Excellency Jos Reed Esq 

Presidt Pensa 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Middle brook April 8th 1779 
Dear Sir, 

Your favor without a date, acknowl- 
edging the receipt of my letters of the 
28th, & 9th ulto came to hand a day or 
two ago. 

Colo Patterson (as he is called) was a 
stranger even in name to me, till he 
came here introduced by Colo Cox as a 
person capable of giving the best in- 
formation of the Indian Country be- 
tween the Susquehannah and Niagara of 
any man that was to be met with ; and 
as one who had it more in his power 
than any other to obtain such intelli- 
gence of the situation, numbers and 
designs of the enemy in these regions as 
I wanted to enable me to form the Expe- 
tion against them — In this light, & as 
the Bror in law of Genl Potter who is 
known to be a zealous friend to America, 
I viewed & imployed Colo Patterson for 
the above purposes ; concealing as much 
as the nature of the case would admit 
my real design. — If I have been de- 
ceived in the Man Colo Cox is the author 
of the deception and is highly culpable, 
because he represented him to me as a 
person he was well acquainted with, — 
The Troops from Minisink were to be- 
gin their March for Wioming last Mon- 
day — The bad weather all the Month 
of March and an accident to one of my 
Letters to Genl Hand occasioned a de- 
lay of some days. Orders also went 
(before the receipt of your Letter) to 
Genl McDougall to put the remains of 
Pattens & Malcolms Regiments in mo- 
tion for the same quarter — and the Board 
of War, some time since, has been ap- 
plied to for a relief to Rawling's Corps 
that it might reinforce Brodhead for the 
purpose mentioned to you when at Camp, 
but what they have done in the matter 
is unknown to me — I shall be very glad 
to know from time to time what pro- 
gress is made in compleating the five 
independent Companies ; and let me 



beseech you my dear Sir while I am 
upon the subject of recruiting to give 
the most pointed orders to those who 
are engaged in this Service, for your 
Battalions, to take no Deserters. — They 
weaken instead of strengthen the Regi- 
ments and not only rob the public of 
the bounty money, arms, accoutrements 
and cloaths which they receive, but 
poison the minds of other Soldiers and 
carry many away with them to the en- 
emy — In Genl Potter's letter (now re- 
turned) the propriety of offering Land 
as an encouragement to Men to enlist in 
the above Companies, is suggested for 
your consideration — I have long been 
of opinion founded in observation that 
if the State bounties are continually in- 
creased for every short & temperary 
Service & enlistment, that the price of 
Men another year will be far above our 
purchase ; & a final end will be put to 
recruiting — the consequences of which, 
under present appearances, are well 
worthy of consideration. 

To hear that all party disputes had 
subsided, & that harmony (not only be- 
tween Congress & the States, but between 
the discordant parts of the State) was 
restored, wd give me very singular pleas- 
ure — If party matters were at an end, 
& some happy expedient hit upon to 
check the further depreciation of our 
money, we should soon be left to the 
enjoyment of that Peace and happiness 
which every good man must wish for & 
none but the violated & abandoned tribe 
of speculators &c would be injured by — 

If propositions haVe not been made 
to Congress of the Court of G. Britain 
for negotiating a Peace on the terms 
which have been held out to the Com- 

missioners upon what ground is the res- 
olutions you speak of founded ? — They 
surely do not mean to be the movers of 
a Negotiation, before they know the 
terms that will be offered, or which can 
certainly be obtained ? — In a word the 
whole matter (to me) is a mistery. — 
I am with sincerity & truth 
Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt &c 

Go. Washington 
[President Joseph Reed] 
April 9th 

P. S. Since writing the foregoing I 
have spoke to Genl Green concerning 
Patterson — He says that Cox is not, 
nor was not unacquainted with the sus- 
picions harboured of him — that in ye 
early part of the War he got disgusted 
by some disappointment, withdrew from 
Public Service — & has conducted him- 
self in such a manner as to be suspected 
of favouring the back Settlers who have 
joined the Enemy — but nevertheless he 
will answer for his fidelity & the due 
performance of what he has undertaken 
if impediments are not thrown in his 
way. — 

I have accts of the Marching of Pat- 
tens & Malcolms Regiments— & that 
the Troops from Minisink will be at 
Wioming this night if no accident hap- 
pens to them. 

Yr &c G. W N 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters 12th April 1779 
Dear Sir 

Inclosed you have the last General 
Return of Ordnance and Military Stores 
which I have received from the Board of 
War, of which you will take a Copy. 



There appears to me a very great defi- 
ciency of many articles, particularly of 
Small Arms, powder and Lead. But 
you will be pleased to examine it critic- 
ally and report to me what are, in your 
opinion, wanting, that I may, without 
loss of time, lay the estimate before the 
Board of War. 

As you must be Sensible of the ne- 
cessity of keeping a Return of so disa- 
greeable a complexion as much a Secret 
as possible, be pleased to drop a hint of 
this kind to the person who copies it — 
I am Dear Sir 

Your Most Obdt Servt 
G. Washington 
Brig Genl Knox 


Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 

Head Quarters Middle Brook, 

19th April 1779 
Dear Sir 

I have been honored with yours of 
the 14th instant. I shall not fail to 
recommend to the Officer, who will com- 
mand on the Susquehannah, the culti- 
vation of a good understanding between 
the Settlers at Wyoming and the inhab- 
itants of Northumberland County. 

Upon estimating the Force necessary 
to be employed upon the intended Ex- 
pedition, so as to give the most proba- 
ble assurance of success, I find that it 
will require more troops than can possi- 
ble be spared from the Continental 
Army, without weakening our main 
Body to that degree, that it will be ever 
liable to be insulted, if not materially 
injured by the Enemy should they move 
out — I am therefore under the necessity 
of making application to the State of 

Pennsylvania for the aid of Six hundred 
Militia including the companies of Rang- 
ers, to continue in service three Months 
from the ist of June, if the Laws or 
any power vested in the Executive 
Council will authorize the calling them 
out for so long a time they must come 
provided with Arms, as from the ex- 
hausted State of the Continental Mag- 
azines they cannot be supplied from 
thence. You will oblige me by letting 
me know as early as possible whether 
this demand can be complied with fully 
in point of term of Service, and if not, 
for the longest time that the Men may 
be depended upon. They are to ren- 
dezvous at Sunbury by the loth of May. 
I imagine the Western Militia will be 
called out upon this Service. They are 
infinitely to be preferred on many ac- 
counts, but particularly from their being 
used to the Indian mode of War, which 
is apt to make very fatal impressions 
upon men not acquainted with that kind 
of Enemy. 

I would not presume to nominate the 
Officer who should take command of 
this Body of Men : but I hope I shall 
stand excused, when I mention Brig : 
General Potter. From my knowledge 
of his abilities, and his acquaintance 
with the kind of service upon which 
these Men are to be employed, I should 
be very happy should the State think 
proper to confer the command upon 

Upon the several hints given to me 
of the suspicions of Patterson's charac- 
ter, I have taken measures to prevent 
him from being mischeivous should he 
be so inclined, and I have desired that 
Colo Cox may give him a caution against 



making a needless parade of the em- 
ploy which he is in. He has nothing to 
do with the Quarter Masters depart- 

If I may be allowed to form any judg- 
ment from the actual Returns and Re- 
ports of the Commissaries, of the 
quantity of Flour \inanuscript destroyed] 
that of Virginia. 

I have the honor to be 

with the greatest Regard 
Yr Excellency's 
Most obt Serv 
Gov. Reed Go. Washington 

P. S. By a letter which I have re- 
ceived from General Mcintosh dated at 
Fort Pitt the 3d instant, I have the 
pleasure to find that he had returned to 
that place, after having relieved Fort 
Laurens and thrown a proper supply of 
provisions into it. He adds that he had 
found some of the Indian Tribes more 
friendly than he had expected. 

A cooperation of the troops at Fort 
Pitt and in that quarter not being 
deemed either very practicable or of 
much use, the Force, at present there, 
will remain. This I hope, with the as- 
sistance of the Militia, should there be 
occasion, will cover your Western Fron- 
tier and in the Middle department, I 
should suppose that the Army must be 
much destressed for the Article of 
Bread, should such an exportation, as I 
imagine the State of Massachusetts will 
require, be allowed. If the quantity 
wanted to the Eastward is ascertained, 
the Commissary General can better de- 
termine whether any or what part of it 
can be spared without injury to the 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters Middlebrook 

4th May 1779 
Dr Sir 

I enclose you a return which I re- 
ceived a few days ago from General 
Parsons — of arms and accoutrements, 
wanted for the troops at Reading. 

I wish you to take the most immed- 
iate measures on this occasion in your 
department, to have them, and all the 
deficiencies, in the troops stationed on 
the other side of the North River sup- 
plied from Springfield ; having respect 
at the same time to the Supplies which 
may be necessary for the other parts of 
the Army and proportioning the distri- 
bution accordingly. 

I am Sir Your Most Obdt 
and hble Servt 

G. Washington 
Brig Genl Knox 


Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmet 

Middlebrook May 12th 1779 
Dr Sir 

The Inclosed letters respecting the 
rank of officers in Procters Regiment ; 
& Colo Fleming's pretensions, are this 
moment come to hand — I wish you to 
consider them attentively, and give me 
your sentiments in writing, fully, upon 
every matter & thing contained in them. 
— The amusements of Phila have such 
preferable claims to the dangers and 
hardships of the field, that I shall not 
be surprized at finding a thousand diffi- 
culties innumerated by the above corps 
to prevent their Marching — I wish 
therefore as far as is consistent with the 



rights of others, that every obstacle may 
be removed and complaints done away. 

The letter to the Council of the Mas- 
sachusetts bay is under a flying Seal for 
your perusal — Please to take the nec- 
essary and most speedy measure to bring 
on the Cannon therein required to the 
Posts in the Highlands. 

I am Dr Sir Yr most Obedt Sevt 
Genl Knox Go. Washington 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Head Quarters Middle Brook, 

May 20th 1779 

A few days since I was honored 
with your favour of the 8th instant. 

It is my constant endeavour to culti- 
vate the confidence of the governments 
of the several states by an equal and 
uniform attention to their respective in- 
terests, so far as falls within the line of 
my duty and the compass of the means 
with which I am entrusted. With a 
consciousness of this, it is natural that 
my sensibility should be affected even 
by the appearance of distrust. The 
assurances of the Council that I have 
misconceived their former letters afford 
me pleasure proportioned to the pain 
which that misconception occasioned. I 
shall not at present trouble them with 
any remarks on the subject discussed in 
their last, respecting the degree of pro- 
tection which each state has a right to 
expect. I shall only beg leave to assure 
them, that I do full justice to the ex- 
ertions of the State of Pennsylvania, 
and to express my hope that if circum- 
stances will permit the execution of the 
immediate and ultimate projects of the 
campaign, effectual relief will be given 

to our frontier in general. This is a 
favorite object with me, and nothing but 
necessity or more decisive prospects 
elsewhere will divert me from it. 

If the independent companies raising 
amount to the number the Council men- 
tion, they will answer my expectation 
of succour from the state, and will make 
it unnecessary to call out immediately a 
body of militia. I shall only request 
that measures may be taken to have 
them as speedily as possibly at the place 
of rendezvous, Sunbury or Wyoming, 
where they will receive orders from 
General Sullivan who commands the ex- 

I am happy to find that General Ar- 
nold's trial is now put upon a satisfac- 
tory footing; and I regret that any mis- 
apprehension has happened — I shall 
endeavour to have the affair conducted 
[in its] futuje progress with unexcep- 
tionable propriety. The period now 
fixed for entering upon it relieves me 
from much embarrassment. 

I beg the Council to accept my warm- 
est thanks for the favourable sentiments 
of my conduct which they do me the 
honor in this new instance, to express — 
and I entreat them to be assured of the 
perfect respect and esteem with which I 

Gentlemen Your most 

obed humble Servant 
Go. Washington 
[Council of State of Pennsylvania] 

P. S. To prevent any mistake I beg 
leave to repeat, that if there are any 
persons to be summoned as witnesses 
that fall within my province, I shall be 
obliged to The Council for a communi- 
cation of their names. 



Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters Middlebrook 

27th May 1779 

I herewith transmit you an extract 
of a letter from the board of War of 
the 24th inst by which you will perceive, 
that the factory at Philadelpha turns 
out 60 or 70 cartridge boxes per day ; 
and that the Armory is in a situation to 
enter upon the repairs of arms — You 
will be pleased to have the old cartridge 
boxes now in Store, and those returned 
on the distribution of new ones sent 
forward to Philadelphia for the purpose 
which the board mentions and such 
arms as want repairs to the Armory, 
agreeable to the recommendation of the 

Brigadier Gen : Clinton writes me the 
13th that " the ammunition I applied for 
at Fishkill by virtue of Gen Knox's 
order could not be all procured, the 
small quantity which could be spared is 
on the way up. I am informed by let- 
ters from Col Chevers that it is not to 
be had at Springfield, but that he had 
sent to Boston for it, I have put an ex- 
press to hasten it up, tho I am afraid it 
will not arrive in time." I have given 
you this extract, that you may take the 
proper steps to have a proper supply at 
fishkill or its vicinity to answer any ex- 
igencies that may arise in this quarter 

I am D Sir Your Most hble Servt 
G. Washington 
Brig Gen. Knox 

P. S. It is not my intention that you 
should send all the arms out of repair ; 
but retain what you think our camp 
armorers may be able to repair — Nor 

all the cartridge boxes. I wish to have 
a proportion of both for any occasional 
demand. In executing the order you 
will have reference to this restriction. 
G. Washington 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters Middle Brook 

28th May 1779 

The knowledge you have of the gen- 
eral situation of the enemy makes it 
unnecessary I should enter into any fur- 
ther detail than barely to inform you — 

That their number at New York, 
Staten and Long Island — Supposing the 
detachment which went to Virginia to 
consist of 2,000 men agreeable to the 
accounts I have received — amounts ac- 
cording to the best estimate I have been 
able to form to about 9,000 men — At 
Rhode Island their strength is about 5 
or 6,000. Their remaining force in these 
States is in Georgia and Virginia — In 
addition to these, their whole influence 
is exerted to Stimulate the Indians from 
one end of the Western frontier to the 
other against us, and reinforcements are 
expected from Europe. But what may 
be their precise destination or amount 
is uncertain — The current of intelli- 
gence points to New York and at least 
5,000 men. 

Our own force and present disposition 
are pretty well known to you, but to give 
you a more exact idea, I shall observe, 
that, beside the Pennsylvania, Maryland 
and Virginia troops now in this Camp 
and the North Carolina troops at Pa- 
ramus, there are three Brigades of Mas- 
sachusetts troops and one of Connecti- 



cut on the North River — one of the 
latter at Danbury and about 2,500 Con- 
tinental troops at Rhode Island. You 
will be able to form a sufficiently ac- 
curate judgment of the collective 
strength of these Corps; but if you 
should wish for more precise information, 
you can obtain it by applying to me. 
The rest of our force except about 600 
or 700 on the Ohio will be imployed to 
the westward against the Indians. 

I can say scarcely anything of the 
reinforcements we have reason to ex- 
pect — The measures persuing by the 
several States to augment their bat- 
talions and the success with which they 
are attended have as yet come but par- 
tially to my knowledge — I fear our pros- 
pects are very inconsiderable. 

Under this concise account of mat- 
ters and taking a comprehensive view of 
our affairs in general — particularly the 
State of our supplies and the deprecia- 
tion of our currency — I am to request 
you will favor me with your opinion of 
the plan of conduct which it will be 
proper for us to pursue at this juncture 
for the advancement of the common 
cause and for the honor and interest of 
the American Arms, in doing which, I 
shall be obliged by a very free and full 
communication of your sentiments. 
I am Sir Your Most Obt Servt 
G. Washington 
Brigadier Genl. Knox 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Middlebrook May 30, 1779 

The situation of our affairs and the 
general prospects of the campaign re- 
quire that the army should divest itself 

of every article that can be spared and 
take the field as light as possible — I am 
therefore of opinion, that not more than 
two light field-pieces ought to be at- 
tached to each Brigade and that the 
Park should be composed of a few 
pieces of the same sort. You will be 
pleased after reserving a sufficient num- 
ber for these purposes to send all the 
overplus to some convenient place from 
which they may without difficulty b^ 
drawn, if a particular occasion should 
call for them, Easton perhaps may 

Given at Head Quarters 
Middle-Brook May 30th 1779 

G. Washington 
Brigadier General Knox 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters Morris-Town 
June 4th 1779 

By a letter this moment arrived from 
General McDougall dated two o'clock 
yesterday, the enemy were advancing in 
force towards The Continental Village. 
The other part of their Army on the 
West side were to move the same day 
to invest the Ford, on reconsideration, 
as some heavy cannon in our future 
operations may become effective, if you 
can possible procure a sufficiency of 
horses to carry those at the Park with 
convenience and dispatch, I wish them 
to join the Army without delay — A care- 
ful officer will no doubt accompany 
them to avoid accidents on the route — 

I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obdt Servt 
General Knox G. Washington 

The moment you can be spared I will 
see you in front of West Point. 




Communicated by J. C. McGuire 

Morristown 4th June 1779 
Dr Sir, 

On the 2nd instant a party of the 
enemy possessed themselves of the fort 
on Vir-planks point, by capitulation — 
they are now throwing up some works 
on the point on this Side — It would ap- 
pear from a number of circumstances 
that they mean to press their operations 
against the posts on the Highlands. 

The Militia are calling out for am- 
munition, and the supply for the army 
as you know, is far from being sufficient. 
I would therefore wish you to send on 
careful and active conductors to hasten 
forward to the army, a competent supply, 
from the nearest magazines. 

I am D Sir your most hble Servt, 

G. Washington 
Brig Genl Knox 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters Smiths Clove 

June 1779 
In Case of an Attempt on West Point. 

The alarm Guns or other Signals for 
calling in the Militia Suddenly are to 
be fired or given the instant the Enemy's 
designs are discovered. 

The garrison is to attend principally 
to the defence of the Post, at the same 
time they are to spare all the men they 
can with safety to that object to harrass 
and dispute with the Enemy every inch 
of ground leading to the works or to 
the heights above them. 

The divisions on this ground are to 
move by different routes to the Furnace 
of Deane— Lord Stirling's will take the 

road from June's Tavern — Baron de 
Kalb the road which goes off at Earl's 
Mill, and General St. Clair's will make 
use of the one at the widow Van Am- 
broe's ; — A Battalion from the right di- 
vision is to move on the road leading 
from June's Tavern towards Haver- 
straw to prevent our right being turned 
undiscovered. — 

The remainder of that division is to 
endeavor to gain the Enemy's left flank 
or rear if they should move on the road 
from King's Ferry directly to the Fur- 
nace, by Doodlestown to the same place 
or from Fort Montgomery thither. — 

General St Clair in either of these 
cases is to attempt gaining the enemy's 
right flank. 

Baron de Kalb under these circum- 
stances is to appose them in front. — 

If on the other hand the enemy should 
rely more upon water transportation, 
sending a part only of their force from 
Fort Montgomery by land along the 
river road, in that case Lord Stirling 
will endeavor to fall upon their rear, 
Baron de Kalb upon their left flank, 
while General St. Clair opposes them in 
front endeavoring to prevent them from 
taking possession of the heights back 
of our works on Stony hill & Fort Put- 
nam — 

Each division is to take especial care 
that they are not out flanked, and for 
this and other valuable purposes are to 
keep as extended a line, & their troops 
in as open order as they possible can to 
be under proper command : 

Each division is to keep a reserve for 
the purpose of giving Support, or in 
case of necessity to cover a retreat. — 

It is expected that the troops will 



advance boldly upon the enemy and by 

no means and under no pretence what- 
ever throw away their ammunition at 
long shot. A musket had better never 
be discharged than fired in so wasteful 
shameful and cowardly a manner 

As the country is covered with wood 
is close and much broken it will be nec- 
essary for the Major General to fix upon 
certain beats or signals for advancing in 
the whole or part, retreating &c 

In case individuals or parties should 
get separated from the main body : to 
prevent which every possible care 
should be taken, Smith's Tavern (pres- 
ent Head Quarters) is to be the first 
place of rendezvous, and Chester the 
second, if circumstances should so re- 
quire. — 

Go. Washington 
To Major General Knox 


Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmet 
Head Quarters Smith's Clove 

June 13th 1779 

I have to acknowledge the receipt of 
your favor of the nth and to return 
you my thanks for the news Papers 
which it inclosed 

I am sorry you have not had it in 
your power to make any diversion in 
that quarter, so as to alarm or attract 
the attention of the enemy, nor indeed 
do I know the means that can be used 
at present to produce such an effect, 
unless the preparation of the flat bot- 
tomed boats, which are ordered on from 
Philadelphia on carriages will answer 
the end — The enemy will certainly hear 
of their arrival which will probable 
raise their suspicions. They will also 

serve another purpose, should our situ- 
ation enable us to attempt anything ser- 
ious on the Island 

I am Sr Yr most obet Servant 

Go. Washington 
Col. John Neilson — 

at Elizabethtown 
P. S. You will be pleased to forward 
the inclosed — Mrs Delancy by whom it 
is written, expects a trunk from New 
York, when it arrives, I am to request 
your particular care of it. 

G. W. 
Col. Neilson 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire. 
Head Quarters New Windsor 
July 12th 1779 
Dear Sir, 

I perceive by the last returns, that 
there is still a number of men wanting 
arms — In addition to this I am in- 
formed we may shortly expect some new 
levies from Massachusetts and Connecti- 
cut particularly the latter. The men 
without Arms will be rather an incum- 
berance than a benefit. I request that 
you will take every measure in your 
power to have a supply ready. For this 
purpose you will hasten to the Army all 
such as are any where under your di- 
rection ; and will write in urgent terms 
to the Board of War for a further sup- 
ply if to be had, I wish you to make 
this an object of particular attention, I 
shall be glad to hear how Mrs. Knox is — 
to whom I beg my respectfull compli- 
ments and best wishes for her health 

I am Dear Sir Yr Most Obdt Servt 
G. Washington 
Brigadier Genl Knox 

P. S. Since writing the above I have 



received Information that the Massa- 
chusetts levies are Assembling at Spring- 
field & may soon be expected on 

G. W. 
Communicated by Frank Moore 
Head Quarters, West Point 
15th Augt 1779 

In the letter which I had the honor of 
addressing your Excellency the 6th in- 
stant I promised a state of facts to 
shew that every thing in my power has 
been done to give success to the West- 
ern expedition. I am sorry to find in 
the appeal which General Sullivan has 
made to Congress that he has misstated 
several particulars of importance, and 
that in providing for his own justifica- 
tion in case of misfortune, he has left 
the matter upon such a footing as to 
place me in a delicate situation. In 
justice to myself I beg leave to make a 
few remarks on the different parts of his 

He says in the first place "that the 
Plan for carrying on the expedition was 
not agreeable to his mind, nor were the 
number of Men for it sufficient in his 
opinion to insure success. 

The Plan he proposed was to have two 
Bodies, each superior to the whole force 
of the Enemy to operate both on the 
Mohawk River, and by way of the Sus- 
quehanna. — This Plan might have 
been desirable if the number of our 
troops, the state of our finances, and of 
supplies had permitted its execution, 
but it was impracticable on all these ac- 
counts. The force actually detached 
left the Army so weak that I am per- 
suaded every officer of reflection in it, 

who knew our true circumstances was 
uneasy for the consequences; and if a 
larger force had gone, we should have 
been absolutely at the discretion of the 
Enemy. This will immediately appear 
from a recurrence to the Returns of the 
Army at that time. Should we have 
endeavoured to make up the deficiency 
from the Militia, our experience of the 
success of the applications which were 
made will convince us that the attempt 
would have been fruitless ; to say noth- 
ing of the injury to Agriculture which 
would have resulted from calling out so 
large a Body of Militia. But if the 
Men could have been procured we should 
have failed in supplies. This is evi- 
dent from what has happened. If we 
have met with so many difficulties, dis- 
appointments, and delays in providing 
for ihQ present force^ how would it have 
been possible to have provided for dou- 
ble the number ? 

But though, if our resources had per- 
mitted, it might have been convenient to 
have had two bodies, each superior to the 
Enemy's whole force to operate in dif- 
ferent directions for the sake of dis- 
patch, yet this does not appear to me 
on military principles to have been nec- 
essary to insure success : for, as the ob- 
ject was only the destruction of some 
Indian Settlements, all that could be 
requisite to its execution was to be able 
to march thro' them, and this purpose 
was assured if there was at one capital 
point a force sufficient to beat their col- 
lective force. 

General Sullivan seemed to prefer the 
carrying on the principal operation by 
the Mohawk River. My reasons for 
preferring the other route are contained 



in the letter No 3 to General Schuyler. 
General Schuyler was originally of the 
same opinion, as appears by his letters 
No. I and 2, but he changed it upon 
hearing the reasons in favor of the Plan 
which has been adopted, as he acknowl- 
edges in his letter No. 4 ; where he also 
suggests an additional motive, the want 
of Provisions. General Sullivan re- 
linquishes the former Plan himself on 
this principle, nor did the deficiency 
arise from the want of previous disposi- 
tionS; but from the difficulties in procur- 
ing supplies. It was my own idea at 
first, as will be seen by several letters 
herewith, to carry on the principal op- 
eration by the Mohawk, and directions 
were given very early to form Maga- 
zines for this purpose which it seems 
could not be executed. But if this ob- 
stacle had not existed, the reasons for 
penetrating by way of Susquehanna 
were then, and still are in my opinion, 
conclusive. The information on which 
the facts stated in my letter to General 
Schuyler were founded, is principally 
contained in the summary No. 16 Packet 
No. 7 the experiment hitherto hath con- 
firmed its truth. 

General Sullivan says that his letters 
to me produced no other effect than to 
change the route of Clinton's detach- 
ment. There are only four points on 
which his letters turn. One is the hav- 
ing two Bodies of superior force to the 
whole strength of the Enemy to operate 
different ways. — I have assigned rea- 
sons to shew that a compliance with this 
was impracticable and General Sulli- 
van's own concession on the score of 
provisions is an admission of its imprac- 

Another is, the force necessary to 
compose the main body — this he esti- 
mates at three thousand — it will be seen 
by my letter No 3, Packet i, that my 
opinion long before corresponded with 
his idea ; and the calculations made at the 
time, of the Corps intended for the ser- 
vice, including the aid sollicited from 
Pennsylvania, induced me to believe 
General Sullivan's force would have 
amounted to about this number. The 
situation of our troops continually 
mouldering in a variety of ways — the dis- 
appointment in the expected reinforce- 
ment from Pennsylvania, and the un- 
looked for demands from a want of 
hands in the Quarter Masters depart- 
ment have occasioned his force to be 
considerably less than was intended, or 
could have been foreseen : That he has 
not been gratified in this respect was 
not for want of my wishes or endeav- 
ours, and is as great a disappointment to 
me as him. He acknowledges that more 
Continental Troops could not be spared 
— the Militia applied for were not fur- 

The next point is — a change in the 
route of the Troops under General 
Clinton. This he confesses happened 
as he desired : yet it would have been 
much against my judgment had his main 
Body been so large as it was intended 
to be. I fear 1 00 as matters have turned 
out, the most critical part of the expe- 
dition will be the junction of these two 
Corps. But it appears to me now from 
General Sullivan's representation that he 
could not avoid giving the order to 
Clinton to march with a full supply of 

The last point is — a change of the 



Corps originally destined for the Expe- 
dition. In this also he was indulged. 
The precise Corps he requested are with 
him ; though I was not satisfied of the 
validity of his reason for desiring a 
change, as I believe very few more of 
the troops now with him have been ac- 
customed to the Indian mode of fight- 
ing than of those who were first intended. 
I had two motives for fixing on the 
Pennsylvania troops — one was, that I 
should have been happy an officer of 
General St. Clair's abilities had been 
second in command to take direction of 
in case of accidents to the first — Gen- 
eral Sullivan by his change reduced his 
numbers four hundred Men, which could 
not be replaced without breaking in upon 
other Corps. 

On that part of General Sullivan's 
letter which related to the Quarter Mas- 
ter and Commissaries department I shall 
only observe that there have no doubt 
been very great delays — whether these 
have proceeded in part from a want of 
execution, or wholly from the inavoid- 
able impediments which the unhappy 
state of our Currency opposes at every 
step, I have not sufficient information 
to determine ; but from the approved 
capacity, attention, & assiduity with 
which the operations of these .depart- 
ments are conducted, I am inclined to 
make every allowance and to impute our 
disappointments to the embarrassments 
of the times, and not to neglect. General 
Sullivan's well known activity will not 
permit me to think he has not done 
every thing in his power to forward the 
preparations — but however the delays 
may have happened I flatter myself no 
part of the blame can fall upon me. 

The Papers contained in the Packet No 
2 will shew that the necessary orders 
were given by me, and that I was en- 
couraged to expect their timely accom- 
plishment. Besides v/hat is upon Record, 
my pressing and repeated entreaties were 
employed with the Quarter Master and 
Commissary General in personal confer- 
ences. My attention was so much di- 
rected to this Expedition that I sus- 
pended at a very critical period the 
necessary preparations for the main 
Army, to give the greater vigour and 
efficacy to these for that object. — To 
this effect were my instructions to the 
Quarter Master General when we had 
the strongest inducements to put our- 
selves in a moving posture. 

General Sullivan in the next place 
says, "having been taught by repeated 
disappointments to be cautious, I early 
gave orders to General Clinton to sup- 
ply his Troops with three months pro- 
visions, and wrote Governor Clinton for 
his assistance in April last — This has 
been done and they are supplied." 

The idea here held up is really extra- 
ordinary — my letter to General Schuy- 
ler No I will shew that as early as the 
beginning of December Magazines were 
ordered to be formed in that Quarter 
for 10,000 men with a view to an expe- 
dition to Niagara — By the subsequent 
letters to him No 2 and 3 these were 
partly discontinued, and limited to the 
Plan of an Indian Expedition, the ex- 
tent of which was to be governmed by 
his judgment of the force necessary. 
This being 3000 men, the preparations 
were of course for that number. Sche- 
nectady was afterwards made the depos- 
itory by Genl Clinton, as appears by his 

.^[K^ODC^^fl^^ ¥AW[I[^RI 



letter No 5 — in answer to mine No 4. 
From the whole tenor of the corre- 
spondence on the subject, Congress will 
clearly perceive, that the Magazines 
which General Sullivan ascribes to his 
care and caution were formed in conse- 
quence of orders given several months 
before he was nominated to the com- 
mand, which did not take place till the 
6th of March, by letter ; and that they 
would have been equal to the supply of 
3000 men had not the resources of the 
Country fallen short. 

General Sullivan states his force at 
2312 rank & file, which by a variety of 
deductions he afterwards reduced to 
938 which he holds up as his combating 
force. — I should be unwilling to over- 
rate the means of any officer, or to 
create a greater responsibility than is 
just — but at the same time I think it a 
duty I owe to the public and myself to 
place a matter of this kind in a true 
point of light. If almost the whole of 
the 2300 men are not effectually service- 
able in Action, it must be General Sul- 
livan's own fault — nearly all the men he 
speaks of, as Pack Horsemen, Bat 
Horsemen &c. Sic. may be to the full 
as useful as any others. The number 
he mentions is only necessary for the 
sake of dispatch on a march ; in time 
of Action the Horses and Cattle may 
be committed to the care of a very few, 
and the rest may be at liberty to act as 
occasion requires. Should he even be 
attacked on a March those animals may 
be made a shelter, rather than an in- 
cumbrance — if the operations he is to 
be concerned in were the regular ones 
of the Field, his calculation would be 
better founded ; but in the loose irreg- 

ular War he is to carry on, it will natur- 
ally lead to error and misconception. 
General Sullivan makes no account of 
his Drummers and Fifers, and other ap- 
pendages of an Army who do not com- 
pose the fighting part of it — I have too 
good an opinion of his judgment not to 
believe he would find very useful em- 
ployment for them. These and the few 
Drivers and Pack horsemen whom he 
acknowledges to have, will be nearly, if 
not quite sufficient with a small guard 
to take care of his Horses and Cattle in 
time of Action. But as I before ob- 
served, his 7ra/ force will be less than 
it ought to be, to put him out of the 
reach of contingencies ; but I hope with 
prudent management it will still suffice. 
The estimate made by General Schuyler 
of the Enemy's force from every sub- 
sequent information was not too low; 
and it is to be hoped the want of Pro- 
visions will prevent its being exerted in 
a vigorous and formidable opposition. 
My chief solicitude is for General Clin- 
ton, if he effects the meditated junction 
there will in my opinion be nothing 
to fear afterwards. Notwithstanding 
what may be said of the expertness of 
Indians in the woods, I am strongly 
persuaded our Troops will always be an 
overmatch for them with equal num- 
bers, except in case of surprise or am- 
buscade, which it is at our own option 
to avoid. 

General Sullivan also makes the ap- 
plication to the State of Pennsylvania 
a cofisequence of his letters. My letter 
No. I to his Excellency the President 
will shew that this was a part of the 
Plan before General Sullivan was nom- 
inated to the Command ; and my sub- 



sequent letters will shew that I pressed 
a compliance in the strongest and most 
pointed manner. 

He mentions among other things that 
" one third of his Men are without a 
Shirt to their backs." — The letters No. 
I to 5 Packet 5th will make it appear 
that I took every step in my power to 
afford a competent supply, and I have 
the greatest reason to believe that the 
Troops with him had more than a pro- 
portion to the general wants and sup- 
plies of the Army. 

The Packet No. 6 contains my in- 
structions from time to time to General 
Sullivan. No. 7 the intelligence re- 
ceived from first to last, and No. 8 
sundry Papers relative to the Expedi- 
tion which do not immediately affect 
the subjects of the present Letter, but 
all which may serve to shew that I have 
paid all the attention in my power to 
this important object, and made use of 
every precaution for its success. I hope 
the event may answer our wishes ; but 
if it should not, my anxiety to stand 
justified in the opinion of Congress has 
induced me to give them the trouble of 
this lengthy communication — I most 
sincerely thank them for the opportun- 
ity they have afforded me of entering 
into this explanation by the transmission 
of General Sullivan's letter, and I shall 
be much obliged by a similar indulgence 
upon every occasion of the same sort. 

I beg leave to conclude with one ob- 
servation. It may possibly hereafter 
be said that the Expedition ought not 
to have been undertaken unless the 
means were fully adequate, or that the 
consequences of a defeat ought not to 
have been hazarded when they were 

found to be otherwise — The motives to 
the undertaking, besides the real import- 
ance of rescuing the Frontier from the 
Alarms, ravages, and distresses to which 
it was exposed and which in all proba- 
bility would have redoubled this year, — 
were the increasing clamours of the 
Country, and the repeated applications 
of the States immediately concerned, 
supported by frequent references and 
indications of the pleasure of Congress 
— the combined force of these motives 
appeared to me to leave no alternative. 

The means proposed to be employed 
were fully sufficient; the disappoint- 
ments we have met with, such as could 
not have been foreseen as we have no 
right to expect — so far as the business 
did not depend on me I had the strong- 
est assurances from those who were 
concerned, and who were to be supposed 
the proper Judges that my expectations 
would be fulfilled. 

After such extensive preparations has 
been made — so much expence incurred, 
the attention and hopes of the Public 
the apprehensions of the Enemy ex- 
cited — their force augmented — their re- 
sentments inflamed — to recede, and 
leave the frontier a prey to their depreda- 
tions would be in every view impolitic* 
when there is still a good prospect of suc- 
cess. To avoid possible misfortunes we 
must in this case submit to many certain 
evils — of the most serious nature, too 
obvious to require enumeration. 

I have the honor to be, with the high- 
est respect and esteem. 

Your Excellency's most obedt Servant 
Geo. Washington 
His Excellency John Jay Esquire 

[President of Congress] 



P. S. I inclose a return of General 
Sullivan's whole force from the last par- 
ticular Returns to the Adjutant Gen- 
eral. This is exclusive of the Party 
under Colonel Pawling (amounting to 
300 Men) it will appear by this return 
that the Battalion officers are included 
in the number of Men present, with 
arms in their hands — this is done be- 
cause General Sullivan applied tor, and 
obtained an Order for this purpose, but 
I cannot undertake to say whether he 
got them or not. 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 

West Point 20th Aug 1779 

I have received the reports from 
Major General McDougal Brigadier 
I)u Portail and yourself of this date on 
the subject of the batteries cannon and 
ammunition necessary for the defence 
of West Point. 

The motive there suggested concurs 
with others to make me desire there 
should be a speedy and ample supply of 
powder at this post and in the vicinity — 
We cannot now undertake any opera- 
tions however necessary, which may re- 
quire a considerable expenditure of this 
article — from the present absolute scarc- 
ity of it — I am informed the arrival of 
a large quantity is momently expected. 
You will therefore please to write to 
the Board representing our situation 
and requesting in pressing terms, 
that in case of such arrival, no time 
may be lost in forwarding what you 
deem a competent supply, as well for 
offensive opperations against the ene- 
my's posts should they become advisea- 
ble as for the defence of this — 

You will at the same time have a suf- 
ficient number of cannon ball of proper 
sizes prepared for the same purpose that 
we may be at no loss on this account 
I am with great esteem 

Sir yr most obedt Ser vt 

G. Washington 
Brig Genl Knox 

Communicated by T. Bailey Myers 
Head Quarters 
West Point 31st Augt 1779 

Congress were pleased to come to a 
resolution on the 21st instant of which 
the inclosed is a copy. You will per- 
ceive it is their sense that Major Gen- 
eral Phillips should not be indulged with 
permission to send two officers into Can- 
ada as he has requested In obedience 
to this signify to him that I counter- 
mand the directions contained in my let- 
ter to you of the 27th of July. You will 
give notice to General Phillips that I 
took that step uninformed that the ap- 
plication was before Congress and I am 
sorry to find it does not correspond 
with their wishes 

I am with great esteem 
Your most obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 
Col Bland 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters West Point 

1 2th Nov. 1779 
Dear Sir 

From present appearances & the Sea- 
son of the Year, there is little reason to 
believe, that a cooperation with the 
French Admiral, can possibly take 
place. In consequence of this opinion 



and to avoid as much as possible a fur- 
ther increase of expence, I have to re- 
quest you to suspend such of your 
arrangements as were designed for this 
purpose, and which, unless this event 
were to take place, will be unnecessary. 
I reckon among these, particularly, the 
Business on which Col. Stevens has been 
ordered. In your measures on this sub- 
ject, which I wish to be immediate, 
although you stop the preparations, you 
will do it in such a manner as to pre- 
serve the Idea for which they were un- 
dertaken — I need not observe to you 
the expediency of preserving appear- 
ances till the determination of Congress 
is known, to whom I have written on 

the Subject — 

I am Dear Sir 

Sir Your Most Obdt. Servt 
Genl Knox. G. Washington 

General Greene desires that the per- 
son who goes to Col. Stevens may call 
upon him 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire 
Head Quarters, 

Xovemr iSth. 1779 
Dr Sir 

As the North Cvirolina Troops have 
orders to march immediately to the 
Southward, you will be pleased to direct 
the Company of Artillery belonging to 
that State to hold themselves in readi- 
ness to move with them — Their route 
will hereafter be made known — And 
with respect to their pieces you will suf- 
fer them to carry them or not, as you 
may see proper. 

I am Dr Sr Yr Most obdt Servt 
Genl Knox G. Washing ton 

r. S. 

Col Clark will give the route. 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 

West Point Nov. 23rd 1779 
Dr Sir 

The ordnance and ordnance stores 
necessary for Fort Arnold and its de- 
pendencies you will please have allotted 
agreeable to a report made to me by 
yourself and General McDougall and 
General Du Portail, And where the Ar- 
tillery can be planted with propriety and 
safety on account of the unfinished state 
of the out works to have it done accord- 

The posts at King-ferry should be im- 
mediately supplied with tw^o pieces of 
cannon ^one on each side of the river) 
to keep off the enemy's row gallies which 
are beginning to appear there — When 
the works are in a more complete state 
of defence, such further aid of artillery 
as shall be judged absolutely necessary, 
may be added, tho it is not my intention 
to place many at this post — but my wush 
to have those which are there of the 
least valuable of their kind. 

The rest of the ordnance and ord- 
nance stores which the prospect of an 
extensive operation against New York 
had drawn to this place and in the vi- 
cinity of it, upon or very near the river, 
I would have sent to Albany on account 
of the easy & cheap transportation, and 
because it may be considered as a safe 
deposit for them. 

In a removd of this kind a proper 
attention must be had to the probable 
and contingent wants of the Army at its 
places of cantonment. 

You will please to direct (if it is not 
already done^ the Company of Artificers 
at Fredericksburg commanded by Capn 



Post to be withdrawn from that place as 
also all other small detachments of a 
similar nature and under similar circum- 
stances and have them more connected, 
as a number of small and separate de- 
tachments involve considerable expence 
with respect to the issues of provisions 
Szc, while their labor possibly might be 
employed to greater advantage, if they 
were more compact and under a more 
general and frequent inspection. 
I am Sir 

Your Most Obdt Servt 

G. Washington 
Brigadier Genl Knox 


Communicated by J. C. McGuire 

Morristown Dec. 8th 1779 

From more particularly conversing 
with Col. Laurens, I find the Southern de- 
partment is not very amply supplied with 
field artillery and that a few pieces from 
hence will be very useful. I am there- 
fore to desire you will detail six six 
pounders to march with the Virginia 
troops which have orders to move imme- 
diately — If you cannot spare artillery- 
men to accompany them, you will at 
least write to Col Harrison directing him 
to send a proper number of officers out 
of those who lately went from the 
Army — The officers will repair to South 
Carolina and take General Lincoln's or- 
ders — I wish to observe as much se- 
crecy as we can concerning the succour 
we are sending Southward. 
I am Dr Sir 

Yr Obdt Servt 

G. Washington 
Genl Knox 



1753 Oct. 17 — Winchester to Gov. Dinwiddie. v. 

1754 Jun. 3 — Camp to Gov. Dinwiddie xiii. 

1774 Dec. 2^— Mt. Vernon to Jas. Mercer xi. 

1775 Aug.30 — Camp at Cambridge to John 

Dickinson iii. 

1775 Nov. 17 — Cambridge to Gen. Ward xiii. 

1776 Jun. 12 — New York to Lund Washington. * vi. 
1776 Sep. 30 — Heights of Harlem to Lund 

Washington vii. 

1776 Dec. 10 — Falls of the Delaware to Lund 

Washington vii. 

1777 Jan. 23 — Headquarters, Morristown, to 

to Phila. Light Horse xi. 

1777 Aug.2i — Buck's Co. to George Clymer. . . iii. 

1778 Jan. I — Headquarters Valley Forge to 

Henry Laurens, Pres ii. 

1778 Feb. 8— Valley Forge to Hon. Thomas 

Nelson v. 

1778 Apr. i3 — Valley Forge to Henry Laurens. ii. 

1778 Sep. 12 — White P'ains to Henry Laurens. ii. 
1775 May 29 — Headquarters, Middlebrook, to 

Lund Washington vii. 

1779 Sep. 29 — West Point to Henry Laurens, 

Pres ii. 

1780 July 31 — Headquarters, Robinson House, 

to Nathanael Shaw x. 

1780 Sep. 26 — Headquarters, Robinson's, to 

Gov. George Clinton xi. 

1780 Oct. 9 — Bergen County, N. J., to Dr. 

Benjamin Franklin xiii. 

1781 Sep. 3 — Philadelphia to Gov. Lee x. 

1782 Jun. 5 — Newburg to Maj. -Gen. Lincoln.. xv. 

1782 Jun. 10 — Headquarters to Hon. John 

Morin Scott xiii. 

1783 Jun. 17 — Newburg to Major Billings iii. 

1783 N0V.26 — New York to returned exiles 

from New York xi. 

1783 Dec. 10 — Philadelphia to Dr. McHenry. . xii. 

1787 Mar.15 — Mt. Vernon to Gen. Jas. Mercer. xv. 

1787 Oct. 10 — Mt. Vernon to Jas. Madison, Jr. xi. 

1778 Jan. 22 — Mt. Vernon to Dr. Stuart iii. 

1791 Sep. 8 — Philadelphia to Gen. Knox iii. 

1793 Dec. 31— Philadelphia to Rev. Dr. White. iii. 

1795 Aug.30— Philadelphia to Rt. Hon. Lord 

Landsdown xii. 

1796 — Mt. Vernon to Gen. Jas. Mar- 

shall xii. 81 

1798 Jan. 10— Mt. Vernon to Sam. Williams. . . vi. iSi 

1798 July 30 — Mt. Vernon to Sec. of War xii. 365 

T798 Aug. 2 — Mt. Vernon to Jas. McHenry. xii. 365 

1798 Aug 15 — Mt. Vernon to Rev. Mr. Bou- 

cher Jv. 153 

1789 Jun.25 — Mt. Vernon to Jas. McHenry, 

Sec. of War xii. 366 

1799 N0V.12 — Mt. Vernon to Managers at 

Alexandria vii. 244 

















1799 Nov. 1 2— New York to Corporation of 1785 May 16— Mt. Vernon to Francis 

New York viii. 65 Hopkinson, Esq 2d Senes, No, iii. 

PRINTED IN THE HISTORICAL RECORD The abovc comprise the letters of 

.75 Aug.o-Ca.p^a.^Ca.b^id,e to Lund ^^ ^^^ Washington not printed by Sparks which 

1778 Feb. 10— Valley Forge to Brig.-Generai have appeared in magazines other than 

^'^^^°° '■ ^'^ historical so far as known to the editor, 

* Declared to be spurioui. , , ^ ■>• • 

^, , , ^ •, . , by whom additions and corrections are 

1 he above letters, none of which were ^r n • v i t- 

. , , , , ^ , . ,. -r .^ , respectfully invited. Editor 

included by Sparks in his Life and 

Writings of Washington, are all that 

have appeared in the American historical WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL 

magazines. The Magazine of American 

History continues the series. ^^ ^^^ OFFICERS 



1775 Aug.22— Cambridge to Joseph Palmer.. . x.xx. 308 

1775 Aug.30— Camp at Cambridge to Caesar Prom Contemporaneous Accounts 

Rodney and Thos. McLean xxx. 200 , , tt^i -i .1 • • « 

.777 Oct. 9-Headquarters at Frederick- Last Thursday noon the principal 

Wampooie's— to Brig.-Gen. officcrs of the army in town assembled 

fi n^» A,f. v°"^'^'"r^"" V"l"iV* ^- ^^0 at Frauncis' tavern to take a final leave 

1785 Oct. I — Mt. Vernon to Gov. Trumbull. . xxviu. 198 

1789 Apr. i—Mt. Vernon to Maj.-Gen. Knox. xxxi. 197 of their illustrious, gracious and much 

PRINTED IN harper's NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE lovcd commandcr, General Washington. 

1780 Jan. 8-Headquarters Morristown, to ^j^^ passions of humau nature wcre nevcr 

Lt.-Col. de Hart xvni. 309 '■ 

1793 Apr. 7— Mt. Vernon to Samuel Hanson. ivi. 589 morc tenderly agitated, than in this inter- 

1794 Sep. 28-Phiiadeiphia to Col. William A. ^^^ ^^^ distressful scene. His excel- 

Washington ivi. 592 1 • /-n j i r • 

1796 Api. 7-Phiiadeiphia to Betty Lewis... ivi. 590 leucy having filled a glass of Wine, 

1799 May24-Mt. Vernon to Col. William A. tj^g addressed his brave fellow-soldicrs: 

Washington Ivi. 595 

" With an heart full of love and strati - 

printed in scribner s monthly . ° 

„,.,,,,. ,, ^ .. tude I now take leave of you : I most 

1796 Apr. II — Philadelphia to Mr. Stuart xu. 373 

T,^ ^ ^..^ devoutly wish that your latter days may be 

printed in the portfolio -^ -^ J ^ 

1754 Apr. 24-wiiis Creek to His Excel- as prosper ous and happy as your former 

lency Jan. 1817 24 ^j^^^ j^^^g j^^gj^ glorious and honorable.'* 

1778 May 18 — ValleyForgetoGouv.Morris. Aug. 1817 91 

1779 Ang.i2— West Point to Nov. 1816 380 Thesc words produccd extreme sensi- 

.780 Feb. 3-Headquarters Morristown, ^-j-. ^^ ^^^^ ^-^^^ ^. ^^^^ anSWCrcd 

to Col. M n Apr. 1814 353 ■' ' "' . 

1780 Oct. 1 8-Headquarters, near Passaic, by Warm cxpressious, and fcrvent wishes, 

c^'^^"^=^'' J"'y ^^^^ -^79 from the gentlemen of the army, whose 

1783 Jun. 2— Headquarters to Maj.-Gen. , . - ,. . . 

Putnam July i8r8 15 truly pathetic feelings It IS not m our 

i785Mayi6-Mt. Vernon to Francis Hop- powcr to convey to the reader. Soon 

kinson, Esq Jun. 1817 500 r ^ • i j 1 • 1 

>789Dec. i-New York to Emperor of after thlS SCenC WaS cloSCd, hlS CXCel- 

Morocco Aug. 1822 143 lency the Governor, the honorable the 

printed in AMERICAN HISTORICAL AND LIT- Council and citizcHS of the first distinc- 

erary CURIOSITIES ^-^^^ Waited on the general and in terms 

1785 Jan. 3T—Mt. Vernon to iEneas . ^ ^ • ^ 

Lamont 2d Series, No. iii. most affcctionate, took their Icavc. 



The corps of light infantry was drawn 
iip in a line, the commander in chief, 
about two o'clock passed through them 
on his way to Whitehall, where he em- 
barked in his barge for Powles Hook. 
He is attended by general le baron de 
Steuben; proposes to make a short stay 
at Philadelphia; will thence proceed to 
Annapolis, where he will resign his Com- 
mission as General of the .\rierican ar- 
mies, into the hands of the Continental 
Congress, from whom it was derived, 
immediately after which his excellency 
will set out for his seat, named Mount 
Vernon, in Virginia, emulating the ex- 
ample of his model, the virtuous Roman 
general, who, victorious, left the tented 
field, covered with honors, and withdrew 
from public life, oiium cmn dignitate. — 
Rivingtons New York Gazette^ Dec. 
6, and Pennsylvania Packet^ Dec. 1 2, 1783. 

On Thursday noon the principal offi- 
cers of the army assembled at Fraunce's 
(alias Black Sam's) tavern to take a final 
leave of their much-loved commander 
in chief. After a while gen. Washing- 
ton came in, and calling for a glass of 
wine thus addressed them: '^ With an 
heart full of love and gratitude I now 
take leave of you. I most devoutly wish 
that your latter days may be as prosper- 
ous and happy as your former ones have 
been glorious and honorable." Having 
drank he said " / cannot come to each of 
you to take my leave; but shall be obliged 
to you if each will come and take me by the 
hand'' General Knox being nearest 
turned to him ; Washington with tears 
rolling down his cheeks, grasped Knox's 
hand and then kissed him : he did the 
same by every succeeding officer, and by 

some other gentlemen who were present. 
The passions of human nature were 
never more tenderly agitated, than in 
in this interesting and distressful scene. 
The whole company were in tears. When 
Washington left the room, and passed 
through the corps of light infantry about 
two o'clock on his way to Whitehall the 
others followed, walking in a solemn, 
mute and mournful procession, with 
heads hanging down and dijected- coun- 
tenances, till he embarked in his barge 
for Powle's Hook. When he had en- 
tered, he turned, took off his hat, and 
with that bid them a silent adieu. They 
paid him the same affectionate compli- 
ment, and the barge pushing off re- 
turned from Whitehall in like manner as 
they had advanced. — Gordotis History 
of the American Revolution, IV., 383. 

Note. — Major-General Heath in his memoir, 
Dr. Thatcher in his Military Journal, Marshall 
and Irving in the Life, and Custis in the Recol- 
lections of Washington repeat these accounts, 
with trifling variations. Griswold, in his Re- 
publican Court prints a letter from "an officer 
who shared the last march of the revolutionarj 
army, to a friend in Albany," in which occurs 
the passage : " Happy as was the occasion and 
prayed for as it was by him and all patriots 
when he might feel that there was not an enemy 
in America, it brought with it its sorrows and I 
could hardly speak when I turned from taking 
my last look of him. It was extremely affecting. 
I do not think there were ever so many broken 
hearts as there were that night." 

Fraunces' tavern, the place of this historic 
and affecting scene, is still standing on the 
southeast corner of Broad and Pearl streets. It 
was built early in the last century, and after 
occupation for some years as a dwelling and 
vendue house became the property of Samuel 
Fraunces, a noted publican, who opened a 
tavern called the Queen's Head, under the sign 
of Queen Charlotte. 



Sam Fraunccs or Black Sam, as he was famil- 
iarly called from his swarthy complexion, was 
a West Indian by birth. A romantic story is 
told of the saving of Washington's life by the 
innkeeper's daughter, who served the General 
as housekeeper in 1776, and discovered a plot 
to poison him in a dish of green peas; but there 
is no historic warrant for its truth. Fraunces 
was a patriot, and left the city during the British 
occupation. After the war he was engaged by 
Washington as his steward, and had entire 
charge of his household. 

The long room in the tavern, which was for a 
quarter of a century the favorite resort of clubs, 
societies and convivial parties, still remains as it 
was on the memorable day which has been de- 
scribed. It has two fire-places and five 
windows on the street, beneath which was a 
piazza, since removed, from which tradition 
says that Washington waved his hand as fare- 
well to the crowds who gathered to witness the 
military cortege which escorted him to the 
barge at Whitehall, Editor. 



15 y^une, 1775, to 23 December 1783 

June 15 — at Philadelphia — chosen Com- 

16 — at Philadelphia in Congress — 
accepts his commission in writ- 

21 — leaves Philadelphia to take 
command of the army, 

24 — at Newark. 

25 — at New York. 

26 — leaves New York for the East- 
ward ; sleeps at Kingsbridge. 

29 — at Wethersfield. 

30 — at Hartford. 

July 2 — at Watertown ; received by 

Mass. Prov. Cong. — at Cambridge 


3 — at Cambridge. Headquarters. 

— takes command of the army. 

5 — at Roxbury camp, with Maj. 

Genl. Lee. 
1 3 — at Cambridge camp. 
Aug. 30 — at Cambridge camp. 


April 4 — leaves Cambridge for New 
5 — at Providence. 
8 — at Norwich. Meets Gov. Trum- 
9 — at New London. Meets Com. 
II — at New Haven. 
13 — at New York. Headquarters. 
May 21 — leaves New York for Philadel- 
phia with Mrs. Washington. 
22 — at Amboy. 

24 — arrives at Philadelphia ; Con- 
gress in session. 
. . — leaves Philadelphia for New 
June 8 — at New York. Headquarters. 
Aug. 29 — at battle of Long Island. 

30 — at New York — Headquarters. 
Sep. 4 — at Kingsbridge. Visits Genl. 
1 6 — at Harlem Heights. Headquar- 
ters, Col. Roger Morris' house. 
Oct. 22 — at Valentine's Hill, Westches- 
ter. Headquarters. 
.. — at White Plains. Headquar-; 

28— at Battle of Chatterton's Hill, 
White Plains. 
Nov. 10 — at North Castle. Headquar- 



Nov. 1 1 — at Peekskill. Headquarters. 

1 1 — at Fort Montgomery ; inspects 
Highland defences with his offi- 

12 — at the Gorge in the Highlands 
with General Heath. 

12 — crosses the Hudson to the 

14 — at Fort Lee, Gen. Greene's 

16 — at Fort Lee. Views the fight 
at Fort Washington from the 

19 — at Hackensack ; on tour of in- 

21 — at Aquackanoc Bridge. 

24 — at Newark. 

29 — at Brunswick. Headquarters. 
Dec. 2 — at Trenton. Headquarters. 
8 — at Mr. Berkeley's summer seat. 

10 — at Falls of the Delaware. 

1 2 — Bucks' County. Headquarters 
at Keith's. 

1 8 — in camp near Falls of Trenton. 

21 — in camp above Trenton Falls. 

25 — at battle of Trenton. 

27 — at Newtown. Headquarters. 

29 — at Bucks' County. Headquar- 

30 — at Trenton. Headquarters. 


Jan. 2 — marches from Trenton. 
3 — at battle of Princeton. 
5 — at Pluckemin, on march. 
7 — at Morristown. Headquarters. 
May 29 — at Middlebrook. Headquarters. 
June 25 — in camp at Quibbletown. 
28 — in camp at Middlebrook. 
July 4 — at Morristown. Headquarters. 
1 2 — at Pompton Plains. Headquar- 

July 15 — at the Clove. Headquarters. 
21 — eleven miles in the Clove ; on 

the march. 
24 — at Ramapo. Headquarters. 
30 — at Coryell's Ferry on the Dela- 
ware ; on the march. 
Aug. I — at Chester. .^ 

3 — at Philadelphia. Headquarters. 
5 — at Germantown, in camp. 
II — at Bucks' County, in camp. 
16 — at Cross Road, in camp. 
17 — at Bucks County. Headquar- 
19 — at Neshanimy Bridge. 
20 — at Bucks' County. Headquar- 
21 — at Neshanimy camp. 
22 — at Bucks' County. 
22 — at Cross Road, in camp. 
23 — six miles from Philadelphia, 

on march. 
25 — at Wilmington. Headquarters. 
Sep. 3 — evacuates Philadelphia. 

8 — at Newport, Bucks' Co., Pa. 
9 — eight miles from AVilmington. 
10 — at Chester. 

13 — at Germantown. Headquar- 
15 — at Buck's Tavern. 
15 — at Chads Ford, on the Brandy- 
wine. Headquarters ; battle of 
the Brandywine. 
Sep. 17 — at Yellow Springs. 

19 — at Parker's Ford, on the Schuyl- 
kill, in camp. 
20 — at Reading Furnace, in camp. 
23 — near Pottsgrove, in camp. 
29 — at Pennybeckers Mills. Head- 
Oct. 9 — at Frederick. Headquarters 
at Wampoole's. 
1 1 — at Skippach camp. 



Oct. II — at Toamensing. Headquar- 

15 — at Philadelphia County. 

16 — at Headquarters at 

Peter Wintz's. 

17 — at Matuchen Hill. 

18 — at Philadelphia County. 

27 — on the Skippach road. 

27 — at Philadelphia County. 

30 — near Whitemarsh. Headquar- 
Dec. 4 — near the Gulf, a defile near the 
Schuylkill. Headquarters. 

14 — near the Gulf Mill. 

17 — at Gulf Mill. Headquarters. 

22 — at Valley Forge. Headquar- 


Feb. 10 — at Valley Forge. 
May 18 — at Valley Forge. 
June 2 1 — at ten miles from Coryell's 
2 2 — at Coryell's Ferry. Headquar- 
24 — at Hopewell. Headquarters. 
15 — at Cranberry. 
28 — at Englishtown. 
July I — Spotswood. Headquarters. 
3 — at Brunswick. 
II — at Paramus. Headquarters. 
17 — at Haverstraw Bay. Head- 
21 — at White Plains. Headquar- 
Aug. 15 — at White Plains, in camp. 
Sep. 19 — at Fort Clinton ; West Point. 
19 — at Fishkill ; visits Hospitals 

and stores. 
23 — at Fredericksburg. Head- 

Oct. 3— at Fishkill, Col. Brinckerhoff's- 
8 — at Fishkill. Headquarters. 
10 — at Fredericksburg. Headquar- 
20 — leaves Fishkill for Fredericks^ 
Dec. 7 — at Paramus. 

12 — at Middlebrook. Headquar- 
22 — arrives at Philadelphia. 
28 — at Philadelphia. 
Feb. 2 — leaves Philadelphia for New 
8 — at Middlebrook. Headquar- 
June 4 — at Morristown. Headquar- 
6 — at Ringwood Iron Works. 
10 — passed through Trenton on 

his way to camp. 
10 — Middlebrook. Headquarters. 
II — at Smith's Clove. Headquar- 
21 — at West Point, with General 

25 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 
July 15 — at Fort Montgomery. 
16 — at New Windsor. 
17 — at Stony Point. 
19 — at West Point. 
20 — at New Windsor. 
25 — at West Point. Headquarters. 
Aug. 9 — at Smith's Tavern, in the Clove. 
12 — at West Point. 
15 — at West Point. Headquarters. 
29 — at West Point. 
Nov. 29 — at Peekskill. 
Dec. 7 — at Morristown. Headquar- 




Jan, 8 — at Morristown. Headquarters. 
June 2 — at Morristown. Headquarters. 
7 — at Chatham. Headquarters. 
10 — at Heights above Springfield. 

13 — at Bryan's tavern. Headquar- 
25 — at Whippany. Headquarters. 
27 — at Ramapo. Headquarters. 
July 2 — at Preakness. Headquarters. 
4 — at Bergen County. Headquar- 
10 — near Passaic. Headquar- 

14 — at Bergen County. Headquar- 
19 — at Preakness. Headquarters. 
20 — near Passaic. Headquarters at 

Col. Dey's. 
22 — at Preakness. Headquarters. 
30 — at Paramus. 
31 — at Highlands, New York. 
31 — in the Highlands, at Col. Rob- 
inson's. Headquarters. 
31 — at Peekskill. Headquarters. 
Aug. II — at Orangetown. Headquarters. 

II — at Tappan. Headquarters. 
Sep. 2 — at Bergen County. Headquar- 
9 — at Steenrapie. Headquarters. 
17 — left for Hartford. 
20 — at Hartford ; interview with 

25 — at Robinson's House, in the 

Highlands. Headquarters. 
26 — at Orangetown, Rockland Co. 

26 — at Robinson's. Headquar- 
Oct. 1 — at Orangetown ; issues orders 
for the execution of Andre. 

Oct. 4 — at Tappan. Headquarters. 
7 — at Paramus. 

8 — near Passaic Falls. Headquar- 
9 — at Totowa. Headquarters. 
9 — at Bergen County, N. J. 
10 — at Preakness. 
II — at Bergen County. 
1 1 — near Passaic Falls. 
14 — near Passaic FaUs. Head- 
16 — at Preakness. 

18 — near Passaic. Headquarters. 
21 — near Passaic Falls. 
31 — at Totowa (Passaic Falls) ; in 
Nov. 27 — breaks camp at Totowa. 
28 — leaves for New Windsor. 
28 — at Morristown. 
29 — at Morristown. Headquar- 
ters. Army marches. 
Dec. 6 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 
ters. Winter quarters. 


Jan. II — at West Point ; holds Council 
of War. 
22 — at West Point with Lafayette. 
26 — at Ringwood. 
24 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 
29 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 
Mar. 2 — left New Windsor for Newport 
to meet Rochambeau. 
4 — passed through Hartford. 
6 — arrived at Newport. 
13 — left Newport. 
17 — at Hartford. 

24 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 
April 4 — at West Point. 



April 26 — at West Point with Mons. 
Beville, Quartermaster of French 
May 8 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 

9 — at West Point. 
20 — at Hartford. Conference with 

23 — at Weathersfield. Rocham- 

beau's Headquarters. 
27 — at New Windsor. Headquar- 
June 26 — at Peekskill, near Headquar- 
26 — two miles from Peekskill. 
July 2 — leaves Peekskill at 3 o'clock 
A. M. with his staff ; opens the 
campaign ; halts at New Bridge 
over Croton ; makes a reconnois- 
sance toward New York at Val- 
entine's Hill. Mile square. 
3 — at Valentine's Hill. 
3 — in the saddle on reconnoissance. 
4 — at camp, near White Plains. 
5 — at North Castle. Visits the 
French army ; dines with Roch- 
6 — at Philipsburg. 
6 — near Dobbs Ferry. Headquar- 
7 — at Philipsburg, in camp. 
10 — near Dobbs Ferry. Head- 
21 — at Joshua Hett Smith's House, 

25 — at King's Ferry ; the army 
crosses the Hudson. 
Aug. 4 — at Philadelphia ; dines with M. 
de la Luzerne. 
6 — makes a reconnoissance toward 
King's Bridge. 

Aug. 17 — in camp at Philipsburg. 

17 — at Dobbs Ferry. Headquar- 

19 — leaves Dobbs Ferry for the 
south to capture Cornwallis. 

26 — at Ramapo. 

27 — at Chatham. 

29 — at Trenton. 

31 — at Philadelphia. 

Sep. 2 — at Philadelphia. 

5— at Head of Elk. 

10 — at Mount Vernon. 

15 — at Williamsburg. 

27 — at Williamsburgh ; issues or- 
ders of battle. 
Oct. I — in camp near York. Fleadquar- 

2 T — near Yorktown. Headquar- 

27 — at York ; entertains Cornwal- 
Nov. 15 — at Mount Vernon. 

20 — at Alexandria. 

22 — at Annapolis. 

28 — at Philadelphia. 


April I — at Newburg. 

19 — at Newburg. Headquarters. 
May 12 — at Highlands. 

30 — at Highlands ; orders celebra- 
tion of Dauphin's birthday. 
31 — at West Point ; celebration of 
Dauphin's bithday ; on the 
Parade with Mrs. Washington. 
June 5 — at Newburg. 
July 9 — at Newburg. Headquarters. 

22 — at Philadelphia. 
Sep. I — at Verplanck's Point. Head- 
Dec. 14 — at Newburg. 
25 — at Philadelphia. 




Mar. »3 — at Mount Vernon. 
ApriliS — at Newburg. Headquarters; 
issues address on cessations of 
19 — at Ringwood ; interview with 

the Secretary of War. 
20 — at Newburg. Headquarters. 
May 3 — at Dobbs Ferry, with Gov. 
Clinton, to meet Sir Guy Carleton. 
6 — at Orangetown on conference 

with Sir Guy Carleton. 
9 — at Newburgh. Headquarters. 
15 — at Poughkeepsie. 
June 6 — at Newburg. Headquarters ; 
replies to address of Generals. 
23 — at Newburg. Headquarters ; 
Council of War on mutiny of 
Pennsylvania troops. 
Aug. 4 — at Albany. 
12 — at Newburgh. 
26 — at Princeton ; Congress in 

31— at Rocky Hill. 
Oct. 2— at Rocky Hill. 

12 — at Princeton. 
Nov. 4 — at Newburg. Headquarters ; 
issues proclamation disbanding 
the army. 
14 — at West Point. 
22 — at Harlem. 

25 — at New York ; enters with the 
army ; dines with the Governor ; 
the British evacuate. 
Dec. 2 — at New York ; farewell to offi- 
cers at Fraunces' Tavern ; leaves 
New York for Annapolis. 
10 — at Philadelphia. 
20 — arrives at Annapolis ; Congress 

in session. 
23 — resigns his commission to Con- 

Note. — The difficulty found in locating 
Washington at any particular day during the 
war of the revolution suggested the advantage 
of the above Itinerary, compiled from corres- 
pondence, newspapers, etc. It is by no means 
complete. Additions are solicited by the 



The Vassal! House, Cambridge, Mass. 
[1775-76]. — On the 8th July, 1775, the 
Committee of Safety of the Provisional 
Congress of Massachusetts directed by 
resolution " that the house of Mr. John 
Vassall ordered by Congress for the resi- 
dence of his excellency General Wash- 
ington should be immediately put in 
such condition as may make it conve- 
nient for that purpose." These quarters 
he retained until he left Cambridge for 
New York, April 4th, 1776. This was 
later known as the Craigie house, and is 
now known as the homestead of the 
poet Longfellow. 

The Mortier House, New York City 
[1776]. — In the summer of 1776 the 
presence of Mrs. Washington, and the un- 
healthy condition of the City of New 
York, induced the Commander-in-Chief 
to change his headquarters from the 
Broadway to this salubrious situation. 
The Mortier house, one of the great colo- 
nial residences, stood on the spot since 
the southeast corner of Varick and 
Charlton streets. It was later known as 
Richmond Hill, and the residence of 
Col. Burr. It has been destroyed some 

The Roger Morris House, Har/cm 
Heights, N. Y. [1776].— Another of 
the famous colonial residences. The 



army headquarters were here from the 
time of the retreat from Long Island in 
September until the final evacuation of 
the Island of New York in October, 
1776. The house was later the residence 
of Madame Jumel, and is now in the 
occupation of her descendants. 

The Miller House, White Plains, West- 
chester County, N. V. [1776]. During 
and after the fight at Chatterton's 
Hill Washington had his headquarters 
in the house now standing, and until 
recently in the occupation of the Miller 
family, by which name it is still known. 

The Ford House, Morristown, New 
Jersey [1777 and 1779-80]. — This house, 
during the revolution occasionally occu- 
pied as the headquarters of the army, 
and the residence of the General and 
Mrs. Washington in the severe winter of 
1779-80, was the homestead of Col. Ja- 
cob Ford, who commanded a regiment 
in the New Jersey Militia ; it remained 
in the possession of the family until its 
purchase in 1873 by Governor Ran- 
dolph of New Jersey, together with 
Messrs. Halsey, Halstead and Lidger- 
wood, who have since transferred it to 
the State, to be forever preserved. It is 
familiarly known by the name of the 
" Old Headquarters." 

The Pompton Headquarters, Po77ipton, 
New Jersey [1777]. — Tradition reports 
that AVashington had his headquarters 
in a little frame house, on the banks of 
the Wynockie, which stands at the bend 
of a road leading from the Ryerson 
Furnace to the Passaic County Hotel. 
It is opposite to a more imposing 
structure known as the Ryerson House. 
During the revolution it belonged to 

Capt. Arent Schuyler, It was occupied 
from 1783 to 1815 by Judge M. S. Ry- 
erson and by his descendants till 1870, 
when it passed into the possession of 
Miss Harriet Mills, its present owner. 

The Elmar House, Whitemarsh, New 
Jersey [1777]. — Mr. Lossing, in his 
Field-book of the Revolution, describes 
this building as " standing upon the 
edge of a wet meadow at the head of a 
fine valley, and as a sort of baronial 
hall in size and character, where Elmar, 
its wealthy owner, dispensed hospitality 
to all who came under its roof." Wash- 
ington was here in the late fall and early 
winter of 1777-8. 

Ring's House at Chads Ford, Dela- 
ware County, Penn. [1777]. — It was 
at this house, then the residence 
of Benjamin Ring, that Washington 
established the temporary headquar- 
ters from which he directed the battle 
of the Brandywine. Mr. Lossing gives 
a sketch of it in his Field Book. 

The Potts Housey Valley Forge, Penn. 
[1777-8]. — This historic building remains 
in excellent preservation. It was built in 
the middle of the last century by John 
Potts of Pottstown^ Penn., and left by 
him to his son Isaac Potts, who sold it 
in 1805 to Joseph Paul, who in 
1826 sold it to James Jones, in whose 
family possession it still remains. 
The sufferings of the army and the 
anxiety of the Commander-in-Chief at 
this period are familiar to all, but held 
in most vivid memory by the inhabi- 
tants of the valley. 

Col. Brinckerhoff's, Fishkill Village, N. 
V. [1778]. — This house was a famous 



stopping place lor travellers on the road 
between the Eastern and Middle States. 
Col. Brinckerhoff, like many others, 
served the army in the field while his 
family entertained the patriots at their 
homes ; this in no way impairing their 
personal importance. The house is 
now in the occupation of the Van Wyck 

The Hopper House. Bergen County^ 
N. J. [1780]. — It was at this house, the 
residence of Andrew Hopper, a noted 
character of the revolution, and it is 
said a trusted spy of Washington, that 
the numerous letters and general orders, 
dated at Bergen County, were written by 
the Commander-in-Chief. The house is 
still standing, but so altered as to be 
no longer recognizable. After the death 
of Hopper the house passed into the 
hands of the Hegeman family, with which 
he was intermarried. It was sold last 
summer with its furniture, in which 
were many curious revolutionary relics. 

The Beverley Robinson House^ ift the 
Highlands^ now Garrisons^ N. F.[i78o]. 
— This building, familiarly called in the 
records of.the revolution Col. Robinson's, 
was the constant stopping-place of the 
General when he crossed the river from 
his West Point Headquarters. Its 
owner was implicated in the treason- 
able plot of Arnold, whose headquarters 
were in this house at the time of his 
defection. It now makes a part of the 
estate of Hamilton Fish. 

The Birdsall House, Peekskill, N, Y. 
[1780-81]. — This old mansion is one of 
the first buildings erected in the village, 
settled in 1764. It was a favorite tav- 
ern, and repeatedly visited by the offi- 

cers during the period when the allied 
armies under Washington and Rocham- 
beau menaced the English positions in 
and about New York. It stands on 
the old post road, and is still kept as a 
tavern by one Mandeville. Near by are 
yet seen the remains of the old fort 
which crowned this elevated position, at 
the mouth of the Highland gorge. 

The Tappan Headquarters, Tappan, 
N. V. [1780]. — A special interest at- 
taches to this spot, because of its con- 
nection with the story of the unfortun- 
ate Andre. It was here that Washington 
issued the fatal warrant which con- 
demned him to an ignominious death. 
It is situated near the road from Snee- 
den's Landing, within a few feet of the 
main street of the village. It was dur- 
ing the revolution the property of John 
de Windt, a native of the West Indies, 
from whom it passed to his grand- 
daughter, who was married to Samuel 
S. Verbryck. 

Joshua Hett Smith's House, Haver- 
straw, N. Y. [1781]. — Claude Blanchard, 
Commissary of the French auxiliary army 
under Rochambeau, in his journal from 
1 780-83 relates that on the 2 ist of August, 
1 781, he took tea with General Wash- 
ington at " Smith's House, famous from 
the fact that there Andre and Arnold 
held their meeting." The Continental 
army was then in motion upon the well- 
devised expedition which ended in the 
capture of Cornwallis. 

This house was owned during the rev- 
olution by Joshua Hett Smith. It is 
beautifully situated on the ridge of a 
hill which commands an extensive 
view of the rivej, and overlooks the in- 



tervening points which jut out into it in 
the most picturesque manner. It was 
off one of these, known as Grassy Point, 
that the Vulture lay when the guns of 
the Continental artillery under Living- 
ston drove her from her anchorage. She 
dropped down the stream, leaving An- 
dre on shore in conference with Arnold. 
His guide declining to run the risk of 
escorting Andre down, he passed the 
night with Smith, who had been his 
companion in the conference. And it 
was in the upper room of Smith's house 
that Andre committed the fatal impru- 
dence of exchanging the English uniform 
he had up to that time worn for the 
clothing of a countryman. 

From the Smiths the house passed into 
the hands of a family named Nicoll, from 
them to one Haussman, and later into the 
occupancy of Adam Lilburn, who now 
resides in it. It is one of the most 
beautiful situations on the Hudson, com- 
manding a landscape unrivalled in ex- 
tent, variety and charm. 

T?ie Hashrouck House, JVewburg, tV. Y. 
[1782-83]. — This old building was 
erected by the Hasbroucks between 
1750 and 1770, the dates of the addi- 
tions to the original structure being cut 
upon the walls. In the year 181 7, by 
an act of Legislature, it became the 
property of the State of New York, 
and in 1850 was placed in the care of 
the Trustees of the Village of Newburg, 
and forever set aside as an historic 

Washington made his headquarters 
here from the spring of 1782 until the 
summer of the next year. Mrs Wash- 
ington passed a part ot this period with 

him. It was from Newburg that he 
issued the proclamation disbanding the 
army, November 4, 1783. 


The Shaw House, New London [1776]. 

Washington stopped at New London 
on his way from Cambridge to New 
York, and held an interview with Com- 
modore Hopkins. He slept the night of 
April 9 at the house of Nathaniel Shaw. 

Col. Morehouse' s Tavern, Pawling, 
now Dover, Dutchess County, N. V. 
[1778]. — On the highway from Fishkill 
to Hartford — a celebrated stopping- 
place for the officers. 

Cortlandt House, Yonkers, JV. Y. 
[1781]. — Here Washington dined in 
July, 1781, on the occasion of a recon- 
noissance towards New York. 

Rocky Hill, Somerset County, N. J. 
[17^3]- — Washington wrote his Farewell 
Address here. 

Van Brugh Livingston House, Dobbs 
Ferry, N. Y. [1783]. — Place of confer- 
ence of Washington and Gov. Clinton 
with Sir Guy Carleton. 

Day's Tavern, Harlem, New York 
[1783]. — Opposite the Point of rocks 
at the junction of the Harlem and 
Kingsbridge roads. Washington stopped 
here on his entrance to the city in 
November of this year. 

Fraunces' Tavern, New York [1783]. 
— Corner of Pearl and Broad streets. 
Place of Farewell to his Officers. 

Note. — The above lists are . not complete ; 
additions are requested by the EDITOR. 




won nd MDXVr 


Lycwato da uii l^culro o/ntico ct.ppre/so J cJlt: ^^' '^^■^''fci'Lao LM^icct 


When the purpose was conceived of gathering together from the 
private autograph collections of the country all the letters of Wash- 
ington as yet unpublished, there was no means of forming an adequate 
estimate of their extent and value. The seventy now printed are a first 
instalment of the priceless store which the generosity of their owners, 
and a due regard to the supreme importance of preserving from loss or 
injury every line of the private and public correspondence of Wash- 
ington, have brought to the Magazine of American History in 
response to its recent call. 

These are published in the order of their dates, without selection, 
preference or arrangement ; many are of the greatest importance in the 
light they throw upon obscure points in the history of the American 
revolution, while others of minor public value are of equal interest in 
their illustration of the personal traits and habits of the august char- 
acter to whom the common consent of mankind has ascribed the 
attribute of First in public merit and private virtue. 

An equal number of letters of a like value remains, and will be later 
published in these pages. New contributions are earnestly solicited, 
and a general cooperation respectfully urged, until every letter in the 
hand-writing or bearing the signature of Washington shall have been 
rescued from oblivion, and given to the world. It is deeply to be 
regretted that all the autographs are not the property of the nation, but 
the purposes of history will be as fully served by their textual and 
careful publication. 

The courtesy shown by the gentlemen who have contributed these 
documents, as well as those the publication of which is deferred by 
reason of the limited space available in the present issue, is cordially 
and gratefully acknowledged. Such hearty and liberal collaboration is 
the most valued encouragement. If this exclusive devotion of a 
monthly number of the Magazine to Washington meet the approbation 
of its patrons, the publication of the material collected will be con- 
tinued after a reasonable interval, and in the same number will appear 
an interesting original paper on the Portraiture of Washington, 
t?Dgether with an account of all the known portraits, miniatures, crayons 
and engravings, with original illustrations. To this also a general 
cooperation is particularly invited. . Editor. 


Vol. Ill MARCH 1879 No. 3 


A WRITER in the December number of this Magazine [1878], who 
discussed with ability and clearness " The Constitutional Devel- 
opment of the American Colonies/* dismissed New York as an 
element in that development with the general assertion that '' its influ- 
ence was slightly felt in the earlier period of their history," and without 
indicating that its influence Avas felt at all in the later and more import- 
ant periods of colonial life. We can agree that the estimate of this 
writer has often been expressed by historians of that epoch ; but it is an 
estimate founded upon a failure to inquire into the real part which New 
York played in the development of the American system before the 
Revolution ; and it is remarkable that a writer in a magazine like this 
should permit himself to fall into so antiquated an error. As a matter 
of fact, the part played by New York in the struggle for the attainment 
of a constitutional government which culminated in the Revolution, 
was unique in many respects, and was more important in several, both 
as to character and influence, here and in England, than that which pro- 
gressed simultaneously m her sister colonies. 

After the conquest of New Amsterdam from the Dutch, the whole 
Atlantic coast of the origmal thirteen States came for the first time into 
the undisputed possession of Great Britain. At that time there existed 
in these colonies under English rule no less than three distinct forms or 
varieties of government, as widely dissimilar in their nature as it is pos- 
sible for human governments to be. The unique and extraordinary 
feature in the colonial history of New York is that she passed through 
these three phases of government in her upward progress towards the 
free constitution of 1777, not attaining the last and highest form until 
she secured that free constitution, but wresting from a reluctant prerog- 
ative in the meanwhile many of its most important advantages. This 


remarkable progress was accomplished, from point to point and vantage 
ground to vantage ground, by the intelligent and self-reliant determina- 
tion of her citizens of every nationality. The record of their constant 
struggle to achieve their manifest destiny, in the face of obstacles such 
as no other colony had to contend with, seems to me the most glorious 
in the colonial annals of America. I believe it to be the only perfect 
illustration of a clearly -defined political evolution in the history of this 

The first and lowest of these three varieties of colonial government 
is described as the proprietary — a government granted out to individ- 
uals, after the manner of feudatory principalities. Such New York 
became when the colony passed from under the despotic rule of the 
Dutch West India Company into the personal possession of the equally 
despotic Duke of York. In other proprietary governments, like Penn- 
sylvania and Maryland, there was from the first an Assembly chosen by 
the people, which shared the functions of government with the pro- 
prietor. New York, without a solitary semblance to a government 
representative in its character, and without any claim to such a govern- 
ment beyond that which she based upon the quicksand of an inherent 
right, finally forced the concession of a representative assembly from the 
Duke of York. 

Mr. Taylor is entirely in error in the statement that '' representative 
assemblies, after having been abolished and reconstructed many times 
under the Dutch and English Governments, were finally established with 
recognized powers in 1683." Such a thing as a representative assembly 
was never known in New York under the Dutch Government. There 
were many conventions of delegates, and they constantly demanded the 
introduction of a representative form of government, with some share 
by the people in the enactment of the laws. But these demands were 
uniformly and preemptorily refused by the Dutch West India Company. 
Mr. Taylor states that "in 1641 the Directors called together the first 
representative assembly." What Governor Kieft called together at that 
time was a meeting of all the patroons, masters and heads of families in 
the vicinity of the fort, to take council concerning a collision with the 
neighboring Indians. It was not a representative assembly, because it 
was not constituted by the people, and had no powers in and of itself. 
Again, representative assemblies, instead of having been ''abolished 
and reconstructed many times under the Dutch and English Govern- 
ments," were never abolished but once, and never established but twice. 
They were established for the first time in 1683, when, in the words of 


the historian Smith, "the people, who had been formerly ruled at the 
will of the Duke's Deputies, began their first participation in the legis- 
lative power under Governor Dongan." They were abolished by the 
same Prince, after he became James II., June 16, 1686. Thereafter the 
Governor and his Council made all the laws, subject to the approval of 
the King, until the Leisler revolution in 1689, when an assembly was 
elected, the legality of whose enactments was never subsequently rec- 
ognized. But the first Governor who arrived in New York with a com- 
mission signed by William and Mary, brought with him an order to 
re-establish the Assembly, and re-instate the people in their rights. 
This Assembl}^ which is called the second, met in April, 1691, and its 
successors continued to be elected, under the order ot Royal Gov- 
ernors, until the thirty-first and last Assembly was elected in 1768, and 
went out of existence amid the chaos of the Revolution. 

Thus New York passed from a purely proprietary government into 
that variety described as a provisional establishment — in which the Gov. 
ernor and Council were appointed by the Crown, and the constitution 
depended upon the respective commissions or instructions issued by the 
Crown to the Governors. Upon the authority of these instructions — 
and never in recognition of any inherent right of which the Crown 
took cognizance — Provincial Assemblies were elected by the people, 
with the power to make laws and ordinances not repugnant to the laws 
of England or the said instructions, and always subject to the King's 
veto. Such were the governments of New Hampshire, Georgia, New 
Jersey after 1702, the Carolinas after 1728, and New York after 1689. 

The third form of colonial government, known as the Charter 
Government, in which the Governor, Council and Assembly were 
elected by the people, and entrusted with all the powers of the three 
branches of government under its other phases, was that enjoyed by 
Plymouth Colony, Connecticut, Rhode Island and originally Massachu- 
setts — the latter, under her second charter, developing a mixed govern- 
ment in which the Governor only was appointed by the Crown. 

Thus it appears that there were certain of the original colonies, of 
which Massachusetts and Virginia were the most conspicuous examples, 
which were originally possessed, through no special virtue or act of their 
own, of political privileges and institutions far in advance of those of New 
York. New York never rose to certain political privileges which Mas- 
sachusetts and Virginia enjoyed, with but slight intermission, from the 
first, until the outbreak of the Revolution permitted her to frame and 
adopt her first and self-granted charter, the constitution of 1777. Mas- 


sachusetts and Virginia possessed certain absolute rights, by virtue of 
charter or ordinance, which New York never possessed as a colony. 
Laboring under this disadvantage, it was only left for New York to 
announce the ^' inherent right " of a free people to govern themselves ; 
to assert and assume particular rights denied to her by the Government 
of England ; to insist that the laws of England were equally applicable 
at home and in the colonies ; and to maintain this stand in spite of the 
most persistent and strenuous opposition from the Crown, until, as one 
right after another became clothed with the force and sacredness of 
precedent, she may be said to have worked out for herself from her 
own isolated experience a form of constitutional government differing in 
many respects from the governments of the other colonies, established 
by her own courageous persistence, resting only upon the vigilant 
determination of her citizens, and constituting the broad foundation 
upon which she subsequently erected the constitution of 1777. 

In the slow and painful elaboration of this constitution of precedents 
the political history of the province of New York is more interesting 
and suggestive than that of any other colony. Massachusetts and Vir- 
ginia, the neighbors of New York, may be said to have manufactured 
their own institutions in the manner most pleasing to themselves. The 
New Yorkers had their institutions manufactured for them. As soon as 
ever they could they entered in earnest upon the work of conforming 
those institutions to those which they saw existing around them. All 
that they gained in this respect they captured vi et arniis from the pro- 
rogative. Whatever they had that was worth keeping, they had 
wrested from tyrannical and deceitful princes and stubborn or igno- 
rant Governors, at the constant peril of their lives, their property and 
their liberty. The nearest parallel to this struggle is that which was 
approaching its consummation in Great Britain at the moment when 
this began ; which started with the Magna Charta, was continued in the 
Bill of Rights, in the struggle against the Stuarts and Puritan revolu- 
tion, and secured, if not altogether completed, in the revolution of 1688. 
It is the purpose of this article to point out some of the successive 
steps of this constitutional development, and to a slight extent to trace 
their influence in the subsequent constitutional history of the United 

In the first place, let it be understood that the first representative 
assembly in New York, to which I have already alluded, was a conces- 
sion wrung from a reluctant prince by the persistant refusal of the 
colony to do honor to a government from the control of which they 


were totally excluded. To her Dutch no less than to her English set- 
tlers was New York indebted for this first great triumph. In no other 
colony was such a triumph secured by the same popular influences. 
Virginia justly boasts that the first representative legislature of any 
description on American soil was her House of Burgesses. When Sir 
George Yeardly voluntarily called that assembly together, in 1619, he 
permitted it to assume and exercise some functions of legislation that 
were denied to the New York Assembly more than one hundred years 
afterwards. It was only two 3'ears later that the Council in England 
issued an ordinance which gave to that House of Burgesses a complete 
and permanent sanction. In 1704, Lord and Governor Cornbury 
declared that the New York Asssembly sat " purely by the grace and 
favor of the crown ; " and as late as 1738, Lieutenant-Governor Clarke 
described the government of New York as follows : '' the constitution of 
the Government of New York is such as his Majesty, by his commission 
to his Governor, directs." It is necessary to remember that New York 
was constantly struggling to maintain those primary rights in which her 
sister colonies were practically secure, in order to properly estimate the 
influence New York exerted in the constitutional development of the 
American colonies. 

The first Representative Assembly of New York — that of 1683 — 
asserted the great doctrine of " Taxation only by consent." I know of 
no more explicit statement of the principle, upon which alone the Amer- 
ican Revolution can be justified, at an earlier period in the existence 
of any colony. This doctrine, first clearly enunciated in New York in 
1683, was never receded from by that colony. 

The second Representative Assembly of New York defined another 
principle, which ultimately became the basis of the longest, the most 
evenly contested, and in some respects, the most important struggle 
between a colony and the royal prerogative, that occurred in the col- 
onial epoch. '' A revenue for defraying the public expenses " was 
granted by this Assembl}', the money raised to be paid to the Re- 
ceiver-General, and issued under the Governor's Avarrant. Attached to 
the Act was a proviso that the law should be limited in its effect to two 
years. In their subsequent struggles to preserve the limited revenue, 
the settlers in New York received their magnificent education for the 
Revolution. For several years the issue was not raised again. When 
Lord Lovelace, the tenth English Governor, met the Assembly of 1709, 
he recommended the raising of a revenue for seven years, as had last 
been done. In communicating to the Governor its unwillingness to 


honor his request, the Assembly took occasion to intimate the disadvan- 
tage under which the colony labored, because of the difference between 
its political institutions and those of its near neighbors. '' The just free- 
dom enjoyed by our neighbors by the tender indulgence of the Govern- 
ment," says their bold and spirited address, " has extremely drained and 
exhausted us both of people and stock ; whilst a different treatment, 
the wrong methods too long taken and severities practiced here, have 
averted and deterred the usual part of mankind from settling hitherto." 
A dissolute Governor had squandered the money given him without 
restraint. It was to save the colony from such experiences that the 
Assembly of 1709 devised the Annual Revenue Bill. The conflict was 
averted for the time, for upon the very day that the bill was passed, 
Lord Lovelace died. 

His successor, Robert Hunter, took up the gauntlet thus thrown 
down. Governor and Assembly each was as firm as the other, and 
Hunter went for three years without the compensation attached to his 
office. Only the pressing emergency of difficulty on the Canadian 
frontier prevented the dead-lock from developing into a decisive crisis. 
Failing to coerce, Hunter finally coaxed a five year's revenue out of this 
body ; and the traditions of the period are not free from the suggestion 
of bribery in connection with his success. Meanwhile he had w^ritten 
home to his friend, Dean Swift, that ''the Assembly has trumped up an 
inherent right, declared the powers granted by the Queen's letters- 
patent to be against law, and have but one short step towards what I am 
unwilling to name. The Assemblies claim all the privileges of the 
House of Commons. Should the councilors, by the same rule, lay claim 
to the rights of a House of Peers, here is a body co-ordinate with and 
independent of the great council of the realm ; yet this is the plan of 
government they all aim at, and make no scruple to own." " If the 
Assembly of New York," reported the Lords of Trade, 171 3, " is suffered 
to proceed after this manner, it may prove of very dangerous conse- 
quence to that colony, and of very ill example to the other governments 
of America.' 

It was nearly thirty years later before the struggle for the annual 
grant was renewed. When Clarke was at the head of the province, the 
precedent gained a firm footing. Governor Clinton, who succeeded 
him, at first gave his assent to the annual bills. Subsequently, under 
special instructions from the Lords of Trade, he refused his consent, and 
found himself involved in a controversy with men as obstinate as him- 
self and vastly keener with their wits. As often as he dissolved one 


Assembly with indignant reproof, the people returned the same men to 
torment him by asserting the same principle. When he upbraided them 
with disloyalty to the crown, they protested that they showed their 
loyalty to the genius of the English Government by obejang the behests 
of their constituents. Again he yielded, after two years of acrimonious 
assertion of his prerogative, and followed his discomfiture by his resig- 

Another Governor came^ carrying in his pocket the instructions of 
Clinton, made more explicit and preemptory. But the magnitude of the 
task drove Sir Danvers Osborne into suicide before he had even tested 
the temper of the people he was sent out to subdue. He had been 
enjoined to declare, in the strongest terms and without delay, the King's 
high displeasure at the neglect and contempt of New York, to exact 
due obedience, receding from all encroachments, and considering with- 
out delay a proper law for a permanent revenue, " solid, indefinite, and 
without limitation." 

The sagacious obstinacy of the colony was already approaching the 
period of its conspicuous reward. When James De Lancey succeeded 
to the Government as Lieutenant-Governor, he did not permit his former 
relations with the popular party to interfere with a literal regard for the 
royal instructions he had inherited from the unhappy Osborne. Urging 
the Assembly constantly to grant a permanent revenue, and refusing to 
sign the annual bills which were as constantly presented to him, he 
received no salary as Acting-Governor for three years, and until the spring 
of 1756, when the Ministry, worn out by the endurance of New York, 
surrendered at discretion, agreed to the Annual Support Bill, and 
directed the new Governor, Sir Thomas Hardy, to communicate the 
change of instructions to the Assembly. Thus ended a contest extend- 
ing over nearly half a century, in which the citizens of New York 
learned to withstand the threats of authority, and to defy the demands 
of the prerogative. New York several times departed from the princi- 
ple laid down by the Assembly of 1709; but she never relinquished the 
claim that it was a right, and she effected the most important limitation 
put upon the prerogative during the colonial period, when she finally 
secured the recognition of that right. " Nowhere else," says Bancroft, 
alluding to these struggles, " was the collision between the royal Gov- 
ernor and the Provincial Assembly so violent and so inveterate ; 
nowhere had the Legislature, by its methods of granting money, so nearly 
exhausted and appropriated to itself all executive authority ; nowhere' 
had the relations of the province to Great Britain been more sharply 


contravened." Dunlap, referring to the same struggle, says that " here 
was a sense of right and courage to resist power, equal to anything on 
record. Yet these people might be said to depend for protection, from 
both the French and the Indians, upon the power which they defied." 
The real courage of the New Yorkers can be better appreciated after 
reading the letters which Clinton poured in upon the Board of Trade, 
entreating the King '' to make a good example for all America, by 
regulating the Government of New York." 

I have already said that this contest for the Annual Supply Bill grew 
originally out of the reckless prodigality of some of the Governors, 
who accepted their appointment to the province of New York as an 
invitation to fill their pockets during the period of their exile. Another 
check which the Assembly early placed upon the Governor was the 
Treasurer, elected by itself. The first colonial Treasurer dates from 
the era of the dissolute and weak-minded Cornbury. The Governor 
protested that the declaration that the appointment of a Treasurer was 
to " prevent the misapplication of money in the future," was a reflection 
upon himself. Appealing in vain to the Assembly, he turned to the 
Queen. An order came to permit the New York Assembly to name 
their own Treasurer when they raised extraordinary supplies for special 
purposes. This was the most important advance in the evolution of 
self-government thus far achieved by the colony, after the concession of 
the representative Assembly. Having gained a Treasurer for special 
funds, the Assembly was not long in insisting that all the funds raised 
by it for the support of the colonial government should lodge in the 
hands of this officer of their own selection, and within their own per- 
view. They followed by natural sequence to the control of all officers 
necessary for the collection and disbursement of the colonial revenues 
— a purpose which the Assembly accomplished by naming the name 
of each public officer in connection with the appropriation for his 

The degree of success which gradually attended these efforts to 
control the finances of the colony may be gathered from the letter which 
Governor Shirley wrote to Governor Clinton in 1748, in which he 
described at length the '' many innovations tending to create an entire 
dependency of the Governor and other officers upon the Assembly, and 
to weaken his Majesty's government in the colony, introduced from 
year to year contrary to the express directions of his Majesty's instruc- 
tions. * * ''^" Upon all which innovations and encroachments 
I shall only observe in general, that the Assembly seems to have left 


scarcely any part of his Majesty's prerogative untouched, and that they 
have gone great lengths towards getting the whole government, military 
as well as civil, into their hands." (Colonial His. N. Y., Vol. VI, p. 


We have already seen that the great leaps towards popular government 
made by the colony between the years 1 743 and 1 748 were not surrendered 
under De Lancey, and were practically confirmed by the Crown under 
Hardy. It is noticeable that the measures upon which the colony sought 
issue with the crown were not mere excuses for factitious opposition. 
Each one of them involved a principle, since recognized both in the 
Constitutions of our States and in the Federal Constitution, as essential 
to the efficient administration of a popular government. The colonial 
Assembly of New York worked out for us, and tested by actual experi- 
ence, the principles which we have come to regard as the glory and the 
safety of our constitutional fabric. 

It was this same Assembly, the eleventh, which first refused to 
admit the Council's amendment to a money bill, thus insisting upon the 
same relative powers, in relation to the upper House, which the House 
of Commons early took to itself. The Assembly was compelled to 
yield the point at this time to the adverse decision of the Lords of Trade ; 
but it subsequently returned and adhered to it. This controversy 
affords another illustration of the fact that the colonial statesmen of New 
York were close students of the constitutional history of Great Britain, 
and that they were seeking to plant their own government upon the 
foundations that had proved safest in England. The guiding theory of 
their action was that the Assembly of New York bore the same relation 
to the government of that colony that the Parliament of Great Britain 
bore to the realm over whose destinies it presided. The mother country 
has since confessed that they were right, by adopting the principle 
they first clearly enunciated, in the government of her Canadian 
provinces. But previous to the Revolution, it was because she insisted 
upon the soundness of this principle, that New York w^as regarded in 
the councils of the crown as the most dangerous and rebellious of the 

It was left for the Assembly of 1708 to appoint a Committee on 
Greivances, and to pass from that committee a series of resolutions 
declaratory of what they believed to be their rights under the British 
Constitution, and the manner in which they conceived those rights to 
be infringed. These resolutions declared the appointment of coroners 
in the colony without their being chosen by the people to be a griev- 


ance, and contrary to law ; that it was and ever had been the unques- 
tionable right of every free man in the province to have a perfect and 
entire property in his goods and estate ; that the imposing and levying 
of any taxes upon the people of the colony " under any pretense or 
color whatsoever," without the consent of the General Assembly, was a 
greivance, and a violation of the people's property ; that for any officer 
to extort from the people any unlimited fees not positively established 
and regulated by the Assembly, was unreasonable and unlawful ; that 
the erection of a Court of Equity, without the consent of the General 
Assembly, was contrary to law, without precedent, and of dangerous 
consequence to the liberty and property of the subject^." 

I have summarized this remarkable paper, because it not only shows 
some of the peculiar hardships which the New Yorkers were compelled 
to accept from their government, but the bold and forcible manner in 
which they proclaimed their greivances and described the only remedy. 
Perhaps the most notable of their greivances was the establishment of 
the Court of Equity, or Chancery, with the Governor of the province 
as the Chancellor. Governor Hunter was first empowered to erect this 
court ; and the Assembly immediately declared that its erection, with- 
out the consent of that body, was contrary to the law of the colony. 
A Committee on Greivances reported that the court, as constituted, 
" renders the liberties and properties of the subjects extremely precar- 
ious ; and by the violent measures allowed by it, some have been ruined, 
others obliged to abandon the colony, and many restrained in it, either 
by imprisonment or by excessive bail exacted from them not to 
depart, even when no manner of suits are depending against them." 
The committee was therefore of the conclusion that '' the extraordinary 
proceedings, and the exorbitant fees and charges countenanced to be 
exacted by the officers of the court, are the greatest greivance and 
oppression this colony hath ever felt ; and that its establishment, without 
the consent of the Assembly, was contrary to the laws of England.'' 
The Chancery Court having charge of the matter of quit-rents was 
easily made a machine of blackmail and oppression, and a source of 
unlimited illegitimate revenue to an unscrupulous Governor and his 
favorites. The Lords of Trade declared that ''her Majesty had the 
undoubted right to erect as many courts in her plantations as she chose." 
But the people persisted in their opposition. Shortly after the arrival 
of William Cosby as Governor, in 1732, began the famous controversy 
between him and Rip Van Dam, which, in its results, proved to be 
the most important educator in popular rights the people of New 


York had yet had thrust upon them. It involved the constitutionality 
jf the Chancery Court; and from that controversy dates the distinct 
organization of the popular party, as opposed to the Royalists, or pre- 
rogative party, in the colony of New York. Out of that controversy 
also grew the famous trial of John Peter Zenger, which first established 
the freedom of the press in America, and encouraged it to the valiant 
service it subsequently rendered in the cause of American independence. 
By his removal of Morris from the Chief Justiceship, by his dismissal 
of Smith and iVlexander from the Council, by his secret and arbitrary 
removal of Van Dam, by his long continuance of a pliant Assembly in 
defiance of the boldly expressed desire of the people, Cosby did more 
than any predecessor to render odious the methods of government 
which the crown permitted to be thrust upon this colony. Before dis- 
missing the struggle over the Chancery Court, we must record that the 
vigorous denunciation of the Assembly very early compelled an ordi- 
nance reducing its fees and forbidding its most odious abuses : and that 
the popular contempt for the court continued so great that, in the words 
of the historian Smith, "the wheels of the Chancery have ever since 
rusted upon their axis, the practice being condemned by all gentlemen 
of eminence in the profession." It is notable, also, that the right of the 
King to establish courts of chancer}^, without the consent of Parliament, 
was warmly contested in that body in 1734 and again in 1775. 

There was one other struggle between the people of New York and 
the prerogative, the influence of which was important, not only within, 
but without the province; I refer to the demand of the former for fre- 
quent elections of the representative Assembly. In most of the events 
to which I have thus far alluded, the Assembly appears as the aggressive 
champion, not only of its own inherent rights and privileges, but of 
those rights and privileges which belonged to the people at large, in 
the details of their ever}'- day life. But it frequently happened, in New 
York as elsewhere, that the Assembly fell behind the people, and 
appeared for the time acquiescent in the claims of the prerogative in 
matters at issue. It was at these times that the New Yorkers took up 
their own cause. Whenever such an Assembly was found, it was the 
natural disposition of the Governor to continue it in existence as long 
as possible. There was no limit set to such existence, either in prece- 
dent or instructions. One Assembly — that of 17 16 — existed ten years. 
During the administration of Cosby, one Assembly was continued for 
six years. The people constantly solicted the Governor for a new elec. 
tion. The Assembly itself several times enacted bills declaring that no 


Assembly should continue longer than three years, and that an Assembly 
should be held at least once in every year. It was largely to compel 
the wholesome presence of this body that the plan of annual revenue 
bills was originated and persisted in. Cosby refused assent to all such 
propositions and was not unmindful of the success of Hunter, by the 
distribution of ofBces among the members, in avoiding the friction that 
indicated the irreconcilable variance between the colon}^ and the home 
Government. To prevent this indirect bribery, bills were introduced 
prohibiting Assemblymen from accepting any office of profit after their 
election. Naturally such a law did not pass. Under Clarke, the suc- 
cessor of Cosby and a Governor who was not above bartering law 
against law, a bill for triennial elections finally received the approval of 
all the branches of the colonial Government. But when this law went 
to England for approval, it was set aside as '' a high infringement upon 
the prerogative of the Crown." The Assembly Avas obliged at last, 
under the administration of Clinton, in 1743, to yield its assent to a 
septennial act. The evils experienced in this province from the use 
made by the Crown of its power of perpetuating assemblies, were so 
great and so singular to New York, that when the convention of 
the people drew up in 1775 certain terms of reconciliation with the 
parent country, one of them was that the duration of Assemblies should 
not exceed three years. When Assemblies were refractory they were 
dissolved and re-elected, sometimes twice in a year. It is sometimes 
thrown in the face of New York that the last Provincial Assembly was 
a Royalist body, ready to register the will of the King against the col- 
onists. But in determining the attitude of the people at this time, it 
is necessary to remember that this Assembly was elected in 1768, and 
that its existence at the outbreak of the Revolution was one of the most 
conspicuous of the evils of the government by prerogative, against 
which New York had been waging her unceasing warfare. 

In summing up the several distinct struggles which I have thus 
briefly traced, I am struck by the fact that they all indicate the deter- 
mination of the colonists of New York to secure a government, not 
hostile to the Crown or its legitimate jurisdiction, but equipped with 
those checks and balances which have since come to be regarded as 
absolutely vital to the purity and the efficiency of a representative 
government. There was an evidence of a profound political philosophy 
in the attitude of New York, which was not reflected in the councils 
of the several monarchs who found her such a troublesome subject. 
The sum of that philosophy was, that England having granted New 


York a representative Assembly, was bound to abide by the logic of 
that grant as it was illustrated and enforced in the history of her own 
Commons. In the consistency of their several claims against the pre- 
rogative, as well as in the statesmanship and foresight, to say nothing 
of the courage and persistence with which these claims were urged 
upon the Crown, individually and inter-dependently, I hold that New 
York stands in advance of all her sister colonies. 

I have not undertaken to deal in this article with the decade in the 
history of New York preceding the actual outbreak of the Revo- 
lution. The part New York played in the development of the 
crisis that led to the Revolution is better known than the earlier history 
with which I have dealt. The conquest of Canada followed close 
upon the great triumph by which New York consumated her colonial 
struggle against the prerogative, in gaining the royal assent to the 
Annual Revenue Bill. After that triumph New York devoted her 
energies and her resources to the conquest of Canada, with a generous 
patriotism which challenged the admiration of her neighbors. The 
triumph to which I have alluded, and the hardly more important 
triumph of English and colonial arms in Canada, tended to create in 
New York a feeling of kindliness towards the home Government, 
which had not before existed since old Governor Stuyvesant was 
compelled to deliver over the keys of the fort. But it is nowhere 
denied that, during those momentous ten years, signalized by the repres- 
sive legislation of Parliament, by the Stamp Act and its resistance 
and repeal, by the discarding of the tea, by the riots in the streets of 
New York between British soldiers and American citizens, by the. 
organized exploits of the Sons of Liberty, by the erection of the 
Pitt statue, by the burning of the Royalist, Colden, in efhgy, that New 
York was always in the forefront of the colonial cause. By reason of 
her growing importance as the central and commercial colony, New 
York had been during the one hundred years preceding, the special 
plantation selected by the Crown for discipline ; and for the same reason 
she now became a center, around which revolved, both in England and 
America, the currents which turned into the Revolution. While the 
leading statesmen of New York were equally distinguished for the 
earnest moderation of their views and the splendid effectiveness of their 
arguments, Bancroft records of the people at large, that *' in no colony 
did English dominion find less of the sympathy of the people than in 
New York." 

In conclusion, let me simply call attention to the circumstances, 


singular to New York alone, under which that colony contributed so 
much to accelerate the Revolution. There existed in New York, dur- 
ing the entire colonial period, an aristocratic element such as was found 
in no other colony. The Dutch West India Company had laid the 
foundations for it, in the charter of the Patroons, which transplanted 
feudalism to the soil of the new world. The roots took such deep hold 
that they were not eradicated until the Revolution tore them up. When 
the English came into possession of the province, they confirmed the 
feudalistic tendency by their extravagant grants of land to men who 
became the lords of manors, and assumed privileges, accumulated 
wealth, and established retinues which in some instances rivalled the 
splendid displays of the mother country. The families of these men 
were naturally bound to the mother country, and to the Government by 
prerogative, by ties that steadily resisted the popular impulses that 
dominated the colony. For nearly a century they had basked in the 
favor of the Crown, I may state as a single illustration of the relations 
which the home Government maintained with a class in the colony, that 
that there was but one instance during the colonial history in which the 
Council was not arrayed in opposition to the Assembly whenever that 
Assembly was found in antagonism to the prerogative — which was more 
than two-thirds of the time. Colden was the Lieutenant-Governor 
of the province during the last colonial decade. A Royalist by instinct 
as well as by education, and bound to the Crown by the associations 
and the rewards of a life-time, he became the instrument through whom 
the Government blocked the patriots, distracted their counsels, and 
made them appear before the world as a divided colony. He yielded 
no atom of sympathy to the popular cause. When he found it impos- 
sible to enforce his authority, he sought the most vicious motives 
with which to account for the popular resistance. He was a type of 
man undoubtedly found more frequently in New York before the 
Revolution than anywhere else in the country. But because of 
his frequent appearance there, because of the organized strength of 
the New York Royalists, because of the luke-warm or hostile attitude 
of a large landed and monied interest, thus bound to the Crown, the 
attitude of New York was at once more critical and more creditable. 
It was assumed and maintained under circumstances more trying than 
those existing in any other colony. These facts were not unknown 
nor unappreciated ; and hence it was that all the colonies watched anx- 
iously to see what New York would do, and found their best stimulus 
in what she did. 




The Spanish documents and authentic papers relating to the dis- 
covery and conquest of America, have been finding their way into 
print during the last fifty years onl3\ Robertson wrote his history 
almost entirely without their aid, depending upon the prmted materials 
at hand, and unable often to obtain some of these, owing to their rarity 
and absence in public or private libraries. Antonio de Herrera was the 
first to prepare a general history of the New World founded on docu- 
mentary proofs, but he never gives a reference to their whereabouts, 
and does not specially quote them. He used, however, many now 
apparently lost, such as the original diary of the explorer, Juan Ponce 
de Leon, which appears to have been before him in 1600, but has since 
disappeared. Barcia, in his reprints of Herrera, adds nothing to the 
text, and makes no reference to the existence of any documents. Las 
Casas, in his Historia, gives an abridgement of the diary of the first 
voyage of Columbus,' but the full document has not been seen since. 
This work, completed in 1559, has been recently printed as part of a 
series of the Dociimentos Iiieditos, to which we shall presently refer. 

Many of the most interesting papers of an historical or narrative 
character may have been loaned to historians, and never returned to 
their depository, and others were perhaps abstracted as curiosities, 
when the value of a complete series of such documents in the archives 
of the nation was less appreciated than now. Most of the archives of 
the Spanish-American provinces have been despoiled, and are even at 
the present time fast disappearing. We cannot stop to quote instances 
that corroborate this statement, but may allude to them at another time. 

The historian Munoz, who had been o^cially commissioned to pre- 
pare an authentic history of America, founded on documentary evi- 
dence, had gathered, towards the close of the last centur}^ a vast 
collection of copies of original papers bearing on the subject entrusted 
to his charge. Most of the originals were preserved in Simancas and 
Seville, but many were in private hands, and have since disappeared. 
Even this body of materials, brought together with great care and 
labor, was dispersed after the death of the collector, and its fragments 
have been slowly recovered by the Spanish Government, and are now 
deposited in the Library of the Academy of History in Madrid. 


Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, who had been directed to con- 
tinue the work begun by Mufioz, was instrumental in recovering the 
matter collected for that work, and added largely to it. He began pub- 
lishing a work illustrated with documentary proofs in 1825, and had 
completed five volumes before his death. These volumes contain the 
first printed documents relating to the discovery of America by 
Columbus and his companions, and were eagerly welcomed by all 
American scholars. Washington Irving hastened to Madrid, at the 
request of Alexander Everett, our Minister near the Spanish Court, in 
order to translate the work begun by Navarrete, but soon w^as led into 
preparing his immortal Life of Columbus, in preference to a dry trans- 
lation of the documentary and disconnected Spanish Coleccion, We 
know that Navarrete never could overcome his disappointment at the 
preference accorded to the vivid narrative of Irving by the reading 
public. Only the three first volumes of the Coleccion were translated 
into French, and no other translation has appeared, while Irving's 
work was published in almost every European language. 

The work begun by Navarrete is, however, precious, and so much 
interest was manifested at the opening of the Spanish Archives, hith- 
erto jealously guarded from the public eye, that the Government was 
induced to begin a series of volumes, entitled Coleccion de Documentos 
hi^ditos para la Historia de Espana, in 1842, and the sixty-fifth volume 
appeared in 1876. Besides the papers which relate to the European 
history of Spain, this series contains many on purely American subjects, 
some of which relate to Cortes, Las Casas, to New Spain, Peru, Florida, 
Chili, etc. Volume vi contains a biographical notice of Don M. F. 
Navarette, who died in 1844, and whose name appears as one of the 
editors of the first two volumes. Volume xv contains a memoir by 
Don E. F. de Navarrete on the supposed voyages of Maldonado, De 
Fuca and De Fonte, illustrated by valuable notes ; and volume xvi con^ 
tains a memoir on Hernando Colon, and a notice of Bartolome Colon, 
by the same. The great manuscript History of America by Las Casas 
is printed for the first time in volumes Ixii to Ixiv. 

Another series was commenced in 1864, entitled, Coleccion de Docu- 
me7itos Indditos relativos al Descicbrimiento, Conqiiistay Colonizacion de las 
Posesiones Espafiolas en America y Oceania, sacados en mayor parte del Real 
Archive de Indias^ etc.. This series, as indicated by its title, contains 
documents relating to America and the Pacific Ocean only, and nineteen 
volumes had appeared in 1873. Of the deeply interesting nature of the 
contents of these volumes we cannot here give an idea. They must be 


seen to be appreciated. Unluckily no index has appeared to either of 
these series, each volume containing- merely a list of the documents it 
contains. A list of the papers in the first sixty-one volumes of the first 
series was printed in 1875. 

Prescott was obliged to get copies of documents for his admirable 
works on the Conquest of Mexico and of Peru, many of which have been 
since printed in the series above mentioned.' Ternaux-Compans had col- 
lected Spanish documents on America, as well as the most extensive 
library of books on America ever brought together. He printed 
a series of twenty volumes of translations from manuscripts or rare 
books, and others in a single volume, and in the tw^o volumes entitled 
Archives des Voyages. His manuscripts are now in private collections 
in this country. 

Obadiah Rich, long a resident of Madrid, collected books and man- 
uscripts on America and dealt in them afterwards in London. Although 
he published several volumes of American Bibliography, he never 
printed any inedited documents. Such as he had in 1840, passed into 
private collections in America, after having been offered for purchase 
to Cong-ress.^ 

David B. "Warden, American Consul in Paris for forty years, made 
collections of books on America, one of ^vhich is now at Harvard 
College and another in the New York State Library. He wrote 
the ten volumes forming the American portion of the octavo edition 
of the Art de Verifier les Dates, which was published between 1826 and 
1844. Familiar with all the sources of Spanish colonization in Amer- 
ica, he must have had many copies of Spanish documents, but we are 
not able to say anything positive on the subject. 

Don Vargas Ponge, President of the Royal Academy of History in 
Madrid, had, like Munoz, collected man}^ copies of Spanish American 
papers, which are preserved by the Academ}^ Lord Kingsborough 
had also accumulated a number of manuscript copies of papers relating 
to Mexican and Peruvian Antiquities, which were sold after his death. 

Buckingham Smith had collected copies of documents relating to 
Florida during his visits to Spain, which are now in the Library of the 
New York Historical Society. Some of these he gave in his Memoirs 
on Cabeza de Vaca, Fontafieda and Dc Soto. He printed a small col- 
lection of such papers in 1858, at Madrid. 

Don Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta printed at Mexico in 1858 and 1866 
two fine volumes entitled Colcccion dc Dociimentos para la Historia de 
Mexico, which we hope to see continued. Don Pascual de Gayangos 


published in 1866 a collection, partly inedited, of Cartas y Relaciones de 
Hernan CorUs, etc. 

Many original documents have been purchased by bibliophiles and 
public libraries, which we cannot here notice for want of more accu- 
rate information. A notice of a small collection of this kind belonging 
to Don Hilario Cisneros, of Cuba, may be found in volume I, page 254 
of this Magazine. The Archives of Cortes, Marques del Valle, are pre- 
served in the City of Mexico, and a transcript of them was made for 
the Madrid Academy. 


* An English translation of it by Samuel Kcttell appeared in 1827 in Boston. 
' See the prefaces to these works. 

* See biographical notice of O. Rich in AUibone's Dictionary. 




I send herewith, as requested, a photographic representation of an 
astrolabe found in August, 1867, on the northeast half of lot 12, second 
range, township of Ross, county of Renfrew, in Ontario, Canada. The 
instrument is supposed to have been lost by Champlain in his expedition 
up the Ottawa in 161 3. It is made of brass, and weighs about three 
pounds. Its external diameter is 5^ inches ; so that the copy is about 
three-fifths of the size of the original. Its thickness at the top is one- 
eighth, and at the bottom six-sixteenths of an inch. I am indebted for 
the photograph, and valuable suggestions, to the courtesy of my friend 
Wm. Kingsford, Esq., of the Department of PubUc Works in Canada. 
Also to Dr. Tache of Ottawa. 

The astrolabe was found in a good state of preservation, covered 
with vegetation, on the old portage road, which, as a substitute for the 
difficult and dangerous rapids of the Ottawa, in its long detour between 
the present Portage du Fort and the upper Allumette Lake, pursues a 
shorter route by the way of the Muskrat and Mud Lakes. 

The date inscribed on the original is 1603. Each quarter of the cir- 
cular limb is divided into degrees, commencing at the top and bottom 
and running each way — that is, right and left, from one to ninety. A 
ring, attached by a hinge to the zenith, served to suspend it during an 
observation. A moveable index, turning on the centre, carried two 
sights, through which the rays of the sun could freely pass when its 
altitude was taken. 

The astrolabe was formerly — before the invention of the Hadley 
quadrant — much used for astronomical purposes. A very good observ- 
ation could be taken with it, if well constructed and of sufficient weight 
to make it steady. The proofs that the one in question belonged to 
Champlain, and was lost by him at the spot where it was found, though 
not conclusive, are strongly presumptive. 

Champlain was a captain in the French marine, and had made many 
voyages prior to 1613, the year in which the astrolabe is supposed to 
have been lost. He was the author of a treatise on navigation, in which 
he advises navigators to become familiar with the use of the astrolabe. 
It is therefore quite probable that he would carry with him in his 

i8o champlain's astrolabe 

various expeditions, the kind of instrument then in use for taking" 
observations for the latitude. It is certain, from Champlain's narrative, 
that he traveled over the portage road in which the astrolabe was 

found. He states that in ascending the Ottawa he reached the Chaudiere 
Falls on the 4th, the Rapide des Chats on the 5th and the island of Sainte 
Croix and the Portage du Fort on the 6th of June, 161 3. At this latter 
place the old portage road above alluded to commenced, and in passing 
over it the expedition consumed a part of the 6th and the whole of the 

champlain's astrolabe i8i 

7th of June. It was during their march on the 7th that the astrolabe 
is supposed to have been dropped. In describing- their difficulties on 
that day, Champlain says; "We were greatly troubled in making this 
portage, being myself loaded with three arquebuses, as many paddles, 
my cloak and some small articles. I encouraged my men, who were 
loaded yet heavier, and suffered more from the musquitoes than from 
their burdens." Under the circumstances thus related, it is not sur- 
prising that the overburdened party should have lost some of their 
valuables on the way. 

It further appears from the narrative, that Champlain must have had 
the astrolabe with him on the 30th of May and on the 4th and 6th of 
June, for under date of May 30th, when at the entrance of Lake St. 
Louis, he says : " I took the latitude of this place, and found it 45^ 18 '." 
Under date of June 4th, when at Chaudiere Falls, he says : "■ I took the 
latitude of this place, and found it to be 45^ 38'." Again, on the 6th of 
June, when at the Portage du Fort, he says : " I took the latitude of this 
place, which was 46° 40 V (See Laverdiere's Champlain, vol. i, pp. 444, 
449 and 451.) These three latitudes could not have been taken without 
the use of an instrument. 

The next latitude given by Champlain was that of the island 
Des Allitinettcs, a day or two after he had passed the abovementioned 
portage. If, however, he had lost his astrolabe, he could not have 
''taken" an observation, and must give it by estimation. And so he 
does. He says : " The island is in 47 degrees of latitude." A little 
further on he says : '' I was in 47 degrees of latitude and 296 
degrees of longitude." In neither of the last two instances does he 
state, as he did before he lost his instrument, '* I took the latitude." 
The presumption is therefore strengthened that after the 7th of June, 
when, according to his narrative, he had passed the spot where the 
astrolabe was found, he was forced to estimate his latitude in conse- 
quence of the loss of that instrument. 






Preliminary note — In October, 
1S71, I communicated to the American 
Historical Record a memorandum diary 
of Commodore Edward Preble, which 
was published in that periodical in Feb- 
ruary, 1S72. Subsequently I found 
among the Commodore's papers a more 
extended diary of his operations before 
Tripoli. I submit a verbatim copy of 
the original, even to the erasures. L'n- 
fortunately some pages of the diar}- have 
been lost. The whole is in the Com- 
modore's autograph. 

George Henry Preble 
Brooklitu, Mass. 


Ttusdjy\ July 2\th^ 1S04 — Light airs 
from the westward. Squadron in compy 
at 10 P. M. fresh breezes from S. E., 
which soon changed to the S. AV. A. M. 
ordered all the water casks on board the 
Gun Boats and Bomb-vessels to be filled 
from this ship; it is a necessar}* precau- 
tion in case of separation, as they carry 
only six days' allowance of that article; 
at noon Tripoly bore S. W. b. S. 60 

Wedn£sda\\ July 25//;, 1S04 — Wind 
E. N. E., we completed watering the 
Bombs & Gun Boats, at 2 A. M. fell in 
with the Syren, at 4 saw the Argus & 
Enterprize, at 6 A. M. wore ship off 
shore, with the wind S. E. A heavy sea 
heaving on the coast. Tripoly in sight, 
bearing by compass S. W., dis. 15 miles; 
at S the Argus and Enterprize joined 
compy: made the following disposition 

for towing Gun Boats &: Bombs — viz : 
Constitution the 2 Bombs, Argus N. 
2 & 3 Gun Boats, Syren No. 5, Vixen 
No. 6, Nautilus No. i, Enterprize 
No. 4: with this arrangement I presume 
we shall be able to tow them off shore 
in case of a Norther. Made signal for 
all Captains, and delivered them the or- 
ders of sailing. Lat Ob. ^ n 10 N. — 

Thursday, July zdth, 1S04— Wind N. 
N. E. to N. E., and a heavy sea setting 
on shore which makes it imprduent to 
approach near the coast. Tripoly bears 
S. S. AV. about 5 Leagues; at 5 p. m. 
saw the Scourge in the S. W. We stood 
to the eastward by the wind all night, 
at 9 A. M. wore &: bore up to the W. 
S. W.; the Syren Join'd compy; our 
squadron now consists of one Frigate, 
three Brigs & three Schooners, men-of- 
war, two Bombs and six Gun Boats, in 
all 15 sail, besides the Store ship ; the 
whole are now in company. At noon 
the squadron becalmed S miles from the 
land, and about 5 Leagues to the east- 
ward of Tripoly, a heavy sea setting on 
shore. Lat ob °iiy 7 N. 

Friday, July 21th, 1S04— Wind N. E. 
Light Breeze. Squadron in compy ; 
hoisted out the large Cutter. Rigged and 
armed her. Beat to Quarters, to scrape 
and black lead the axletrees and trucks 
of the Gun Carriages, continued to steer 
for Tripoly till 7 o'clock, when we short- 
ened sail & brought to 4 miles from the 
land. Tripoly bearing by compass W.b.S. 
about 5 Leagues, sounded 55 faths, 
sandy bottom, wind E. N. E. to S. E. 
all night lay with main Topsails aback, 
head off shore; at \ past 4 A. M. wore 
& stood to the S. W. for Tripoly. Land 
in sight to the Eastward of the Town 



7 or 8 Leagues ; we have had a strong 
easterly current all night ; at noon wind 
E. N. E. Tripoly bearing S. W. J W. 
4 Leagues dist, a heavy swell heaving 
towards the land. Surgeons Report i 
sick, 3 convalescent, i discharged from 
sick list. Delivered to each Commander 
the orders for anchoring before Tripoly 
on our arrival off the Town, viz : the 
fleet to anchor in two columns, in lines 
parallel with the shore, which trends 
about east & west. — The inshore col- 
umn to consist of the Argus, Constitu- 
tion, Vixen & Syren, at two cables 
length asunder, the Argus to the East, 
& Syren to the West of the line; the 
outer column two cables to the South, 
& to consist of the Nautilus to the West, 
Enterprize center, and Scourge to the 
eastr'd. — Store Ship 4 cables length to 
the Southward of the outer line; the 
Constitution to lead in and anchor first. 
Saturday^ July 28///, 1804 — Moderate 
Breezes from the S. E. & pleasant; stand- 
ing in for Tripoly at i p. m. observed 
the Batteries manned, an encampment 
of Troops about the South side of the 
Bay and 19 Gun Boats in motion, all 
pulling out of the Harbour towards us; 
j past I, the wind shifted suddenly from 
the S. E. to North ; at 3 p. m. we came 
to with the small Bower in 20 fath's wa- 
ter, 2 J miles from the shore, the round 
Water Battery in range with the Bashaw 
Castle, the Boats all under way, but the 
wind blowing directly on shore and in- 
creasing, they returned into port ; the 
squadron all came in and anchored in 
order, with the Gun Boats made fast to 
their sterns. At 5 the wind and sea in- 
creasing so much as to make it dangerous 
riding, made signal for Captains ; they 

all came on board ; at 6 the Capt's all 
returned to their respective ships. As 
it was thought prudent to get under way, 
made the signal to prepare ; at 7 P. M. 
sign'l to weigh, by \ past 7 they were all 
under way. At 8 we weighed and stood 
to the N. N. W., wind N. E. and more 
moderate, but an increasing sea ; at 10 
p. m. several of the fleet in sight; stood 
off to the N. N, W. all night, at day 
light wore & stood for Tripoly. Wind E. 
N. E. At 1 1 hauls off to the Northward, 
& brought to to discharge the Store Ship 
of water & provisions, and to supply the 
squadron with powder, shot & other mil- 
itary and naval stores. Lat Obs. "^"^Z- 3 N. 
Sunday^ July 29M, 1804 — Wind N. 
E., lying to with the Squadron, discharg- 
ing the Store Ship. Tripoly bearing S. 
S. W., dis't 4 Leagues, the sea too rough 
to approach the Town with our Bombs 
or Gun Boats ; at 7 p. m. closed the 
Squadron. Tripoly in sight, bearing S. 
-^ W. 6 Leagues, hoisted our Boats in, 
lay to all night, wind strong from E. b. 
S. and a very rough sea ; the weather we 
have experienced for several days past 
has been uncommonly tempestuous for 
the season ; at 5 A. M. made the signal 
to wear ship & bring to the wind on the 
Larboard tack ; we wore and 3d Reef'd 
the Topsails, wind S. E. b. E. at 10 A. 
M. land about Tripoly in sight S. b. E., 
5 or 6 Leagues dis't; at 11 the wind 
abated, took the store ship in tow to 
facilitate the discharging her cargo. 
Brought to with the Squadron, sent 
Boats with officers & men to assist fur- 
nishing the necessary supplies for the 
men-of-war. At noon wind E. b. S., 
strong breezes. Observed in Latd ^fZ"^ 9 ' 
No.; suppose Tripoly to bear So 5 

1 84 


Leagues, but the atmosphere so close & 
thick that we cannot see the land. — 

Monday^ July T^oth, 1804 — Wind E. S. 
E., moderate, but a heavy swell ; the 
Boats of the Squadron employ'd in dis- 
charging the store ship, but the sea so 
rough as to render our progress rather 

slow. Sent fuzes, [ ] pretty quick 

match for the shells on board the Bombs, 
and shott on board the different vessels 
to which the Gun Boats are attach'd ; at 
7 p. m. it blew a fresh gale; cast off the 
Store ship & in Boats ; filled away to the 
Southward, at 8 p. m. wore with the 
Squadron & stood to the N. N. E., wind 
East, under double reef'd sails, stood off 
all night ; at 5 A. M. wore to the North- 
ward, & stood for the land; wind from 
east to S. E., variable. At noon obsd 
in Lat 330 10 No. Tripoly bearing S. b. 
E., 6 Leagues dis't. 

Tuesday^ July 31, 1804 — Wind E. S. 
E. to N. E., very variable, and a rough 
sea; standing to the Southward by the 
wind, under double Reef'd Topsails ; 
Squadron all in sight; at i p. m. saw the 
City of Tripoly, bearing S. b. E 5 E., 
dis't 5 Leagues. — Stood in S. E., with 
the wind E. S. E., until 4 p. m.; then 
wore ship to the Northward. — Tripoly 
S. S. E., 3 Leagues; at \ past 6 p. m. the 
wind shifted to the N. E. b. N., h. blew 
a gale, split our Fore-sail & Main Top- 
sail; sent down Top Gait Yard, and 
made the signal for the Squadron to do 
the same, unbent the split sails, and 
brought others to the yards; by 8 p. m. 
we were under a reef'd Fore Sail k. closed 
reef'd M'n Top Sail, the wind blowing 
very heavy, and a rough sea; from 8 p. 
m. to 2 A. M. the wind veer'd round 
gradually to the S. E., until it got to E. 

b. S., then shifted suddenly in a squall to 
the N. N. E. Stood to the N. W. until 
day light, then wore to the S. E. and 
made more sail, the squadron all in sight, 
but much scattered, at noon wind N. E. b. 
E., steering S. E. b. E.— Lat Obsd i^'' 
1%^ No. Tripoly bearing by calculation 
S. S. E. \ E., 28 miles. I ordered the 
Fore sail & M'n Top sail, which were 
split last night, to be ripped out of the 
Bolt rope and turn'd into the Sailmaker 
as old canvas, considering them not 

Wednesday y August isf, 1804 — Wind 
N. E., steering by the wind on the Larb'd 
Tack; all the Squadron in sight at -J past 
3 p. m. Tripoly in sight, bearing S. b. 
E.; the weather very unsettled, and a 
rough sea; wore ship to the N. N. W.; 
at 5 p. m. made the signal for the Squad- 
ron to close to prevent separation; in 
the night the wind moderated; at 5 a. 
m. wore to the S. E., at 8 sent up Top 
Gall't yard, out large boats and com- 
pleted discharging the Store Ship; at 
noon we obs'd in Lat'd t^t,^. it,' No. 
Tripoly bearing S. S. E., 7 Leagues dist.; 
wind E. N. E., very light. 

Thursday^ August 2^, 1804 — Wind E. 
N. E. ; supplied the vessels of the Squad- 
ron with a large quantity of Provisions 
& stores in the evening, the wind came 
from the S. E. Stood to the E. N. E. 
all night; in the morning calm; ordered 
Lt. Dent, Commander of the Scourge, 
with 30 of his crew to join the two 
Bombs, which, with the Neopolitans on 
board of them, completes their crews; 
ordered Lt. Wadsworth & Mr. Morris 
(Master) of the Scourge to join this Ship. 
Wadsworth to do duty as a Lt. on board 
and Morris to serve in the Boats. Sent 



off the Store Ship to Malta under con- 
voy of the Scourge, in charge of Lt. 
Izard, who is to see her safe into some 
port in Malta, and return to this Station; 
the Scourge has ^6 men on board, in- 
cluding officers. At noon, Latd ;^;^'^ 11'' 
No, discharged from the service Louis 
Baslau, a Seaman, & sent him to Malta 
in the Store Ship on account of indispo- 
tion and his pleading that he was a 
frenchman. Tripoly bears S. b. E., dis't 
6 Leagues. 

Friday, August 3^, 1804 — Wind E. S. 
E. to E. b. N.; exercised the Bomb ves- 
sels & threw some shells; fresh Breezes 
& pleasant; during the night we had fresh 
gales, lay to with the ship's head to the 
N. E. : in the morning wore & stood for 
the land. Tripoly about 4 Leagues dis't 
—Bearing S. S. W. at 3 A. M., wind E. 
b. N. At noon we were within two miles 
of Tripoly, which is defended by Bat- 
teries, mounted with 67 Heavy Cannon, 
pointing seaward, and 22 Gun Boats, 
each carrying apiece of heavy Brass ord- 
nance, besides small cannon, muskets, 
Pistols, Pikes &c., and man'd with 30 to 
50 men each; they have also an armed 
Brig, two armed schooners in the port, 
full of men. I made the signal to wear 
and haul off and immediately after the 
signal to come within hale, & cleared 
ship for action & beat to quarters. — & 
made signal to prepare for Battle, intend- 
ing to attack their Gun Boat & the 
City, as I observed their Boats without 
the Rocks. 

Saturday, August 4th, 1804 — Wind E. 
b. S. Standing off shore on the Starbor'd 
tack, the Signal out to come within 
hail, spoke the different vessels, and 
acquainted their Commanders that it 

was my intention to attack the shipping 
& Batteries, directed Gun Boats & 
Bombs to be prepared for immediate 
service; at 12 J p. m. Tack'd & stood 
for the Batteries. Back'd the Main 
Top Sail, at \ 1 p. m. made the general 
signal to follow the motions of the 
Commodore, filled the Main-top-sail 
& stood in towards the Batteries ; at 
\ past 2 general signal for Battle; the 
whole squadron advanc'd to within 
point Blunt shot of the Enemies Bat- 
teries & shipping, our Gun Boats in two 
divisions, the ist consisting of 3 Boats, 
Commanded by Capt. Somers, the 2d of 
three Boats by Capt. Decatur; at f past 
2 the action commenced on our side by 
throwing a shell into the town, and in an 
instant the whole Squadron were en- 
gaged. The enemies Gun Boats were 
anchored with springs on in three divis- 
ions; the Eastern or van division con- 
sisted of 9 Boats, the centre of 7 Boats 
and the Western or rear of 5 Boats; as 
the wind was from the eastward, our 
Boats were ordered to lead in to wind- 
ward and attack the Enemy; the Rear 
& Center division of the Enemies Boats 
are close under their Batteries, and the 
van division, consisting of their largest 
Boats, are within grape distance of the 
Bashaws Castle & fort English. At 3 
observed our Gun Boats engaged in close 
action with the enemies Boats; while a 
tremendous fire was kept up by this ship 
and the rest of the Squadron, Capt De- 
catur with No 4, Lt Tripp of No 6 & Lt 
Bainbridge of No 5, Lt James Decatur 
of No 2 attacked the enemy's Boats 
within pistol shot ; No i, Capt Somers, 
fell to Leeward, but fetched up with the 
enemys rear of 5 Boats, which he gal- 



lantly attacked, disabled & drove in, al- 
though within pistol shot of the Batteries. 
No. 3, Lt Blake, did not go into close 
action; had he come, probably they 
would have captured the rear Boats; 
Capt Decatur Boarded, and after a stout 
and obstinate resistance took possession 
of two of the enemies Gun Boats; Lt 
Tripp Boarded and carried a third, Lt 
James Decatur in the act of Boarding to 
take possession of a fourth Boat was 
shot through the head & mortally 
wounded, the officer next in command 
(Mr Brown) haul'd off. Lt Bainbridge 
had his latten yard shot away early in 
the action, which prevented him from 
taking a Boat, but he galled the enemy 
by a steady fire within musket shot; in- 
deed he pursued the enemy until his 
Boat touched the ground under the Bat- 
teries. The Bombs kept their stations, 
which were v/ell chosen by Lt Dent & Lt 
Robinson, who commanded them, and 
threw a number of shells into the town, 
altho the spray of the sea occasioned by 
the enemies shots almost covered them; 
three different times the enemies Gun 
Boats rallied and attempted to surround 
ours; I as often made the signal to cover 
them, which was properly attended to by 
the Brigs & Schooners, and the fire from 
this ship not only had the desired effect 
on the enemies flotilla by keeping them 
in check and disabling them, but silenced 
one of their principal Batteries for some 
time; at J past 4 p. m. made the signal 
for the Bombs to retire from action out 
of gun shot, and a few minutes after the 
general Signal to cease firing and tow 
out the Prizes & disabled Boats. Sent 
our Barge and Jolly Boat to assist in 
that duty, tack'd ship & fired two Broad- 

sides in stays, which drove the Tripo- 
lins out of the Castle, & brought down 
the steeple of a mosque; by this time 
the wind began to freshen from N. E.; 
at 4f p. m. haul'd off to take the Bombs 
in tow; at 5 p. m. Brought to, two miles 
from their Batteries. Rec'd Lt. James 
Decatur on board from Gun Boat No 2; 
he was shot through the head (in 
Boarding a Tripoline Boat which had 
struck to him); he expired in a few 
moments after he was brought into the 
ship. — We lay to until 10 P. M. to re- 
ceive the Prisoners on board captured in 
the Prizes, then made sail, & stood off 
to the N. E., the wind veering to the E. 
S. E. We have all the Surgeons of the 
Squadron on board dressing the wound- 
ed — During the action we fired 262 
Round Shot, besides Grape, double head 
& Canister from this Ship, and were sev- 
eral times within 3 cables lengths of the 
Rocks & Batteries, where our soundings 
were from 12 to 16 fath.; the officers. 
Seamen & Marines of the Squadron be- 
haved gallantly throughout the action. 
Capt Decatur in Gun Boat No 4 partic- 
ularly distinguished himself — as did Lt 
Tripp of No 6. Our loss in killed & 
wounded has been considerable ; the 
damage we rec'd in this ship is a 24 
pound shot nearly through the center of 
the main mast 20 feet from the Deck, 
Main Top Gallant, R. Yard & Sail shot 
away, one of the Fore shrouds and the 
sails & running rigging considerably cut, 
one of the 24 pounders on the Quarter 
deck was struck by a 24 pound shot, 
which damaged the gun & carriage and 
shattered the arm of a Marine to pieces; 
Gun Boat No 2 had her latteen yard shot 
away, & the Rigging & Sails of the Brigs 



& Schooners were considerably cut. We 
captured 3 Gun Boats, two of which 
carried each a long Brass 24 pounder, 
two Brass Howitzers, and $6 men, with 
a plenty of Muskets, Pistols, Pikes, Sa- 
bres <S:c.; the other mounted a long 
Brass 18 pounder, two Howitzers & 24 
men. 44 Tripolins were killed on board 
of the 3 Boats, and 52 made prisoners, 
26 of which were wounded, 17 of them 
very badly, 3 of which died soon after 
they were brought on board; the enemy 
must have suffered very much in killed 
& wounded among their [crews] and on 
shore ; one of their Boats was sunk in the 
Harbour, several of them had their decks 
nearly cleared of men by our shot, and 
several shells burst in the Town which 
must have done great execution. 

We have lost in Killed & wounded 
viz. — 

Lt James Decatur 

Capt Decatur slight 
Lt Tripp severely 

10 Seamen & Marines 
Total I Officer Killed 

2 Officers Wounded 
10 Seamen & Marines wounded 


Sunday, August $th, 1804 — Fresh 
Breezes E. b N. at Anchor 7 or 8 miles 
from the City of Tripoly, bearing south. 
Squadron and prizes in company; every 
one busily employed in preparing for 
another attack on Tripoly, the Argus in 
chase of a small .vessel to the Westward; 
at I p. m. the Argus brought the chase 
within hail and anchored; she is a french 
privateer of 4 guns, sail'd from Tripoly 
for water, being in distress for that ar- 

ticle. I prevail'd on him for a consid- 
eration in provisions to convey 14 badly 
wounded Tripoline prisoners to Tripoly, 
which I put on board him, with a letter 
to the French Consul & one to the Prime 
Minister; at -J past i p. m. made signal 
for all Captains. At 2 p. m. the Body 
of Lt James Decatur was committed to 
the deep with the usual Military honors. 
His funeral was attended by the Officers 
of the Squadron; at 6 a, m. the French 
privateer weigh'd & stood into the Har- 
bour. Ordered our three spare Top Gait 
Masts for masts for the Prize Gun Boats, 
all hands employed in Rigging & fitting 
them for service; they each carry a Brass 
Cannon of 27 lb Ball and 2 Brass PIow- 
itzers. Caused General Orders of thanks 
to be read on board each vessel of the 

Monday, August 6th, 1804 — At An- 
chor 2 Leagues north of Tripoly with 
the Squadron; employed this ship's 
Company in Fitting the Prize Boats, & 
supplying the Squadron with Provisions, 
Water & Military Stores; all the Sail- 
makers in the Squadron are employ'd in 
making sails for the Prizes; the Vixen 
was kept under way all night making 
false signals to alarm the enemy; at 
noon wind N. N. W. 

Tuesday, August ^t/i, 1804 — Wind N. 
D. W., cloudy, at anchor off Tripoly — 
making arrangements for a second at- 
tack; at i past I made signal to prepare 
to weigh, — but falling calm, annulled 
the signal — in the evening the French 
Privateer came out; at 11 the French 
Capt came on board with a letter from 
the Consul of his nation, — in which he 
do say our attack of the 3d has dis- 
posed the Bashaw to accept of reason- 


able terms, and invites me to send a Boat 
to the Harbour as a flag, but as no spe- 
cific sum is mentioned and no security 
for the Boat can be depended on, I de- 
clined the invitation. — At 9 a. m. the 
Squadron weighed pr signal & stood in 
shore towards the Western Batteries. — 
the Gun Boats, 9 in number, with the 
addition of the Prizes, now completely 
fitted & manned, and commanded by 
Lt Crane of the Vixen, Thorn of the 
Enterprize and Caldwell of the Syren, 
the whole advanced with sails & oars, 
with orders to attack the western Bat- 
teries & throw shells into the City; at 
this time we were at anchor 6 miles from 
the City; calm and a current so strong 
to the eastward that we remain at an- 
chor, our Top Sails & Top Gait Sails 
are sett ready for the first Breeze. The 
Argus, Syren^ Vixen, Nautilus & Enter- 
prize becalmed three miles within us. — 
Gun Boats & Bombs advancing to the 

Wednesday^ August ^th, 1804 — At 
anchor 6 miles N. N. E. from Tripoly 
becalmed, the Gun Boats & Bombs ad- 
vancing with all their Sweeps; at \ past 
I a light Breeze from the N. N. E. we 
immediately weigh'd & stood in for the 
Town, but the wind being on shore, 
could not with prudence attack or allow 
any of the Squadron to attack the Bat- 
teries, as in case of a mast being shot 
away the loss of the vessel would prob- 
ably ensue; at \ past 2 made the signal 
for the Gun Boats & Bombs to attack 
the Batteries & Town from the west, 
where they immediately opened a tre- 
mendous fire within half cannon shot of 
the Town & less than that distance of a 
Battery of 7 heavy 24 pounders; this 

Battery in less than two hours was si- 
lenced excepting one gun. I presume 
the others were dismounted, as the walls 
were almost totally destroyed; the Bombs 
were well and effectually employed [by] 
Lt Comdr Dent & Lt Robinson of the 
Constitution. Lt Robinson from a dan- 
gerous position he took threw 28 shells 
into the Town, but the well directed fire 
of heavy artillery from the enemy ob- 
liged him to shift his station, not how- 
ever until the cloths of every man in the 
Boat was wet through with the spray of 
sea which the Enemies shot threw over 
them. Lt Dent threw 20 shells from a po- 
sition not so favorable as Lt Robinson's, 
but which the strong westerly current in 
shore would not allow him to change; at 
J past 3 p. m. a Frigate in sight in the 
offing, standing for the Town; made the 
Argus Signal to speak, ordered her to 
chase the strange Sail; at J past 3 p. 
m. the magazine of one of our Gun 
Boats, No 9, Blew up, & she immediately 
sunk — She had on board thirty officers, 
Seamen & Marines, 10 of which were 
Killed and Six badly wounded, among 
the Killed were Lt R. Caldwell, ist of 
the Syren and Mr Dorsey, Midshipman, 
two good officers — Mr. Spence, Mid- 
shipman, & 13 men were picked up un- 
hurt. The enemies Gun Boats and 
Galleys, 17 in number, are all in motion 
under their Batteries, and appear to 
meditate an attack on our Bombs & Gun 
Boats ; ordered the Argus, Nautilus, 
Vixen & Enterprize to windward in 
reserve to cut them off from the Harbour, 
if they should attack, & the Syren & 
Vixen to leward to support and cover 
any of our Boats that might be disabled. 
Kept to windward with the Constitution 



ready to bear down & support the whole; 

at -|- past [ ] p. m. the wind began to 

blow fresh from the N. N. E. made the 
signal for Bombs & Gun Boats to retire 
out of gun shot of the enemy and be 
taken in tow by their respective vessels 
— at 6 p. m. Argus made the signal that 
the strange sail was a friend; in the ac- 
tion of this day No 6, Commanded by 
Lt. Wadsworth, had her Latteen yard 
shot away, No 4, Capt Decatur, a shot 
in the Hull, No 8 lost 2 men Killed by 
a cannon shot, some of the other Boats 
received trifling damage; the Gun Boats 
fired about 50 Rounds each; the enemy 
must have lost many men, & the build- 
ings in the City must have received con- 
siderable damage from our shot & shells; 
all the Officers & men engaged in action 
behaved gallantly; at | past 6 all the 
Boats were in tow and the Squadron 
standing off to the N. W. ; at 8 the John 
Adams, Store Ship, Capt Chauncey, 
joined company, — at 9 being N. W. 
about 5 miles from Tripoly, made signal 
to anchor & came to with the Squadron 
in 35 fath's water, hard Bottom. — Capt 
Chauncey came on board & brought 
me dispatches from the Navy O ce 
announcing that 4 frigates, the President, 
Commodore Barron, who is to supercede 
me in the command of the Mediter- 
ranean Squadron, the Congress, Capt 
Rodgers, Constellation, Capt Campbell, 
and Essex, Capt Barron, were ready 
and would sail in a day or two after the 
John Adams. Capt Chauncey brought 
me a letter from the Navy Office ap- 
proving my conduct, and stating that 
the supercedure has been necessary to 
enable them to send the frigates out, as 
only two junior Captains to myself were 

in the U. S. He also brought me the 
thanks of the President for my services, 
which have been conveyed to me by let- 
ter from the Secty of the Navy; how 
much my feelings are lacerated by this 
supercedure at the moment of victory 
cannot be described and can be felt 
only by an officer placed in my morti- 
fying situation. Gave Capt Chauncey 
orders to remain with the Squadron for 
.the present. — 

Thursday y August gih, 1804 — Wind 
N. AV., at anchor with the Squadron N. 
W. from Tripoly 5 or 6 miles, supplying 
the Gun Boats & Bomb vessels with 
ammunition and stores. — at 3 p. m. went 
on board the Argus to reconnoitre the 
Harbour of Tripoly, stood in for the 
Eastern Batteries, the enemy fired sev- 
eral shot, one of which was near sink- 
ing us, as it struck below the water 
line and raked the copper down the 
Bottom, at 3J p. m. made the signal for 
the Squadron to weigh and haul off, the 
wind blowing fresh from N. N. E. — At 
6 p. m. joined the Constitution ; a small 
Ketch stole into the Harbour under the 
eastern shore while we were reconnoi- 
tering, the shoals prevented our cutting 
her off ; fresh Breezes all night ; in the 
morning calm, at 9 a. m. anch'd with 
the Squadron, 36 faths, 5 miles N. N. 
E. from the Town; at 10 a. m. the 
French Consul hoisted a french Flag (S: 
white flag under it at his Flag Staff on 
shore, in consequence of which I 
hoisted similar colours on Board the 
Argus & stood in near the Town & sent 
a Boat into the Harbour with a flag of 
truce, and a letter for the Prime Minis- 
ter, one for Capt. Bainbridge, inclosing 
an Invoice of Clothing provided by Mr. 



Cathcart, and a letter to the French 
Consul, — The Scourge join'd comp'y ; 
Lt. Izard reported that he convoyed the 
store ship safe into Malta. 

Friday^ August loih, 1804 — Wind N. 
N. E. to E. N. E.; at anchor 2 Leagues 
N. N. E. from Tripoly— all the Squad- 
ron at anchor excepting the Argus & 
Vixen as Guard ships; — at \ past 12, 
noon, observed the French Flag with a 
white flag under it hoisted at the staff 
on Top of the French Consul's House 
in Tripoly ; I ordered the Argus and 
Vixen to answer the signal by hoisting 
similar flags, I then sent a Boat into the 
Harbour with flag of truce; Mr. O'Brien 
went in as officer of the Boat; at 3 p. 
m. the Boat returned and brought me 
a letter from the french consul advising 
me to offer the Bashaw 150 thousand 
dollars for ransom of the Prisoners & 
make peace; that I did not think proper 
to do, presuming that our Government 
might not be satisfied with the terms, 
altho it is my opinion that we shall not 
be able to obtain them for a less sum. 
moderate all night; all the squadron 
employed in preparing for a third attack; 
at iij a. m. the French Consul hoisted 
the french and white flags; sent a Boat 
into the Harbour with a flag of truce 
and a letter authorizing the F. Consul 
to offer the Bashaw 100,000 dolls, for 
Ransom of the Prisoners, 10,000 as a 
consular Present, nothing for peace and 
no tribute; these terms were rejected. 

Saturday^ August 11th ^ 1804 — Wind 
E. b. N. light Breezes, held commuica- 
tion with the french Consul in Tripoly 
by means of flag of truce, but without 
any effect, the Bashaw's demands are 
too extravagant to be complied with. 

Rec'd on board sundry stores from the 
John Adams. 

Sunday^ August 12th, 1804 — Moderate 
Breezes E. b. N., lying to 3 or 4 milf s 
to the N. N. E. of Tripoly, the John 
Adams at anchor 2 Leagues out to pre- 
vent the Tripolines from discovering 
that she has but a few guns, everything 
is in order throughout the squadron for 
an attack on Tripoly this night, the 
enemy has two Galleys, a schooner of 
10 guns and 16 gun Boats moored in 
the Harbour in a line abreast from east 
to west, heads to the Northward to 
defend it, a swell heaving on shore pre- 
vents our attempting anything at pres- 
ent; anchor'd in 26 fath's water, Trip- 
oly bearing south 3 miles ; from day 
light to 7 a. m. calm, at 8 a Breeze from 
N, b. E., the swell increasing, ordered 
all the squadron under way to stand off 
from the land. — 

Monday^ August 13//?, 1804 — Wind 
N. E., a heavy swell setting on shore, 
haul'd of to the N. N. W. with the 
Squadron, at 6 p. m. signal to close to 
prevent separation, — at 10 the wind 
veered to the E. S. E., haul'd up to the 
N. E. and stood off all night tinder easy 
sail, — at 4 a. m. wore ship and stood 
for the land at day light, Tripoly in 
sight bearing S . b. W. 5 Leagues dis't. 
we are now waiting for a favorable night 
to attack Tripoly, the wind must be to 
southward of east and sea perfectly 
smooth to enable us to attack with any 
prospect of success — at noon Tripoly 
bears S. b. W. 5 miles, wind E. N. E., 
and a considerable swell setting on 
shore. — 

Tuesday^ August i^thy 1804 — Wind 
E. b. S., standing off and on 4 or 5 



miles from Tripoly, at 6 p. m. all the 
squadron were in close order, ready to 
push in after dark, the John Adams 
manoeuvred several deceptions pr. sig- 
nal for weighing and standing in with 
the squadron, but as soon as dark she 
was ordered to haul sails & remain at 
anchor. Capt. Chauncey, with several 
of his officers & 50 seamen &: marines 
came on board as Volunteers for the 
attack, at 9 p. m, the wind freshened 
from S. b. N., and increased the sea so 
much as to make an attempt imprudent. 
I accordingly stood off shore and 
anchor'd in 37 fath's water. Capt. 
Chauncey with his officers & men re- 
turned to the Jno. Adams, two of our 
Gun Boats carried away their latteen 
yards, supplied them with new ones, we 
had strong Breezes all night and until 

Lat'd obs'd 33-2 No. — 

Wednesday^ August 15///, 1804 — 
Strong Breezes from E. S. E., at anchor 
6 miles to the north of Tripoly, ordered 
the Vixen to cast off her Gun Boats & 
Look out to the eastward & the Jno. 
Adams to take her Boats in tow, — at 4 
p. m. down Royal & Top Gall't Yards, 
fresh Breezes through the night, — at 10 
a. m. wind E. b. N. and a rough sea. 
Lat'd. obs'd 33^ 2' No. — 

Thursday y August 16th, 1804 — Fresh 
Breezes from E. b. N., at anchor N. b. 
E. \ E. from Tripoly, all the squadron 
at anchor except the Vixen on the look 
out to the eastward. — at 8| p. m. the 
Enterprise sail'd for Malta, under com- 
mand of Lt. Lawrence, with Mr. Hig- 
gins, directing him to send transports 
with water & Vegetables, the scurvy has 
made its appearance among the men on 

board of some of the vessels of the squad- 
ron, and our fresh water is getting short. 
— Surgeons report 6 sick, 4 convales- 
cent. — 

Friday^ August I'jtk^ 1804— Moderate 
Breezes from E. N. E. and pleasant 
weather ; at anchor 5 miles to the N. b, 
W. of Tripoly ; at 3 p. m. out all Boats 
and armed them for an attack ; at 5 p. 
m. all the squadron excepting the John 
Adams and Scourge were under way, 
standing for Tripoly ; by this time the 
wind had veered to N. E. b. E,, and the 
current setting strong to the Westward ; 
in the evening Capt. Chauncey with sev- 
eral officers & 50 Seamen from the John 
Adams came on board, volunteers for 
the intended attack; at 7 p. m. we were 
4 miles from the Town. Tacking and 
manoeuvering the Squadron, waiting for 
the wind to come from the E. S. E.; 
from 8 to 9 p. m. we stood in for the 
Batteries with a light Breeze from E. b. 
N.; at 9I almost calm, the Town fire 
bearing S. b. W. So, the Batteries fired 
II shot at us which fell short, the cur- 
rent setting to the S. W., pressing us 
down on the Western Batteries and 
the wind very light. I thought it pru- 
dent to haul off; at 11 p. m. wore ship 
and stood in again for the Town in 
hopes the wind might increase, the en- 
emy fired 14 shot at us from their Bat- 
teries which fell short, it being by this 
time past midnight and almost calm, 
haul'd off and at i made the signal to 
anchor, and come to in 25 fath's. Trip- 
oly S. b. W., 3 miles dist. 

Saturday, August 18///, 1804 — Wind N. 
E. ; we are at anchor 3 miles N. b. E. from 
the Town of Tripoly, we have our guns 
all clear, — Boats all out and armed, and 



everything prepared for at attack the 
moment the wind & sea are favorable. — 
At 8 p. m. I sent Capt. Decatur & Capt. 
Chauncey in two small Boats to recon- 
noitre the Harbour and examine the 
situation of their Gun Boats ; at mid- 
night they returned and reported that 
they rowed to the western rock, within 
musket shot of the enemies sentinels, 
and that all the Gun Boats were in the 
mole, moored in a line abreast with 
heads to the Eastward; — by i a. m. the 
wind had shifted to the S. E. (which 
blows out of the Harbour) the sea was 
smooth but the current strong to the 
westward, which concludes us to defer 
an attack until some better opportunity, 
as the Boats would not be able to reach 
their stations before day light. — At day 
light the wind suddenly shifted to the 
N. N. W., which immediately brought 
a heavy swell on shore, the sky was 
clouded and appearances of a gale, 
made the signal for the fleet to weigh & 
gain an offing. — At 7 a. m. weigh'd and 
made sail to work off shore. — At 11 J a. 
m. double reef'd the Top-sails, fresh 
breezes and a rough sea, — at noon Trip- 
oly S. b. E., 3 Leagues dis't. — 

Suftday^ August igth, 1804 — Wind N. 
W.; at I p. m., wore to the N. E. & brought 
to for the Squadron, Capt. Chauncey with 
his officers & crew rejoined the John 
Adams. Hoisted in all our Boats, and 
made signal for all Boats to join their 
respective ships — at 5 p. m. the wind 
north, stood to the E. N. E. with the 
fleet. — at midnight wore to the W. N. 
W., signal was made to the Squadron to 
do the same. — fresh Breezes & a rough 
sea, — at 6 a. m. sounded 75 fath's water, 
sandy bottom, we have now an offing of 

8 or 10 Leagues from Tripoly. — mod- 
erate Breezes all the fore noon, with an 
ugly swell setting towards the coast.—- 
Tripoly at noon bore S. b. W. J W., 9 
Leagues dis't. — The clouds are dis- 
persing, and the weather appears favor- 
able for a change of wind. 

Lat'e Obs'd Z2>'' 19^ No. 
Monday, August 20th, 1804 — Moder. 
ate Breezes from the N. E. with a heavy 
setting to the N. N. W., standing to the 
N. N. W. with the fleet. — Tripoly bear- 
ing S. S. E., 9 or 10 Leagues — at i p. 
m. a strange sail was discovered from 
the John Adams in the E. N. E., made 
the Argus signal to cast off her Gun 
Boats & chase — made the John Adams 
signal to tow the Argus' Boats, at 4 p. 
m. the Argus brought the chase to, made 
the signal to bring her down to me, at 6 
the Argus & chase joined company, she 
proved to be the U. S. Ketch Intrepid, 
from Syracuse, with water and fresh 
stock for the Squadron, she brought me 
letters from Mr. Dyson & Mr. Higgins, 
the latter informs me that an English 
vessel left Malta on the 12th inst. with 
190 Butts of water & some live stock 
for the Squadron ; we are in great want 
of the water, but I fear some accident 
has happened to her to prevent her ar- 
rival, as the wind has been constantly 
fair for several days past, — at 1 2 mid- 
night the wind E. b. S., steered to the 
S. b. E. — at 2\ a. m. the wind S. S. E., 
wore ship to the East. — at 5I a. m. 
wind S. E., wore to the S. S. AV. — at 8 
a. m. all sail sett for the Land. — at 9 a. 
m. ordered the Argus to the Eastward 
to look out for the storeship expected 
(from Malta), sent the Vixen to the 
Westward on the same errand, ordered 








all the fleet on allowance of water, 2 
Quarts pr. day, cooking & grog water 
included. — The prisoners at i quart pr. 
day, which is more than an equal pro- 
portion, as they are not exposed to the 
sun and have no work to do. — At noon 
we were about 5 Leagues from the 
coast. Tripoly bearing S. E. b. S. 
Lat. ss'' A,' No. 

Tuesday, August 21st , 1804 — Moder- 
ate Breezes from the E. S. E. and pleas- 
ant weather. — standing in for the coast off 
Tripoly, all the Squadron in comp'y 
excepting the Argus on the look out to 
the Eastward. At i p. m. the Town of 
Tripoly in sight, bearing by compass S. 
E. b. S., 4 Leagues ; an unexpected 
westerly current has carried the Squad- 
ron 4 or 5 Leagues farther to leeward 
than we expected, carrying a press of 
sail all night to gain our station off the 
Town. Wind variable in the night, by 
7 a. m. the wind had shifted from E. S. 
E. to South, Tripoly bearing S. W. b. 
S., 5 Leagues. — At 9 a. m. saw a strange 
sail in the S. E. quarter, gave chase, 
made signal for the Argus and Vixen to 
chase ; the other vessels of the Squad- 
ron repeating ; at 1 1^. they bore up to 
comply with the signal. 

Wednesday J August 22^, 1804. — Wind 
W. N. W., Light Breeze, in chase to 
S. E., made the signal for the Jno. 
Adams to act discretionary. At 3 p. 
m. brought to the chase, a Maltese ship 
from Malta, with a supply of water, 
Live stock & vegetables, — at 5 p. m. 
wind shifted to the S. E., the Argus 
was ordered to tow the store ship ; at 
7 p. m. we were 4 Leagues from Tripoly, 

standing for the [ ] Jno Adams, 

Syren, Scourge & Nautilus at anchor. 








Translated for the Magazine from Cartas de 

Indias. Madrid \Z']'] 
Very reverend and magnificent Lord. 

I am so desirous to justify the confi- 
dence I receive from your most reverend 
highness that I shall not hesitate to ex- 
press my opinion, although I am moved by 
no personal interest whatever and there 
is no profit to gain from what I may say, 
and I now answer as to what should be 
carried to the islands, whether it be bet- 
ter that it should go by one hand and 
your Highness receive the profit of it, 
as the King of Portugal has done in the 
case of the Mina del oro,* or whether as I 
believe I understand to be the opinion of 
your Highness, every one should be free 
to take thither whatever he may choose. 

I find a great difference between the 
trade of the King of Portugal and this; 
since the one was to send to the Moor- 
ish country, and to one place only, one 
or two commodities, valued at a certain 
price, for which his factors there were 
to respond with value of the same 
price or with merchandize. Here it is 
quite the contrary, since in that which 
should be carried to the islands there 
is a variety of all sorts of things 
of which persons may have need, cloth- 
ing stuffs as well as clothing and many 
things necessary for buildings and farms, 
of which they take no account or 



thought ; so that I consider that it would 
be very difficult, if not impossible, for 
your Highness to arrange it in this man- 
ner, especially as many of the things 
which are necessary for the islands must 
be carried thither from other places 
than here; such, for instance, as the 
Canary and Portugese islands, from 
which they receive cattle, provisions and 
other necessities ; and for each thing a 
factor will be necessary, and of many 
of them no account can be kept, be- 
cause some of them are consumed, some 
damaged, and others destroyed ; and 
for this reason, it seems to me, that this 
business cannot be transacted in the 
said manner, and if there be expecta- 
tions that it may, I appeal to time for my 

If, however, your Highness desire to 
take any profit, from the entry of mer- 
chandize which may be carried to the 
islands, without care or cost, one of two 
ways occurs to me ; the one, to put a 
certain duty on every thing which is 
carried to the islands, such as may seem 
fit to your Highness, and every one be 
free to carry thither whatever he may 
choose ; the other is to entrust this busi- 
ness to merchants, who will share the 
profits with your Highness and supply 
everything needful without any care to 
your Highness, and this rule should 
govern such a company; that the treas- 
urer of your Highness in the said 
islands should be charged to look to the 
receipt and sale of the merchandize 
which may be sent thither in conjunc- 
tion with the factor of the merchants, 
each one keeping his books, in which by 
his hands shall be set down an account 
of all that is sold. 

And that an account shall be kept of 
the cost "of all the merchandize which 
may be sent in each vessel, certified to by 
the Merchant and the Treasurer or other 
factor deputed by his Highness at Seville 
or in Cadiz, in order that, by it, an ac- 
count may be closed in the islands of all 
that may be taken over by each vessel, 
and each may take his share of the profits, 
paying to the merchant his share of the 
merchandize with cost and freight, that 
thus order and accord may be had and 
no fraud or deceit be possible ; and as 
regards such things as may be brought 
hither from thence and from the islands 
above mentioned, and to know the cost 
thereof, the merchants and the factor of 
your Highness at Seville or Cadiz may 
confide the case to such person as they 
may judge proper. 

This, with deference to those who 
know more than I, is my opinion. 

From Seville, the 9th day of Decem- 
ber, fifteen hundred and eight. 

I humbly kiss the hands of your most 
reverend Highness. 

Amerrigo Vespucci 

master pilot. 

Endorsement. — To the most reverend 
and magnificent Senor Cardinal of Spain, 
Archbishop of Toledo. 

^ San Jorge de la Mlna d Elinina. A factory 
and fortress on the northern coast of the Gulf 
of Gumea ; situated in 5° south and 15*' 30' 
east of the meridian of Teneriffe. 

Note. — The original text of this letter, with 
a translation, and an introduction by Mr. George 
Dexter, has been recently reprinted from the 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. Our own translation and the illustra- 
tions were prepared some time previous, but 
their publication delayed by the press of matter 
upon the columns of the Magazine. Editor. 






Translated from Biographical Notes to Cartas 

de Indias 

Amerrigo Vespucci, son of Anastasio 
Vespucci and Isabel Mini, was born 
at Florence, the 9th of March, 1541 ; he 
was brought up by his uncle, Jorge An- 
tonio Vespucci, a monk of the com- 
munity of San Marcos, and according 
to the most authentic documents, lived 
in Seville until 1495 either as a factor 
or partner of his fellow citizen Juanoto 
Berardi, of whose business he seems 
to have taken charge upon his death, 
which occurred in December of the 
same year. In 1499, in the capacity of 
pilot, he accompanied Alonzo de Hojeda 
on the first voyage which he made to 
discover new lands in the West Indies, 
an expedition from which they returned 
about the middle of the year 1500. 
From that time until 1505 it is supposed 
that Vespucci lived in Portugal, and 
that he may have sailed with the Por- 
tuguese, yet it is very doubtful whether 
he made all the voyages upon which his 
impostures are founded ; but what may 
certainly be believed, because clearly 
proved, is that from 1505 until 1512, 
when he died, he was always in Spain ; 
that in the first of these years he was 
summoned to the side of King Don 
Fernando to inform him concerning the 
projects of the Portuguese, concerning 
our (the Spanish) dominions in the In- 
dies, and went to the city of Toro, where 
the court was that season, and received 
from the King as a reward for his services 
and those which he rendered later as 

Cosmographer to the Crown a natural- 
ization as a Spanish subject, the 25th 
April, 1505, and twelve thousand mara- 
vedis extra gratification ; that soon after- 
wards he was charged, with Vicente 
Yanez Pinzon, with the fitting out of a 
fleet to discover the " birthplace of the 
spice land (nacimento de la Especeria)," 
an expedition which fell through in 
1507, by reason of the reclamations of 
the King of Portugal ; Amerrigo, in 
consequence remaining in his house at 
Seville, looking after the fitting out and 
armament of the vessels, and being in 
direct and constant correspondence with 
the Court at Castile. It is equally cer- 
tain that Don Fernando appointed him 
Master Pilot (piloto mayor), with a sal- 
ary of fifty thousand maravedis and 
twenty-five thousand as additional grati- 
fication on the 22d of March, 1508 ; this 
office did not require service at sea, 
and from the aforenamed year, 1505, 
Amerrigo Vespucci never went to sea; 
and that he died at Seville the 22d of 
February, 1522, Juan Diaz de Solis 
succeeding him in the office of Pilot. 

Amerrigo married Maria Cerezo, who 
could have given him no son because of 
her death, which occcurred the 20th of 
December, 1524. She made over to her 
sister, Calatina Cerezo, an income or 
pension of ten thousand maravedis, 
which she enjoyed. As for Juan Ves- 
pucci, nephew of Amerrigo, he was 
appointed Pilot the 22d of May, 15 12, 
with a salary of twenty thousand mara- 
vedis, and after having obtained other 
employments and several increases of 
salary, he was for ill conduct disgraced 
and discharged in March, 1525. 

By an unjust caprice of fortune the 



name of Amerrigo Vespucci has been 
immortalized, given, perhaps without 
his claiming it, to the extensive regions 
which the Spaniards discovered in the 
New Woild. Some fantastic reports 
which he sent to his Italian friends be- 
fore 1505, udded to and commentated by- 
some writers no less fantastic, and which 
were spread over Europe, were the cause 
of all this ; later, persons cognizant of 
the authentic writings which circulated 
in Spain concerning the discoveries, 
began about 1509 to call the land to 
which the reports referred, the land 
of Amerrigo, of Americo, or Americas, 
while our nation continued to give it 
the name of the Indies without making 
any correction of the former, until, by 
the lapse of time, the imposition was 
commonly accepted. 

Such is the caprice of fortune ! 


Translated from Biographical Notes to Cartas 
de India s 
In the greater number of the numerous 
documents which refer to Amerrigo Ves- 
pucci the word is written in these differ- 
ent ways. In one letter, the third of 
those which he wrote to Lorenzo de 
Medicis, dated in 1504, and published 
in Latin in 1505, in which he referred to 
his voyage to the Indies, he styles him- 
self Americus Vesputius ; in the rela- 
tion of the Cuatro Navegaciones (M. F. 
Navarrete, vol. iii, p. 191), Americi Ves- 
putii ; in other publications of the first 
year of the sixteenth century, Alberi- 
cus Vesputius, Alberico Vesputius y 
Vesputio ; in one of the letters written 
by Cristobal Colon to his son, Don Die- 

go, he called him Amerigo Vespuchy ; 
in a royal ordinance of the nth of 
April, 1505, authorizing him to touch 
T 2,000 maravedis gratification, Amerigo 
DE EsPUCHE ; in another royal ordi- 
nance of 24th of the same month and 
year, granting to him letters of naturali- 
zation in the kingdom of Castile, Amer- 
igo Vezpuche ; in certificates of 1506- 
1507, Americo Vespuche ; in an ordi- 
nance of 2 2d March, 1508, granting other 
gratifications and extra pay, Amerigo 
Vispuche; in the Commission of Piloto- 
Mayor, which was sent to him the 6th 
of August, 1508, Amerigo Despuchi ; 
in a writing of the 12th of June, 1509, 
upon the sale of canvas, he signed (Nav- 
arrete, vol. iii, p. 323), Amerigo Ves- 
pucci ; in an ordinance of the 28th of 
March, 1512, devising a pension to his 
widow, Maria Cerezo, he calls himself 
Amerigo Vespuchi ; his nephew Juan 
signed himself Vespucii, and wrote in 
the same manner the surname of Amer- 
igo ; the Abbe Bandini published the 
Vita et lettere di Amerigo Vespucci ; 
and Antonio de Herrera called him, as 
he is to-day called, Americo Vespucio. 
Alone Don Juan Bautista Munoz, who 
concealed the letter published in the 
Cartas de Indias, called the Florentine 
merchant Atnerrigo Vespucci. 

Lafayette's lost mass. — The edit- 
or's article on Lafayette (II. 724) recalls 
an incident recorded in a letter ad- 
dressed to the writer some time since 
by a member of the Order of Ursulines. 
Speaking of Sister St. Henry, who died 
at Brinley Place, Roxbury, Mass.., from 



the effects of the excitement when the 
convent on INIt. Benedict was burned 
by a brutal mob, the author of the letter 
in question refers to the funeral of Sister 
St. Henry as follows ; " Sister St. 
Henry died at Roxbury * * * * 
forty days after the fire, and she had a 
most splendid funeral. At that time 
Lafayette died in France, when the 
Catholics in Boston made the finest pre- 
parations to have a Requiem Mass said 
for him ; but when it was known that 
he died as he lived, they could not get the 
Mass said for him, so the dear St. Henry 
partook of a// that was done to honor 
Lafayette." Sister St. Henry may be 
regarded, without exaggeration, as a 
martyr. C. 


The following particulars respecting 
this celebrated Indian Chief and unri- 
valled native orator are extracted from 
the letter of a deceased New York mer- 
chant, ]\Ir. William Hall, written in the 
year 1862. "I now send you a mem- 
orandum of my attending the Great 
Indian Treaty" (held at Buffalo. The 
venerable writer's ms. was deposited 
shortly after in the archives of the Buf- 
falo Historical Society.) " The next 
time I saw Red Jacket was about the 
year 1820, at East Bloomfield, Ontario 
Co., N. Y., in company with an Indian 
chief who talked English. Asking him 
the age of Red Jacket, his companion 
addressed the inquiry to the chieftain, 
whose reply was, * sixty years.' He was a 
shrewd cunning man, very proud, and 
although he could probably understand 
and speak some English, never would 
let it be heard from his lips. Some 

three or four years after I saw him again 
at the Indian Treaty, held at Moscow, 
Livingston Co., N. Y., held in the Acad- 
emy, at which time General Brooks and 
Messrs. Clarke and Gibson purchased 
the Gardeau Reservation of Mrs. Jam- 
eson, 'the White Woman'" (whose re- 
markable history has since been pub- 
lished in a volume). " Red Jacket and 
19 other chiefs were there. He did not 
make a speech, and their assent to the 
sale was obtained. I had been to Mr. 
Clute's and took old Mrs. Jameson with 
me over to Moscow in my carriage, as 
also a lady from New Jersey, Miss 
Haines (an aunt of the late ex-Governor 
Haines) and then back to Mr. Clute's 
residence. The 'White Woman's' age was, 
at that time, as I should judge, about 
eighty. Mr. C. had made a dinner for the 
Chiefs in a long row, and nineteen sat at 
the table. Red Jacket was so much intox- 
icated'^ that the host made him go out 
of the room and his seat at the table was 
vacant. The Chiefs behaved with great 
decorum, and in fact dignity. Pollard, 
one of them, was said to be pious, and 
as they all sat still for a few moments, 
it is thought that he asked a blessing. 
Miss Haines stood by me, looking at 
them, and remarked that she never saw 
nineteen gentlemen anywhere at table 
who behaved and appeared better." 

* The writer of this note once heard the late 
ex-President Fillmore, on an historical occasion, 
state that shortly after a certain business inter- 
view with Red Jacket in Buffalo, he had seen 
him furiously galloping through the streets, very- 
noisy and quite under the power of liquor. 
What a melancholy contrast to the character of 
the venerable Cornplanter, a firm friend of tem- 
perance, as well as of peace and of Washington, 
so justly honored by the State of Pennsylvania 
with a noble monument to his memory. 

W. H. 



Follow the drum. — I think I have 
obtained at last, after twenty-two years 
occasional search, the old song of " the 
Drum," which Alexander Hamilton sang 
at the Dinner of the Cincinnati, July 4, 
1804, just before the duel with Burr. 
Colonel Burr was present on the occa- 
sion, and the two men never met again 
till they met at Weehawken. 

Twas in the merry month of May, 

When bees from flower to flower did hum, 
Soldiers through the town march' d gay, 

The village flew to the sound of the drum ! 
From windows lasses look'd a score. 
Neighbours met at every door, 
Serjeant twirl'd his sash and storj', 
And talk'd of wounds, honor, and glory. 

'Twas in the merry month, &c. 

Roger swore he'd leave his plough, 

His team and tillage, all, by gum ! 
Of a country life he'd had enow — 

He'd leave it all and follow the drum. 
He'd leave his thrashing in the barn, 
To thrash his foes right soon he'd learn. 
With sword in hand he would not parley. 
But thrash his foes instead of the barley. 

The Cobbler he threw by his awl, 
When all were glad, he'd ne'er be glum. 

But quick attend to glory's call, 
And like a man would follow the drum. 

No more at home he'd be a slave. 

But take his seat amid the brave ; 

In battle's seat none should be prouder, 

Stead of balls and wax, he'd have balls and powder. 

The Tailor he got off his knees, 

And to the ranks did boldly come : 
He said he ne'er would sit at his ease, 

But follow the rest, and follow the drum. 
How he'd leather the foes, good Lord ! 
When he'd a bodkin for a sword. 
The French should find he didn't weedle, 
When he'd a spear instead of a needle. 

Three Old Women — the first was lame. 

The second was blind, and the third nigh dumb. 
To stay behind was a burning shame. 

They'd follow the men, and follow the drum ! 
Our wills are good, but lack-a-day. 
To catch the soldiers we will try for it. 
For where there's a will, there's always a way. 
We'll walk a mile or two if we die for them. 

The song comes from a friend in Eng- 
\:ind (T. Buttes Gunn, well known 

here). It is just the kind of rude song 
men of that day liked to sing after dinner. 
If we could only get the music now the 
thing would be complete. The effect 
of the song was probably due to the 
singers' personification of the charac- 
ters, particularly the old women. 
Newburyport. James Parton. 

name of several families residing on the 
eastern shore of Virginia occurs the 
strangest case I ever met with of varia- 
tion in the spelling and pronunciation of 
a proper name. It leaves the familiar 
Cholmondelly, Beauvoir, and even Arce- 
deckne (which is pronounced Archdea- 
con), far behind ; for in these there is 
some relation between orthography and 
orthoepy. But in the families I refer to 
there is not apparently the least reason 
for pronouncing the patronymic in the 
way it is pronounced, rather than in any 
other way that might be arbitrarily se- 
lected. The name is written Enroughty, 
and is pronounced Darby. I learned 
this undoubted fact during a visit to Vir- 
ginia many years since, and was assured 
that the people who bear the name know 
no more than this, that their forefathers 
spelled and pronounced their name as I 
have given it. A few years since I 
happened to be placed at a table d'hote 
in Italy beside a very agreeable Eng- 
lishman ; and in the course of our talk 
discovered that he Avas a collector of 
strange surnames. I told him about 
these Virginians, and he was forced to 
acknowledge that this beat, if not the 
Dutch, certainly the English. After a 
few moments he turned round to me and 
exclaimed with triumph, *' I know why 



your Enroughtys are called Darbies." 
*'If you do, you are wiser than they 
are," I answered. " I do. My wife was 
a County Clare woman ; and I remem- 
ber hearing that some generations ago 
certain families of the county, named 
Enright or Enracht (they spelled the 
name in both ways), emigrated to the 
States. They belonged to the sect known 
as Derby-ites, and the common term of 
derision used to one of that sect was, 
' He's an old Derby ' (pronounced Dar- 
by)." My agreeable neighbor was, as I 
afterwards learned, the late Bishop of 
Gibraltar. A. D. 


The foolish puritans. — Nor doth 
London abound with all things so plen- 
tifully for the belly alone, but also for 
the back, either to keep it warm or make 
it gay ; what varieties of woolen Stuffs 
there are in every Shop, with broad 
Cloth equal to the price of Silk, being 
come to that heighth of perfection that 
some hath bin made of ten pounds a 
yard in price ; But the Hollanders and 
others have now got the art of making 
our Stuffs and Cloths, by those foolish 
giddy headed Puritans that pretended to 
fly for persecution of their Consciences, 
whereby they have done their own Coun- 
trey no little mischief in this particular, 
as in many things besides. — HowelVs 
Londinopolis^ 1657, page 397. W. K. 

ing list of prisoners taken at Queens- 
ton, October 13, 181 2, paroled 19th 
October, may interest some of the 
readers of the Magazine : 

Gen. Wadsworth, Cols. Strenehan, 

Mead, Allen ; Majors Spencer, Holand, 
Smith ; Captains Brown, Clark, Patten- 
gill, Bacon, Root, Stanley, Ireland, Ba- 
con, Clark, Eldridge, Elice, Sutton, Bar- 
ber, Brinkerhoff, Cronk, Whitney : Lieu- 
tenants Smith, Shepard, Culley, Haight, 
Phillips, Robartson, Randal, Price, Field, 
Holcomb, Kirkler, Daniels, Richmond, 
Wilan, Gray, T. Smith, Alexander ; En- 
signs Cobb, Sperry, Waldron, White, 
Haight, Denton, Peck, Boughton, Ire- 
land. J. F. T. 
Niagara Falls. 

Customs of the cherokees. — In 
turning over the files of the Weekly 
Recorder, published at Chillicothe, O., 
I found in the number bearing date Au- 
gust 21, 1816, an " Interesting extract of 
a letter from Col. R. J. Meigs, dated 
Cherokee Agency, July 6, 18 16," in 
which he describes the Green Corn 
Dance, or the Feast of the First Fruits, 
as he had " attentively seen it per- 
formed." I make the following extract 
from it, as illustrating some remarkable 
coincidences with the Jewish customs : 

" Formerly they had practiced fre- 
quent washings ; these were resorted to 
after going through bodily exercises — 
perhaps of dancing ; the whole meeting, 
on such occasions, went to the clear 
stream and plunged in. This was in- 
tended to express that they were then 
cleansed of all moral impurity — that 
however they might have done wrong 
before, the wrong was now done away, 
and no more to be considered as any 
part of their character. This corre- 
sponds with my personal observation ; 
for they never reproach each other of 
former deviations from right. 



" They formerly had cities of refuge, 
whither a person who had killed a Cher- 
okee might flee. This was an excellent 
institution, as it gave time for the pas- 
sions of the deceased to subside. In 
some cases compromises were made for 
pecuniary compensation, especially in 
cases of an accidental character. They 
have since deviated from that wise cus- 
tom, and in every instance required life 
for life as forfeit, without any qualifica- 
tion ; but they have now returned to a 
more humane procedure, and in some 
instances make equitable discrimination. ' ' 

Zanesville^ Ohio. J. Hope Sutor. 

Ducking a female scold. — The 
barbarous sentence recently pronounced 
in Philadelphia of ducking a female, as 
a punishment for being a scold, has 
roused the indignation of every reflect- 
ing person in the community. Is there 
to be no end to the introduction into 
our courts of practices which even des- 
pots have become ashamed of, and 
erased from their codes of law. We 
had thought that the extension of knowl- 
edge as to criminal matters would have 
served as a guaranty against such abuses. 
Instead of this, we seem to have retro- 
graded a century at least in our ideas as 
to the fitness and utility of punishment. 
The instance before us is only equalled 
by the practice of boring the ear, and 
branding the hand, which obtains in 
Rhode Island, where men who call them- 
selves republicans submit to be gov- 
erned by virtue of a royal charter. We 
are glad to find that steps are taking to 
wipe off the disgrace consequent on 
pronouncing so abhorrent a sentence. 
— The Globe, New Yorh, November 6, 

1824. lULUS. 

Jefferson's summary view. — In 
Thomas Jefferson's Autobiography it is 
said of the author's pamphlet of 1774, 
entitled ^'A Summary View of the 
Rights of British America," that "it 
found its way to England, was taken up 
by the Opposition, interpolated a little 
by Mr. Burke, so as to make it answer 
Opposition purposes, and in that form 
ran rapidly through several editions." 
But there are no interpolations in the 
English reprint. It has, however, a pre- 
fatory address, evidently not by Burke. 

New York. F. Burdge. 

Unpublished journal of the bur- 
GOYNE CAMPAIGN. — General Horatio 
Rogers, of Providence, has recently 
become possessed of several import- 
ant original documents relating to 
the Burgoyne campaign of 1777, 
the chief of which, a ms. journal 
kept by a British Lieutenant (afterwards 
Major-General) Hadden, w^io served in 
the Royal Artillery on that expedition, 
Mr. Rogers is now preparing for the 
press. In this historical treasure are 
also several Orderly Books of the artil- 
lery corps under the command of Gen- 
eral Phillips, which are of great import- 
ance, as they fill the two gaps in the 
Burgoyne Orderly Book, published by 
himself, some leaves of which were miss- 
ing. One of these leaves contained a 
general order from General Phillips, 
which reflected upon the use of army 
carts by the Commander-in-Chief, Bur- 
goyne, for the transportation of his per- 
sonal baggage. W. L. S. 

A JACKSONIAN TOAST. — At a dinner 
provided for a select number of Demo- 
cratic politicians at Washington, July 4, 



1830, the following extraordinary toast 
was offered by Ambrose Lynch, and 
drank with all the honors : 

Jackson's fair political bark 

The certain emblem of Noah's Ark. 

The deluge bark preserved eight human beings, 

Jackson's bark saved full eight millions ; 

Sons of the brave Columbus, can you ever sanction 

The defamation of brave Andrew Jackson ? 


A MEDAL TO COOPER. — I have in my 
possession a curious medal. It has on 
one side the bust of Cooper in re- 
lief, with the inscription " The person- 
ification of honor, truth and justice." 
On the other side is the inscription "To 
Fennimore Cooper, the offering of a 
grateful heart for his disinterested vin- 
dication of his brother sailor Jesse D. 

The medal is two inches in diameter. 
J. S. Blackburn. 

Alexandria^ Va. 

Humble pie.— Captain Edward Mott's 
company being insulted by a couple of 
rascally tories^ as they passed through 
the town of Litchfield, the two offenders 
found it necessary to extinguish the 
flames of resentment they had kindled 
by eating a hearty meal of what is vul- 
garly called HuiMBLE Pye. — Hartford 
Letter ^ June 9, 1775, Co?m. Gazette. 


Lord percy at brandywine. — (II, 
121, 311.) An English member of the 
Society of Friends, Robert Sutcliff, in 
his " Travels in some parts of North 
America, 1804-5-6," published at York, 
England, 1815, mentions at that early 

date the tradition that a Percy was slain 
at the battle of the Brandywine. On 
page 223 he says, "2d month, 20, 
The ground I travelled over this day 
was the scene of much bloodshed dur- 
ing the revolutionary war ; it being that 
part of the country where the battle of 
Brandywine was fought. My companion 
was prese?it at the time, w'lih. several other 
friends, who were led forth by the dic- 
tates of humanity, in order to lend some 
assistance to the poor wounded and 
dying soldiers that lay scattered over 
the fields through an extent of several 
miles. On this occasion. Friends' meet- 
ing house of Birmingham was converted 
into a hospital, in which many of the 
poor mangled creatures breathed their 
last, &:c., &:c. Amongst those who ended 
their earthly career in this meeting house 
were several officers, who were buried 
in Friends' burying ground. One of these ^ 
a 7iear connection of the Duke of North- 
umberland, was a young man of the name 
of Percy, whose amiable and exemplary 
conduct, under his severe sufferings, 
had procured him the particular regard 
and esteem of the friends about him." 

Was the companion to whom he refers 
the Joseph Townsend mentioned [II, 
311], or another witness to the death of 
young Percy ? Sutcliff 's account is cer- 
tainly earlier than that of Colonel Stone, 
or Watson, and written at a time not so 
remote from the year of the battle, gives 
the legend an aspect of truth. 

Horace Edward Hayden, 


Old and new Christmas. — Hearing 
this expression used by an " old country 
body," and asking its meaning, I learned 



that in some parts of Scotland, and in 
the north of Ireland, the term " Old 
Christmas " is used to designate Twelfth- 
day, or Epiphany (the sixth of January) ; 
whilst the twenty-fifth of December is 
known as "New Christmas." I find 
that this distinction is familiar to the 
Scotch and Irish Presbyterians, who are 
noted for their strict //<?;^ observance of 
canonical feasts. How is it to be ac- 
counted for ? The difference between 
old and new style would not explain it, 
for Christmas-day, old style, would be 
January j^////, new style. 

It is at least a curious coincidence 
that this distinction should agree pre- 
cisely with the facts as recorded ia 
church history. " The greatest Part of 
the Eastern Church," says Bingham, 
"for Three or Four of the first Ages 
kept the Feast of Christ's Nativity on 
the same Day which is now called 
Epiphany^ or the Sixth of January." 
{Antiquities of the Christian Church, 
book XX, c. iv, § 2.) "After the 25th 
December was solemnized in the fourth 
century in the west as the birth-festival, 
this day," according to Gieseler, "came 
soon to be looked upon as the day of 
birth." {Compendium of Eccles. History, 
vol. I, p. 60, note.) 

I learn that among the Irish Roman 
Catholics the two festivals are sometimes 
distinguished as '* Great and Little 
Christmas," a distinction more easily 
understood, between the beginning and 
the closing days of the Christmas 

Is any such usage maintained among 
the descendants of the Scotch-Irish emi- 
grants to this country ? C. W. B. 

The CLINTON family. — Can any of 
your English readers give information 
regarding the parentage of William Clin- 
ton, who was an officer in the army of 
Charles of First ? On the downfall of 
that monarch, he was obliged to fly to 
the Continent for safety, went from 
thence to Scotland, where he married a 
lady of the family of Kennedy, and from 
thence to Ireland, where he died, leaving 
one son, James. James, who became an 
officer in the army under Queen Anne, 
went to England as soon as he reached 
manhood, to recover his patrimonial es- 
tates, but failed, on account of the lim- 
itation of an Act of Parliament. His 
son Charles emigrated to America in 

I would like to know, also, what 
positions were held in the British army 
by William and James Clinton. 

New York. M. E. B. 

Lafayette and father mathew. — 
Did Lafayette ever become an Amer- 
ican citizen ? 

Did Kosciusko ? 

Did Father Mathew ? 

If any correspondent can give correct 
information and authority in this matter 
it would be a great favor. 

New York. Isaac F. Wood. 

The quiden. — Will some student of 
the Indian tongues inform the readers 
of the Magazine of the exact meaning 
of the word " Quiden," used by the 
New England Indians. Did it refer 
to a bark canoe, to a " dug out," or to 
a larger vessel ? Quid. 



Lost localities. — Can any of the 
readers of the Magazine inform me 
of the whereabouts of the following 
localities : 

The Forest of Dean in England is an 
old country historical locality. The 
Forest of Dean, in the Colony of New 
York, was its namesake. Where was the 
former, and where was the latter ; and 
as to the latter, who were the grantees, 
and what is its history and its present 
status ? 

Where was " the Slote," an interesting 
locality in the colonial and revolutionary 
history of New York colony and State ? 

Where was the Manor of Mask ? In 
what one of the American colonies, and 
what is the history of this Manor } 

Where was, or is, Conowago Chapel ? 
It was an early Catholic mission in 
northern Maryland or southern Penn- 
sylvania. What is its history ? 

J. B. B. 

Samuel dodge. — In the New York 
line of the Continental Army two offi- 
cers of this name served ; one in the 
4th and the other in the 5th N. Y. 
They served through the War, and at 
its close, joined the Cincinnati in 1783, 
one with the rank of First Lieutenant 
and the other that of Ensign. One was 
prisoner of war in 1780, and writes from 
Long Island as such. Were they father 
and son ? Members of the same fam- 
ily .'* How can their record be sep- 
arated and distinguished ? And what was 
the place of their original enlistment ? 

R. D. 

History inform me where I can find an 
account of the removal of Andre's re- 
mains from their burial place, at Tappan, 
to Westminster Abbey ? W. N. 

Pater son, N. J. 

Nathan hale. — In an article in the 
Sun of the 28th December last, occurs 
the following passage: "There is some 
doubt as to the precise spot in this city 
where Nathan Hale was hanged, but the 
most trustworthy tradition locates it be- 
tween the present County Court House 
and the Hall of Records." 

What is the tradition to which the Sun 
refers, and on what is it founded ? 


Don galvez. — Elliott's Debates, 
Supp. Vol. 5, p. 88, notices the fact that 
a portrait of Don Galvez, the Spanish 
Governor of Louisiana during the Rev- 
olution, and a warm friend of the 
American colonies, was presented to the 
United States Congress by Oliver Pol- 
lock, Esq., United States Commercial 
Agent at New Orleans. This statement 
of Elliott's is corroborated by a manu- 
script letter of Oliver Pollock, preserved 
in the United States Archives, at Wash- 
ington. The portrait was presented on 
May 8th, 1783, when the Congress was 
in session at Philadelphia. Can any 
one state whether the said portrait is 
still in existence and where ? 

Horace Edwin Hayden. 

Brownsville, Pa. 

Andre's remains. — Can any of the 
readers of the Magazine of American 

The bell of independence. — Who 
rang the bell on Independence Hall, 
Philadelphia, July 4, 1776.? George 
Lippard, in his Legends of the American 



Revolution, says it was " an old man 
with white hair and sunburnt face." 
Barnes' Centenary History also describes 
him as an aged man, I think, but in 
neither is his name mentioned. 

Meyerstowrij Fe?tn, R. E. W. 

Gates' burial place. — Where was 
the hero of Saratoga buried ? The 
newspapers of the day describe the 
funeral as having been attended by the 
Cincinnati Society. He was buried 
without parade, as he particularly re- 
quested in his will, but where I have 
not been able, after long search, to as- 
certain. Saratoga. 


Battle of monmouth. (II, 408, 
569,758; 111,58.) — This reply is ad- 
dressed, collectively, to Trenton, T. H. 
M., and R. C. So far from conceding 
any errors, further examination confirms 
all my original statements. 

Lafayette, advising Washington, 25th 
June, when the enemy were already at 
Allentown, did not seem to consider 
that the British moved slowly. " We 
(Americans) will be obliged to march 
pretty fast, if we want to attack them." 
*' Wil. Livingston, Gov. N. J., address- 
ing Lee, 22d June, judges correctly that 
the British halted at (Mount) Holly 
throughout the 21st, simply to bring up 
their rear, i. e., close up. He mentions 
no expectation of defending this, a very 
strong or any other position. 

Marshall says, *' General Maxwell, 
who had been posted at Mount Holly, 
retired on his (Clinton's) approach, and 
joined General Dickinson, who was col- 

lecting the Jersey militia; but they 
were able to give very little other inter- 
ruption to the march of the enemy, than 
was produced by breaking up the bridges 
in his route." (Marshall, III, 419.) 

Mount Holly was a very important 
tactical point, and ought to have been 
tenaciously held. Gov. Livingston's 
idea, however, ''was not to retard the 
British, but to drive the rascals thro' the 
State as soon as possible." 

What did " the militia of New Jersey in 
the highest spirit and almost to a man in 
arms" accomplish towards retarding 
Clinton. It did not require soldiers to 
break down a few petty bridges, to cut 
down trees, and to drive horses and other 
live stock away from the British line of 
march. Common laborer's, old men, or 
even good sized boys sufficed for such 

Colonel Laurens, addressing his 
father, 30th June, remarks apparently 
even of the day of Monmouth. " The 
militia of the country kept up a random, 
running fire with the Hessian Jagers ; 
no mischief was done on either side." 

Washington did not believe in militia 
proper, a bit more than do the entire 
mass of military critics, but doubtless 
found it politic sometimes to let fall a 
few drops of commendation in the shape 
of honeyed-words, which made no draft 
upon the army chest. 

Clinton was retarded by the exhaus- 
tion of his men and horses, in conse- 
quence of the unparalleled heat — a 
muggy suffocating temperature, alternat- 
ing with heavy showers — difficult, deep, 
and sandy roads ; the superfluity of 
useless^ as well as of necessary equip- 
ages, &c., &c., out of all proportion to 



his fighting forces, and the extra vigilance 
requisite to stop the wholesale desertion 
of his disaffected Germans. Eight 
months Capuan occupation of Philadel- 
phia had entirely relaxed the troops — 
uniformed and equipped as they were to 
the txtrtmc possible of disabling red-tape- 
minuteness — so that they broke down 
at once upon a fresh start under tropical 
heat. For like reasons the horses gave 
out rapidly. The militia swarming 
around may have favored, or rather 
countenanced, desertion by their mere 
presence at a distance, and prevented 
the sweeping in of fresh horses, &c., of 
which Clinton stood in absolute need. 

Even at Crosswicks Creek — a very 
defensible line — " When the advanced 
party, under Lt.-Col. Simcoe, appeared, 
they (the Americans) prudently retired, 
taking up the planks of the bridge * 

* * and making an appearance of con- 
testing the passage * * the Rangers 

* * crossing over on the timbers of 
the bridge, and gallantly pursuing with- 
out catching the retreating militia." 

Consider the advantageous positions 
of Dickinson's N. J. militia, 1,200 to 
1,300, and Maxwell's Brigade of Con- 
tinentals, on Clinton's left flank ; of 
Gen. Cadwalader with Jackson's Con- 
tinental regiment and Gen. Lacey's 
Philadelphia Volunteers and militia in 
his rear; and of Morgan, with 600 rifle- 
men — the best troops of the kind in the 
whole world — on his right. Except by 
the application of manual labor is there 
any evidence that either of these bodies 
stopped or altered the march of the 
British for one hour. Even at Mon- 
mouth, the militia were repulsed, Clin- 
ton says, ** by the pickets of one, the 

40th Regt., and one troop of the 17th 
Light Dragoons." 

Clinton had marched about, if not 
more than, 60 miles in six small /^r/j of 
days. Six s?nail parts of days are em- 
phasized, because two days out of eight 
were consumed in handling and chang- 
ing the relative position of his material 
and getting his most reliable troops into 
closest proximity to the only enemy 
he feared, the acclimated men of Valley 
Forge — the regiments which Steuben 
had drilled. From 10 a. ^r., 26th, to 8 
A. M., 28th, Clinton took his ease at Free- 
hold. His movements in retreat were 
not hastened or retarded by any inter- 
ruption from the Americans in pursuit, 
who had to move at the same rate as the 
British on account of the high temper- 
ature (G. W. G., II, 87 ; Sparks' Writ- 
ings of Washington, V, 416 ; 423). 

''Trenton" quotes Sir Henry but 
italicises the wrong sentence. He em- 
phasises the words which refer to simple 
manual labor, he does not italicise the 
words "without any interruption," that 
reflect upon soldiership. If ^^ Tre?iton" 
wishes me to concede that the Amer- 
ican militia were industrious citizens, 
capable of accomplishing, daily, a great 
amount of manual labor, the argument 
is at an end. 

Finally, as to when Clinton moved 
from Monmouth, Washington Irving 
adopts Clinton's statement that "at 10 
o'clock, when the Americans were buried 
in their first sleep, he (Clinton) had set 
forward." The same magic slumber 
that sealed the senses of the Americans 
at Monmouth, fettered the faculties of 
the pickets of both armies (Union and 
Rebel) after the carnage and confusion 



of the third day's conflict at Gettys- 
burg (3d July, '6$). If Clinton did so de- 
part, then, founding my calculations on 
Gordon's data, the British, moving in a 
fiat country eastward, i. e., from the 
moon's setting, had the benefit of an 
hour's moonlight, if not more. This 
judgment was not jumped at, but reached 
after consultation with experts, as well 
as personal observation during the past 

There is no doubt that N. J. militia 
individually were as brave as any militia 
enjoying equal advantages, but no 
militia that ever existed has ever been 
worth anything, as Washington observed, 
in the open field when opposed to reg- 
ulars. (Sparks' Writings of Washington.) 

Wayne, who fought the best at Mon- 
mouth, and fought well always, every- 
where, has left a curious corroborative 
opinion on record. In a letter to Wash- 
ington he speaks of his "insuperable 
bias in favor of an elegant uniform and 
soldierly appearance ; so much so, that 
I would much rather risk my life and 
reputation, at the head of the same 
men, in an attack, clothed and appointed 
as I could wish, merely with bayonets 
and a single charge of ammunition, than 
to take them as they appear in common, 
with sixty rounds of cartridges. It may 
be a false idea, but I cannot help cher- 
ishing it." (Moore's Wayne, Zt^.) 

If the British army 7'eireating moved 
slowly, what epithet will apply to the 
American forces pursuing. The latter 
must have marched much more slowly, 
because it is certain that if Washington's 
soldiers did come up with Clinton it 
was not through any action of the mili- 
tia — the holding or arresting power of 

the military, or even their labors — but 
simply because the British commander 
deliberately halted a day at Mount Hol- 
ly, another at Allentown, and 46 hours 
at Freehold. (Further testimony omit- 
ted for want of space.) J. W. de P. 

Metal objects from Indian tumu- 
li. — (III. 47). Considering the prox- 
imity of the gold mines of North Caro- 
lina and Georgia, whose auriferous 
regions must have been to some extent 
known to the aborigines of that section, 
it is very remarkable that the primitive 
gold ornament mentioned by Hon. C. 
C. Jones, Jr., as found by him in a 
mound in Georgia should be such a 
rarity. It is much more surprising than 
the fact mentioned by Col. Jones in his 
valuable contribution to the history of 
the early races of the South, that " of 
the many mounds opened by him along 
South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, 
not one copper implement or ornament 
of native manufacture was found." Lake 
Superior copper very seldom found its 
way south of the Ohio river, even in the 
crude state in which it has been picked 
up east of the Alleghenies. 

But considering the proximity of the 
vast treasures of copper in the Lake 
Superior district ; the wideness of prim- 
itive mining mentioned by Foster; the 
superstitious veneration in which the 
Indians held the ore in its native state, 
noticed by the Jesuit missionaries ; the 
rich find by Mr. Perkins, in Wisconsin, 
of copper implements described by 
Prof. Butler — it is a still more remark- 
able fact that so few copper implements 
or ornaments of native manufacture 
have been found in the mounds lying 



east of the Ohio river, in West Virginia 
and Western Pennsylvania. 

In the State of West Virginia, along 
the line of the Ohio and Kanawha riv- 
ers, exist a great number of very inter- 
esting tumuli and some fine fortifica- 
tions, which have apparently escaped 
the notice of archaeologists. Many 
of these tumuli have been carefully ex- 
amined by myself, as well as by others, 
especially those lying in the bottoms 
along the Ohio. Yet not one implement 
or ornament, gold, silver or copper, of 
native manufacture, has been found to 
my knowledge, except those unearthed 
in the Grave Creek Mound. In the 
valuable and extensive collection of 
mound relics owned by Dr. Samuel G. 
Shaw of Point Pleasant, West Virginia, 
there is not a single specimen. 

In his account of the investigations 
of the Grave Creek Mound, published 
in the American Pioneer, Mr. Tomlin- 
son mentions the discovery of five cop- 
per bracelets. These are spoken of by 
Mr. Henry R. Schoolcraft in the twelfth 
volume of the Journal of the Royal 
Geographical Society, 1842, as "five 
copper bracelets or arm bands, but with- 
out being soldered at the point of junc- 

Mr. McFadden, the present owner of 
the Grave Creek Mound, says, in a let- 
ter published in " Cherry's History and 
Vindication of the Grave Creek Stone," 
that his wife still possesses " a few bone 
beads that were strung on copper wire 
around the neck of the large skeleton 
which was found in the shaft, 30 feet 
from the top of the mound." 

Mr. Foster (p. 257) mentions a cop- 
per bracelet, found by him in a mound 

in Charleston, Ohio, as "not an uncom- 
mon ornament," but I do not remember 
reading any where else of copper wire as 
among the manufactures of the mound- 
builders. The malleability of Lake Su- 
perior copper in its native state is so 
great that a wire could be hammered 
out without the use of heat. 

But the implements noticed by Mr. 
Foster and Mr. Butler among the rich 
collection of the Wisconsin Historical 
Society as manufactured by the smelting 
process, are not the only evidences that 
the moundbuilders possessed the knowl- 
edge of working metals by fire. Mr. 
Alfred Huidekoper, a gentleman of 
archaeological taste, living in Meadville, 
Penn., showed me this past summer a 
string of eight or ten copper discs, taken 
from a mound on French Creek, below 
Meadville, which were evidently cast. 
They are about an inch and a half in 
diameter, concave, with a thickness of 
one-sixteenth of an inch, perforated in 
the centre, and about the shape of the 
base and stem of an ordinary wine- 
glass. They were evidently meant for 
ornaments, and possibly were strung 
originally on skin or copper wire, with 
circumference to circumference, or apex 
to apex, thus forming a graceful orna- 
ment, as each disc follows very nearly 
the " line of beauty " in its conforma- 
tion. There may have been other dis- 
coveries of metallic remains among the 
Western Virginia and Pennsylvania 
mounds, but during a residence of eleven 
years among them I have heard of no 
others of primitive manufacture. It 
may be worthy of mention that the 
drawing of the Grave Creek Mound 
tablet, as published in the Journal of the 



Royal Geographical Society, Vol. XII, 
p. 260, differs in several of its characters 
very materially from the drawing as 
published in American works; and also 
that Mr. Cherry has made out a very 
strong case, in favor of the tablet, in his 
brief pamphlet lately issued. 

Horace Edwin Hayden. 
Brownsville^ Penn. 

Stinking lingo Indians. — (II. 632.) 
The Muskokee or Creek Confed- 
eracy, in the eighteenth century, was 
composed of the Muskokees, or Creeks 
proper, and a number of broken tribes 
in alliance with them, some of which 
spoke languages closely akin to the pure 

The Alabama and Cusawte spoken by 
the towns about the head of the Ala- 
bama river and for some distance below, 
and the HitchiUe or Chelokee spoken by 
many towns on the Chattahooche and 
Apalachicola rivers were dialects of 
Muskokee, with a large infusion of Choc- 
taw, or Chickasaw words, in their vocab- 

These impure dialects were called 
by the white traders and Indian coun- 
trymen the Stinkard language. This 
name is probably a translation of the 
Muskokee, Opunakafumpeepe ("language 

The Muskokees always regarded 
themselves as the blue blood of the Na- 
tion. They claimed that their language 
was the mother-tongue, and that the 
Choctaw and Chickasaw were only dia- 
lects of Muskokee. See Bartram's 
Travels through North and South Caro- 
lina, Georgia^ etc. London Ed., 1792, 

pp. 463, 464, 517. Bartram (pp. 461, 
462) gives a list of the principal 
towns on the Chattahooche, Tallapoosa, 
and Coosa rivers, with a statement 
of the language or dialect spoken by 

The " Cussitau town " mentioned in 
the Charleston letter, from which " Pe- 
tersfield" quotes, was on the Chatta- 
hooche, not far below the site of the 
modern city of Columbus, Georgia. 
The Cussetas spoke Muskokee, but the 
Chehaws, who lived in a town hard by, 
spoke a Stinkard tongue, probably 

Among the Natchez the common 
people, whose language differed in many 
respects from that .of the nobles, were 
called Michemiche-quipy, and this ex- 
pressive term was translated by the 
French, puaiitSy " stinkards." See Le 
Page du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, 
Paris, 1758, Tome II, pp. 321-325, 393» 
394. W. S. Wyman. 

Tuscaloosa y Ala. 

Iowa sac and mission press. — 
(III. 55.) This press was located at the 
Iowa Mission, near what is now High- 
land, Doniphan county, Kansas, under 
the charge of Rev. S. M. Irwin and 
William Hamilton. A grammar of the 
Iowa language and an elementary speller 
and definer were printed. Of the first, 
I know of two copies, one perfect in the 
Kansas Historical Society, another, im- 
perfect, in my possession. Of the sec- 
ond, I do not think there is a copy in 
existence, having searched for one for 
twenty years without success. 

Deposit. J. B. D. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 

TURE. By Moses Coit Tyler, Professor 
of English Literature in the University of 
Michigan. Vol. I, 1607-1676. Vol. II, 1677- 
1765. 8vo, pp. 292 — 330. G. P. Putnam's 
Sons. New York, 1878. 

These are the first in a series of volumes, in 
which the author proposes to write the history 
of American literature, from the earliest English 
settlements in this country to the present time. 
The year 1765, when the Stamp Act Congress 
first crystallized the elements of national life, 
and first gave it expression in the famous protest 
against the inequality and injustice of English 
rule, is appropriately chosen as the close of the 
period when American thought, and conse- 
quently American literature, was too subordin- 
ate to English teaching, example and control to 
deserve a distinctive national name ; for it must 
not be forgotten that even the most peculiar 
traits of each of the separate colonies were not 
original with themselves, but derived from the 
various sections of the mother country from 
which they emigrated ; the faults as well as the 
virtues of the colonists are directly and easily 
traceable to their kin beyond the sea ; even the 
peculiarities of speech, which afford so much 
amusement to our English cousins, while rap- 
idly disappearing from among ourselves, are to 
be found in all their original drollness in the 
counties of our mother country. During the 
period covered by the two volumes before us it 
can hardly be claimed that an American litera- 
ture existed, except in a local application of the 
term. Not only the great masters of style were 
English, but the channels of thought, and to a 
great extent the thought itself which moved 
through these channels, were English also. Ex- 
amined without reference to their influence upon 
the literature that followed, which was and is per- 
haps only within a quarter of a centur)' so distinc- 
tive in character as to entitle it to the name of 
American, this account of our earlier writers has 
little beyond an antiquarian interest. Examined 
on the other hand with reference to the literature 
which is now our pride, this careful recital of the 
long and gradual processes by which the American 
mind emerged from the trammels of foreign 
control, this admirable analysis of the literary 
conditions which governed the widely differing 
communities of the Eastern, IMiddle and South- 
em Colonies, assumes its true place and import- 
ance. In itself it demonstrates that American 
literature is no longer in its swaddling clothes, 
and that American authors no longer need the 
cuddling care of English nurses. The time is 
long past when of any American work in any 

line of literature it can be doubted, as of Bry- 
ant's masterpiece, when it first made its appear- 
ance, "that it could have been written in 

The universal praise which Mr. Tyler's work 
has elicited is warrant not only of its excellence, 
but of its timeliness. Its manner of treatment 
is admirable. It is what it sets out to be — not 
a biography of American writers, nor yet a 
repertory of their writings, but a history of 
American literature, with just enough of per- 
sonal anecdote to interest us in the one and suf- 
ficient extracts to give illustration of the other; 
the general sketch thus acquiring a racy flavor, 
while each particular branch has its own partic- 
ular aroma. 

In his style Mr. Tyler is himself thoroughly 
American. In every page he reveals some of 
the strong traits of his New England origin. 
He is assertive, without being didactic, in the ex- 
pression of his opinion and judgments, and always 
original, while a vein of humor gives zest to his 
narrative, and carries the interest of the readers 
safely over many a rough rock and slippery 
quicksand. And there are occasional passages 
of extreme beauty as well as vigor. In the utter 
impossibility of giving even a bald analysis of 
these excellent volumes, we quote from his chap- 
ter on the Verse-writers of New England a pas- 
sage remarkable for fine critical point and verve 
of expression, while presenting some of the exag- 
gerations of his forcible style: "The Puritan," 
he says, "very naturally turned away likewise 
from great and splendid types of literature — 
from the drama, from the playful and sensuous 
verse of Chaucer and his innumerable sons, 
from the secular prose writings of his contem- 
poraries, and from all forms of modern lyric 
verse, except the Calvinistic hymn. Neverthe- 
less the Puritan did not succeed in eradicating 
poetry from his nature. Of course poetry was 
planted there too deep even for his theological 
grub-hooks to root it out. Though denied ex- 
pression in one way, the poetry that was in him 
forced itself into utterance in another. If his 
theology drove poetry out of many forms in 
which it had been used to reside, poetry itself 
praticed a noble revenge by taking up its abode 
in his theology. His supreme thought was given 
to theology ; and there he nourished his imag- 
ination with the mightiest and sublimest concep- 
tions that a human being can entertain — con- 
ceptions of God and man, of angels and devils, 
of Providence and duty and destiny, of heaven, 
earth, hell. Though he stamped his foot in 
horror and scorn upon many exquisite and de- 
licious types of literary art; stripped society of 
all its embellishments, life of all its amenities. 



sacred architecture of all its grandeur, the pub- 
lic service of divine worship, of the hallowed 
pomp, the pathos and beauty of its most rev- 
erend and stately forms ; though his prayers 
were often a snuffle, his hymns a dolorous whine, 
his extemporized liturgy a bleak ritual of un- 
gainly postures and of harsh monotonous howls; 
yet the idea that filled and stirred his soul was 
one in every way sublime, immense, imaginative, 
poetic — the idea of awful omnipotent Jehovah, 
his inexorable justice, his holiness, the incon- 
ceivable brightness of his majesty, the vastness 
of his unchanging designs along the entire range 
of his relations with the hierarchies of heaven, 
the principalities and powers of the pit, and the 
elect and reprobate of the sons of Adam, How 
resplendent and superb was the poetry that lay 
at the heart of Puritanism, was seen by the 
sightless eyes of John Milton, whose great epic 
is indeed the epic of Puritanism." 

There is a unity in the period treated of in 
these volumes, which makes them complete in 
themselves. Indeed, an excellent index ties them 
together. In those that are to follow the author 
will have to deal with material of quite another 
character. If they shall realize the full promise of 
the present perfect performance, Mr. Tyler will 
take rank among the best analytic literary crit- 
ics, not only of American literature, but of the 
written English tongue. 

RIOUS Occasions from 1S69 to 1S79. By 
Robert C. Wixthrop. 8vo, pp. 506, Lit- 
tle, Brown & Co. Boston, 1S7S. 
In 1852 ^Tr. Winthrop gathered together and 
published, under the same title as that of the 
volume now before us, the principal speeches and 
addresses made during his public career in the 
State Legislature of Massachusetts and the Na- 
tional House of Representatives. He was one 
of the recognized leaders of the Whig party dur- 
ing the hey-day of its power and glor)\ H is opin- 
ions, therefore, of men and events during the 
hot controversies which culminated in the polit- 
ical cataclysm of 1S56, when the Republican 
party sprung into full life in a single campaign 
from the free soil element of both the great na- 
tional parties, are a valuable, if not indispens- 
able, aid to a full understanding of the reasons 
which withheld men like himself from acqui- 
escence in the new order of political division. 

Retiring from political life at this time, he 
nevertheless continued to devote his leisure, 
which an ample fortune permits him to direct at 
will, to public concerns. In 1867 he published 
a second volume, containing his speeches and 
addresses from 1S52 until that date, which may 
properly be termed the second epoch in liis ca- 
reer. In these the whole circle of charitable 

and educational institutions is treated, and al- 
ways with broad philanthropy and practical good 
sense. Still, in the midst of these engrossing 
and elevating occupations, in which he was daily 
called upon to grace by his presence and dignify, 
by his character, the outward manifestations by 
which the promoters of good either made or 
vindicated their claim to public favor, the blood of 
the old partisan stirred at the well-known trumpet 
sound. In hislettcr of October, 1855, to the Whig 
Executive Committee he defined, as it has been 
nowhere else so clearly defined, the principles of 
the Whigs of Massachusetts and pleaded for the 
life of the doomed party. In September of the 
next year he presided over the Whig Convention, 
which met at Tremont Temple, and pronounced 
himself in favor of i\Ir. Fillmore for the Presi- 
dency. In 1S60 he followed the fortunes of Bell 
and Everett, and was one of the devoted hand- 
ful who were squeezed to death between the 
upper and nether millstones. In 1864 Mr. Win- 
throp supported McClellan, and even spoke in 
his behalf in New York City at the ratification 
meeting. But in all these speeches, warm as 
many of them are, ihe natural amenity of the 
man subdued and tempered the spirit of the 
partisan. It needed the awful historical crime 
of April, 1S65, to force upon universal attention 
the remarkable, almost providential, character- 
istics of the lamented Lincoln, and it is not sur- 
prising to find that among the tributes to his 
courage, moderation and magnanimity none was 
more instant, hearty and appropriate than that 
of ]\Ir. Winthrop before the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, the dignified body of which he 
is stiir the honored President. 

The new volume, apart from the literary or 
oratorical character of any of its contents, is inter- 
esting, as covering with greater elaboration one 
special field of his own career of usefulness. It 
describes the origin and progress of some of our 
great public institutions — the Peabody Educa- 
tion Ti-ust, the Peabody Museum, the Charity 
Bureau, the Sanders (Harvard) University The- 
atre ; and interspersed are numerous apprecia- 
tions of the character of the notables of our 
public life, the record of whom it has fallen to 
^Ir. Winthrop in his many official posts to dig- 
nify and honor. 

These volumes show what use a man may 
make of his talents in this republican country 
of ours, and we are not ashamed to challenge a 
comparison of the practical usefulness of the life 
of their author with that of any of the leaders of 
civilization on the other side of the Atlantic. 

IAM Mathews, LL.D. i6mo, pp. 456. S. 
C. Griggs & Co. Chicago, 1879. 
Rarely does it fall to the reviewer's task to 

call the attention of his readers to so fascinating 



a book as this ; to one so full in every sense. 
The work is a plea in favor of the orator, and 
one early chapter poses the question, "whether 
oratory is or is not a lost art ? " in his answer to 
which the author says it is certain that civilized 
men in proportion as they increase in culture 
will avoid whatever is highflown in oratory, 
study brevity and plainness, and keep to the 
subject before them. This is too broad an as- 
sertion. None more than highly cultivated men 
enjoy true oratory, where lofty thoughts are 
married to sonorous speech, while mein and ges- 
ture give illustration and point to the argument. 
But when the details of a book are so charming, 
it is invidious to quarrel with what after all is 
simply too broad a generalization. 

Mr. Mathews brings a generous scholarship 
and wide reading, a fine critical acumen and a 
delightful enthusiasm to his analysis of the dif- 
ferent powers of the famous orators of the 
world. Most interesting to us are his chapters 
on English and American statesmen, and his 
comparison of the two giants of the British and 
American forum, Webster and Burke, the Gog 
and Magog of English oratory. To neither 
does he assign the palm ; and indeed their dif- 
ferent orders of genius (for we utterly repudiate 
Mr. Mathews' dictum, that the one had talent 
and the oi\\tx genius) do not admit of comparison. 

In a final plea for oratorical culture, some 
excellent advice is given to all those who would 
command or lead by word of mouth. We com- 
mend these thoughts with hearty praise, and 
with no less satisfaction the forcible and lucid 
language in which they are clothed, and the ad- 
mirable construction of the phrases which carry 
them to the reason with resistless force. 


Council of the State of Vermont. Vol. 

VI. Edited and published by the authority 

of the State by E. P. Walton. 8vo, pp. 

574. Montpelier press of J. & S. M. TolAND. 


This continuation of the printed records of 
Vermont opens with the Minutes of the Thirty- 
seventh Council, October, 1813, and ends with 
those of the Forty-fifth, October, 1822, an inter- 
esting period in the history of the country. 
A voluminous appendix contains the speeches 
of the Governors, the New York boundary 
questions, amendments to the Federal Constitu- 
tion, the Hartford Convention, Vermont in the 
war of 1812, Slavery and the Missouri ques- 
tion, and the Rights of the States to the Public 
Lands. It is well indexed, and is illiistrated by 
portraits of Governors Chittenden, Skinner and 
Smith, of whom biographical sketches are given. 

The value of this publication to historical col- 
lections is self-evident. 

OF William Cullen Bryant. A Commem- 
orative Address delivered before the New 
York Historical Society at the Academy of 
Music, December 30, 1878. By George 
William Curtis. 8vo, pp. 64. Charles 
Scribner's Sons. New York, 1879. 
In the history of American literature no sin- 
gle name stands out to-day so distinct in its 
brilliancy as that of Bryant. No one has 
ever had so strong a hold upon the general 
heart as he ; and this because he was the most 
national, as he was the most American of our 
poets. His inspirations were drawn from sources 
familiar to us all. The various beauty and 
grandeur of our nature are our as they were 
his birth-right. And certainly the death of no 
American private citizen has ever occasioned a 
lament so national or a pasan of praise so gen- 
eral as his. 

Last and most complete of all the glowing 
eulogiums upon his unique and beautiful char- 
acter, fitly closing the series, was the classical, 
elegant oration of Mr. Curtis on an occasion 
which will remain forever memorable in the his- 
tory of our literature, as it was, to use his own 
felicitous expression, "the last formal com- 
memoration of our poet," and his final com- 
mitment " to history and fame." 

The occasion was memorable, not alone that 
it was still another in a long line of intellectual 
and oratorical displays before the same venera- 
ble society, but that it was graced by the highest 
dignitaries of the nation, who had journeyed 
through the mid- winter day to join in the national 
tribute to the illustrious dead, one of "those 
sceptered sovereigns who rule our spirit from 
their urns." 

In this address, which is a masterpiece of 
arrangement and careful analysis of character, 
adorned with passages of extreme beauty, the out- 
ward public character of Bryant is drawn in broad 
familiar lines, his inner poetic nature in deli- 
cate pencillings, the whole forming a portraiture 
Grecian in its chaste simplicity. Those who lis- 
tened to the address marvelled at the serene 
beauty of the orator's periods, and only those to 
whom the fortune has fallen to have heard and 
now to read have had the full measure of their 
enjoyment in this appropriate and perfect tribute. 


4to, pp. 18. 

With a view of printing at some future day a 
full bibliography of Maryland documents, the 
Librarian of the Maryland Historical Society 
has issued a few copies of the list to the year 
1800. » . 



America, von A. Bastian. 2 Banden. 8vo, 
pp. 704,965. Berlin Weidmannsche BucH- 

524 Broadway, New York: 
'JThe Cultivated Countries of Old Amer- 
ica. Vol. I- One Year's Travel. Vol.11— 
Notes for Historical Researches. 
Professor A. Bastian, the well-known German 
geographer and African explorer, gives us in 
Volume I an account of his adventures and some 
historical notes on lli2 cultivation of old Peru. 
His explorations were devoted to Chili, Peru, 
Ecuador, Columbia, the Isthmus and Guate- 
mala. The customs and religion of Peru are 
narrated in an interesting form. The first chap- 
ter relates to his sea voyage, its various inci- 
dents, and the different ports and scenery of the 
coast. In chapter second he lays before us in 
a pleasing manner his adventures, discoveries 
and scientific researches in Peru and Ecuador. 
The third refers principally to Columbia; and 
the fourth is devoted to the Isthmus and Guate- 
mala. Volume II contains the history of the 
ancient Incas of Peru, the Chibchas with the 
tribes of the Magdalena and Cauca Valleys, the 
tribes of the Isthmus and the Antilles, and of Gua- 
temala with Yucatan; the history of old Mexico, 
comprising its tribes, customs, religion and pol- 

Dr. R. Kiepert contributes to volume one 
three maps, viz., the routes followed by Dr. 
Bastian in Ecuador, Columbia and Guatemala. 
Volume II is illustrated by seven plates, which 
are taken from Piedrahitas' edition of 1688. It 
closes with an elaborate index, and is preceded 
by two well-compiled prefaces. 

These two volumes are edited in a masterly 
manner. The printing is excellent in every way. 
This work is worthy of praise as a standard of 
reference for the geographer and historical stu- 
dent. Dr. Bastian proposes to put before the 
public a third volume upon the Collection of 
American Antiquities in the Ethnological De- 
partment of the Royal Museum of Berlin. 

interest. The St. John Daily News, started in 
1838, was the first newspaper. A just tribute is 
paid to the character of Lieutenant-Governor Til- 
isy» ^ gentleman well known on both sides of 
the line for his liberality of opinion, urbanity 
of manners and genial hospitality, and, as the 
author says, justly endeared to the people of 
the United States for his open sympathy and 
firm defence of the cause of the Union during 
its struggle with the rebellion. Of his charming 
traits of character, we speak from personal ex- 
perience, having enjoyed his hospitality. 

8, 1879, ^^^ returning September, 1880; giv- 
ing all the information required for a full 
understanding of the enterprise. James O. 
Woodruff, Director. 8vo, pp. 52. Printed 
at the Riverside Press. Cambridge. 1878. 
On the 23d March, 1878, President Hayes 
approved of the Act of Congress authorizing 
the granting of an American register to a for- 
eign-built ship for the purposes of a scientific 
expedition around the world, on the condition 
that no mercantile ventures should form a part 
of it, or the Government be subject to any ex- 

Availing of this authority, Mr. James O. 
Woodruff, the director of the enterprise, pur- 
chased the war steamer General Werder of the 
North German Lloyds line, of sufficient capac- 
ity, built on the Clyde in 1874, which has been 
examined by a competent board of officers, and 
pronounced suitable for the expedition. Presi- 
dent Clark of Amherst College, who has made 
extensive voyages with practical results in Eu- 
rope and the East, will manage the instruction 
branch of the enterprise. The quota of schol- 
ars is limited to two hundred and fifty, of which 
number we learn sufficient have been secured to 
warrant the purchase of the vessel, and ensure 
the success of the expedition. The fee is fixed at 
twenty-five hundred dollars, on easy terms of 

Saint John, June 20 and 21, 1877. By 
Russell H. Conwell. i2mo, pp. 359. 
Boston. 1877. 

A detailed account of the terrible disaster 
which befell St. John last summer, adding an- 
other to the long seriesof colossal disasters which 
have periodically fallen upon our hastily built 
American cities. It is ilhistrated with views of 
the conflagration and a map of the burned dis- 
trict. A chapter gives miscellaneous matters of 

THE Use of Schools. By C. W. Butter- 
field. 8vo, pp. 33. Wm. J. Park & Co. 
Madison, Wisconsin. 

This is another effort to solve the difficult 
problem of punctuation. There is no doubt of 
the importance'of punctuation; indeed, the Eng- 
lish written language is not intelligible without 
it. Its principles are difficult of analysis, and 
we doubt whether any rule will command a gen- 
eral respect. The divisions of the subject are 
•separately treated and in an intelligible manner. 



THE Town of Southampton, Long Island, 
N. Y. With other documents of historic 
value, including the records from 17 17 to 1807; 
transcribed with notes and introduction by 
Wm. S. Pelletreau. 8vo, pp. 411, and In- 
dex, xix. John H. Hunt, Printer, Sag 
Harbor. 1878. 

The first volume of these records was printed 
in 1874 ; the second followed in 1877 I the pres- 
ent completes the series. In the dedication of 
the work the conscientious editor informs us that 
he is indebted for a large part of the early his- 
tory of the town to the minute descriptions of 
one Henry Pierson, who was the town clerk 
from 1653 to 1669 ; the third is likewise dedi- 
cated to the memory of Christopher Foster, who 
held the same post from 1717 to 1742. 

A patent from James Farrett of Long Island, 
Deputy to the Right Honorable the Earl of 
Stirling, Secretary for the Kingdom of Scotland, 
made on the 17th April, 1640, empowered Dan- 
yell How, Job Sayre, George Wilbe, William 
Marker, together with their associates, to " sitt 
downe upon Long Island there to possesss, im- 
prove and enjoy Eight miles square of land." 
The Earl of Stirling held the patent of Long 
Island from the King. Farrett's grant was con- 
firmed by Governor John Winthrop, upon 
condition of a yearly rent to the Earl of four 
bushels of the best Indian corn of the patentee's 
growing. The plantation was called South- 
ampton. The title was made secure by a deed 
from Pomahect and his associates, " the na- 
tive Inhabitants and true owners of the east- 
ern part of Long Island," by a deed of all the 
lands eastward of Shinecoke plain for the con- 
sideration of sixteen coats, three score bushels 
of Indian corn, and protection against hostile 
Indians. The records continue from these 
beginnings to the year 1804. They abound, as 
the careful compiler informs us, in the richest 
and rarest authorities for the antiquarian, gene- 
alogist and historian. 

An account of the operations of General 
Gregg's Cavalry Command, showing their im- 
portant bearing upon the results of the battle. 
By William Brooke-Rawle. 8vo, pp. 27. 
Philadelphia. 1878. 
. The story of Gregg's fight, says Mr. Rawle, 
had never been told. It is fortunate the relation 
fell upon one who witnessed and participated m 
the events he describes, and who writes in clear 
and becoming style, The occasion was the de- 
termined effort of the Confederate cavalry to^ 

reach the Baltimore pike in the rear of the 
Army of the Potomac, then hotly engaged in 
the repulse of Pickett's assault on Cemetery 
Ridge. Gregg and Custer led their columns 
agains Stuart, Hampton and Fitz Lee, and in a 
hand to hand fight, sabres only being used by 
the Union troops, the Confederate cavalry were 
swept from the field. What remained of it was 
withdrawn by Stuart to the York pike to cover 
Lee's retreat towards the Potomac. Custer, 
in his report of the action, said : "I challenge 
the annals of warfare to produce a more bril- 
liant or successful charge of cavalry than the 
one just recounted." 


OF Amos Morris of East Haven, Conn. 

i2mo, pp. 103. A. S. Barnes & Co. New 

York. 1878. 

Our attention has been invited to this geneal- 
ogic sketch of a well-known Connecticut family, 
which will prove of interest to students of this 
branch of knowledge. Thomas Morris was the 
first resident proprietor of the tract of land 
known as Morris Point in East Haven, New 
Haven County, Connecticut. He arrived in 
Massachusetts on the 3d June, 1637, and the 
next year moved westward to Quinnipiac, now 
New Haven. He was a ship-builder by trade, 
and purchased the convenient tract now known 
as Morris Point on the i6th March, 1671. His 
son Amos was one of twelve children. He 
married Lydia Camp. Their descendants are 
here recorded ; among them many of the well- 
known and respected names of the old Connecti- 
cut Colony. An appendix gives an account of 
a meeting held on the old family ground, July 4, 

States. A condensed School History of the 
United States, constructed for definite results 
in recitation, and containing a new method of 
topical reviews. By William Swinton, A, 
M. With colored Maps and many Illustra- 
tions. Revised edition. i2mo, pp. 329. 
IvisoN, Blakeman, Taylor & Co. New 
York and Chicago. 1879. 
Professor Swinton is too well known to our 
readers to need any commendation at our hands. 
This is designed as a working book for the use 
of teachers in our common schools who seek for 
definite results from their labors. The need of 
such a work was demonstrated to him in the 
course of his experience in class-room recitation. 
It abounds in text illustrations, which from 
their simplicity are clear to the youthful mind. 



ULAR History of the United States of 
America. By the author of Barnes' Brief 
History of the United States for Schools. 
8vo, pp. 631. A. S. Barnes & Co. New 
York, Chicago and New Orleans. 1878. 
Here we have in one volume a complete 
history of the country, from the earliest times 
of which any account or tradition exists until 
the present day. Five parts cover the entire 
period. Part I, an introduction, is devoted to 
chapters on the early history of America ; its 
explorations and settlement, the colonial wars 
and colonial life. The last of these is a novel 
feature, and contains a mass of detail concern- 
ing the daily habits of our ancestors "in the 
good old colony days " condensed into compact 
space. Here we find descriptions of the days of 
muster, of thanksgiving and Christmas in their 
old mode of observance; of the ways and man- 
ner of travel, of the feasts and junketings of 
the fathers, sombre among the Puritans of New 
England, seriously comic among the Dutch of 
New York, gay and rollicking in the Southern 
region. Part II tells the story of the revolu- 
tion. Part III unfolds the history of the de- 
velopment of the republic and the assurance of 
our nationality. Part IV, the gloomy, yet glo- 
rious period of the civil war. Part V, the decade 
of reconstruction. An appendix supplies some 
side sketches. Especially we invite attention to 
an admi^rable chronological table of the War 
of the Revolution, which in its arrangement 
and distribution of texts is in itself worth to 
the student, who needs to make daily refer- 
ences to establish the exact dates of events and 
their correlative importance, the price of the 

The style is admirably clear, and the judg- 
ments of the author impartial and dispassionate. 
For daily use, we know of no more excellent 
companion. It is in every sense a working vol- 
ume, and we commend it with unstinted praise. 

Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, 
showing the operations, expenditures and con- 
dition of the Institution for the year 1877. 
8vo, pp. 481. Government Printing 
Office. Washington, 1878. 
The Report of the Secretary, of January of 
last year, bears the signature of the lamented 
Henry, its late distinguished Secretary, whose 
loss the world of science and the nation at large 
was called on to mourn last year. The report 
shows the total Smithson funds invested to have 
been on January 6, 1S78, $710,645.90. The 
receipts for 1877, $49,007.62, and the expendi- 

tures in same period, $44,952.90, leaving a cash 
balance at the beginning of the year 1878, in- 
cluding $4,054.52 unexpended income of 1877, 
of $25,083.90. 

Some of the papers appended to this report, 
for instance, the Stock in trade of an aboriginal 
lapidary and Aboriginal structures in Florida, 
have already received notice at our hands from 
advance sheets of this publication. We now in- 
vite attention to the papers on the Antiquities 
in Colorado, by George L. Cannon of Idaho 
Springs ; Antiquities in Wisconsin, by Moses 
Strong of Mineral Point ; The Mounds and 
Osteology of the Moundbuilders of Wisconsin, 
by Dr. J. N. de Hart of Mendota ; the Mound- 
builders in the Rock River Valley, Illinois, by 
James Shaw of Mount Carroll ; Ancient Earth- 
works in Ohio, by Dr. George W. Hill of Ash- 
land ; Antiquities of Tennessee, by W. M. 
Clark of Franklin ; and other minor papers on 
kindred subjects, which make together one of 
the most valuable collections of the results of 
American archreologic investigation yet pub- 
lished. With such earnest laborers, the pre- 
historic history of the American continent will 
soon have no secrets unrevealed. 

FROM ITS Discovery by Columbus to the 
Celebration of the Centennial Anni- 
versary of its Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. Embracing an account of its 
discovery ;. narratives of the struggles of its 
early settlers ; sketches of its heroes ; the 
history of the war for independence and the 
war for nationality ; its industrial successes, 
and a record of its whole progress as a nation. 
By Abby Sage Richardson. Illustrated. 
8vo, pp. 635. [The Riverside Press.] Hough- 
ton, Osgood & Co. Boston, 1879. 
It would be idle to expect to find anything 
new in a work of this character. The utmost 
we can look for is a variation in the manner of 
presentation of the old story. This the pub- 
lishers may justly claim to have reached in the 
admirable colloquial style of the accomplished 
lady, whose pen they have called into service. 
Women are born teachers, and make more last- 
ing impressions with their suave manners than 
the ruder sex with its imperious sternness. 

The arrangement adopted is simple. Part I 
recites in fifty-three easy chapters the Story of 
the Colonies, from Infancy to Independence, 
Part II, the Story of the Nation ; its birth, con- 
flicts and triumphs in fifty-one chapters, closing 
with an appendix, giving an account of the Cen- 
tennial International exhibition at Philadelphia. 
Numerous cuts illlustrate the volume. 




Award — As it strikes a private citizen. 
By Alexander Bliss. 8vo, pp. 24. Wash- 
ington. 1873. 

The American mind is fully made up as to the 
injustice of the award of the Commissioners in 
this long protracted dispute. In this argument Mr. 
Bliss considers the subject fairly and dispassion- 
ately and shows clearly that the award was based 
upon incorrect and unjust premises, and extrav- 
agant in amount. The President, to whom it 
was referred to decide whether the sum awarded 
be now paid, or further delays had, has very 
properly ordered immediate payment. As 
Mr. Bliss justly remarks, " The saddest result 
perhaps of this award will be the shaken confi- 
dence of the American mind in the efficacy of 
arbitration as a remedy in international disputes. " 
The diplomatic management of this dispute on 
the American side is severely criticised. 

the Poet, the Patriot, the Man. An 
Oration before the Goethe Club, Wednesday 
evening, October 30, 1878. By Samuel Os- 
good, D.D., LL.D. 8vo, pp. 34. G. P. 
Putnam's Sons. New York, 1879. 
To us of New York one of the most pleasant 
recollections of the poet-sage of America was 
the reception given to him by the Goethe Club 
at the art rooms of Mr. Kurtz in the fall of 1877. 
In reply to the welcome words of Dr. Ruppaner, 
the honored guest made a response which can 
never be forgotten by those who listened to it. 
The close thougjit, the choice and appropriate 
English clothing in which it was rendered were 
anticipated; but the vigor of utterance, the un- 
faltering, unwavering diction were simply a mar- 
vel coming from one of his venerable years. Not 
Everett himself in the plentitude of his powers 
was ever more precise, more accurate in his de- 
livery. It was with appropriate reverence and a 
just conception of the fitness of things that the 
Goethe Club, which he had so honored, paid a 
tribute to his character and genius. Nor could 
an orator more peculiarly fitted to render that 
tribute, in the precise measure that became the 
occasion, have been selected than the accom- 
plished scholar, orator and man of letters, whose 
relations with Mr. Bryant had combined those 
of pastor and friend. 

In nothing has the hold Mr. Bryant had upon 
the thought and the affection of the community 
been more strikingly shown than in the diversity 
of the tributes paid to his memory. No single 
biographer could have displayed his multiform 
nature as happily as it has been presented in 
separate detail, just as the precise place of a star 

in the galaxy of heaven is best ascertained by dis- 
tinct observations from different points of view. 
Perhaps one quality of his writings alone remains 
untouched — his wonderful mastery of the strong- 
est, simplest forms of the English tongue, in 
which Milton in poetry and Webster in prose 
were alone his equals. Superiors in his happiest 
moods he had none. To this quality no adequate 
tribute has yet been paid. 

The examination of Dr. Osgood is essentially 
phsycological in its treatment. He analyses the 
elements of his moral and intellectual character, 
and shows the influence of each upon the other, 
and of both upon the society in which he moved 
and the larger world whom his poetic power 
reached and instructed. Most pleasing is the 
orator's description of the softening influence of 
age upon his nature, and the mellowness of the 
sunset of his years. 

i6mo, pp. 192. The Riverside Press. Hough- 
ton, Osgood & Co. Boston, 1879. 
In this short, but pleasing and readable sketch 
all that is known of this distinguished artist, 
whose fame was once national, has been gathered 
with tender hand. His own sayings have been 
carefully preserved, and every allusion to him 
culled from the memoirs of his artist con- 
temporaries, with many of whom he was on inti- 
mate terms. Mr. Sweetzer considers him one of 
the highest products of American civilization 
and European culture combined, possessed of 
the full affluence of literary genius, artistic 
knowledge, refinement, purity and religion, as 
few other men of the Western World have been 
before or since. He was perhaps better known 
in England, where he painted many of his earlier 
pictures, than at home, and was elected an asso- 
ciate of the Royal Academy without the usual 
form of solicitation. 

His correct taste early led him to avoid the 
mannerism of West, misnamed classical, and 
to follow nature closely, while his ambition was 
not content except with the most sublime sub- 
jects, and on the largest scale. Of these his most 
celebrated treatments were the great painting of 
Belshazzar's Feast, which was never wholly com- 
pleted ; Elijah in the Desert, now in the Boston 
Museum of Fine Arts, and Jeremiah, the prop- 
erty of Yale College. 

For his richness of coloring, he received at 
Rome the name of the American Titian ; yet in 
no work of his life did he realize the promise of 
his genius. His versatility may have been the 
cause of this. It is not to every one that the 
gods have permitted, as to Michael Angelo, to 
be great in everything. In this the life of All- 
ston may serve as a lesson to artists. It is here 
written in a graceful and pleasing manner. 



TION OF THE Right Honorable Frederick 
Temple, Earl of Dufferin, late Gov- 
ernor-General OF Canada. By William 
Leggo. 8vo, pp. 901. LovELL Printing 
AND Publishing Co., Montreal. G. Mer- 
cer Adam, Toronto. 1878. 
In this elaborate volume Mr. Leggo, a well- 
known barrister of Ottawa, has collected from 
the State papers of Canada all that concerns the 
administration of its late enlightened, liberal 
and distinguished Governor-General, and added 
all of his speeches on occasions of public 
interest, festive as well as political. No small 
task, when we consider the facility with which 
the Earl undertook the work of oral instruction 
whenever an opportunity presented itself; and 
they were not rare, as any one who has expe- 
rienced the hospitalities of our kinsmen over 
the border, public and private, will understand. 
The purpose of the book, the author an- 
nounces, is to point out the gradual development 
of the system of "Responsible Government" 
in Canada, the central stone in the now com- 
plete arch, of which he ascribes to the Earl of 
Dufferin the honor of posing. It is not to be 
expected that the people on this side of the line 
will take much interest in the detail of this 
movement, although its general bearings are not 
without their consequence to us. Those who 
are personally acquainted with the late^ Gov- 
ernor will find interest and amusement in his 
speeches, which are replete with the humor pe- 
culiar to his Irish origin, a humor with which 
we also are not without means of large acquaint- 
ance. Of this class of oratory, the most char- 
acteristic is his reply to the joint address of 
the municipal corporation of Ontario on his 
departure from Canada, in which he claimed all 
mankind as kin, because, with rare exceptions, 
of Irish descent, or the next thing to it; Lord 
Lome, his successor, included. Not the least 
difficult of the tasks of the husband of the 
Queen's daughter will be that he has to succeed 
a man as genial and a statesman as liberal as 
the Earl of Dufferin. 


Women. [A weekly periodical ; pp. 20.] 
John W. Forney, Editor and Proprietor. 
Philadelphia, 1878. 

The first number of this excellent weekly pe- 
riodical appeared on the i6th of November, 
1878. It has since continued to grow in grace 
and favor. No man in this country knows bet- 
ter what the American people need in the way 
of periodical instruction and amusement than 
the accomplished gentleman who has taken this 
new start in journalism, and leaping from the 

traces of established usage has led the way in a 
new style, which he appropriately terms Pro- 
gress. Abandoning the old practice of long and 
labored editorials, he treats of all that affects 
our life in short and pregnant paragraphs. Pol- 
itics, old and new history, biography, foreign 
travel, the drama and opera — all receive appro- 
priate attention ; and indeed no one of these 
fields has been explored with more profit to Amer- 
ican culture than by Mr. Forney himself. None so 
well fitted as he to direct an enterprise where 
each of these subjects has its assigned place. 
We most heartily wish him a complete success. 

NAL OF Home and Foreign Literature. 
[A weekly periodical.] 8vo, pp. 32. Lee & 
Shepard, publishers. Boston. 
This new periodical announces its intention to 
be mainly a selection from the best material of 
foreign periodicals. It is printed in the style so 
familiar to us in a number of the lighter and 
more popular English issues of this character. 
The editors ask for opinions and suggestions as 
to its conduct. We venture the opinion that it 
devote a part of its pages to translations of the 
French and German reviews. Here is a field al- 
most untouched and full of rich material. There 
is not a number of the Revue des Deux Mondes 
or the Contemporaine which does not contain 
something attractive. Take, for instance. Ad- 
miral de la Graviere's sketch of the navy of the 
past and of the future. Not all the published 
histories of Greece contain such vivid accounts 
of the great battles between the hosts of Xerxes 
and the Grecian bands as this masterly exposi- 
tion ; or look again at the descriptions of an- 
cient architectural Rome as drawn from recent 
explorations, which appeared last year. 

These are hints which mayor not be valua- 
ble. In its greeting the editors announce that 
the magazine means to be "agreeable, useful, 
cleanly and honorable ; a fountain of pleasant 
thoughts and fresh knowledge, and a helper of 
all that is good." That this it would be the 
names of the editors gave sure warrant. That this 
it is the reader can easily see for himself. We • 
commend it heartily to every household. Its 
success is certain. It is the very thing for an 
after-dinner lounge of man or woman, youth or 
damsel of good degree. 


The page entitled Letters from Washington, 
and signed by the Editor, which prefaces this 
number, was accidentally omitted from the Feb- 
ruary (Washington) number by the binders. In 
binding the volume at the close of the year it 
can be transferred to its proper place. 






cannot feel the.fuU interest of the history oi the nr^nin^r of the 

new capitol of the State ( i New York ui 

the events running through nearly three ........ ,. , ^. 

ted the ground on which it stands. There is r .- 

I'lich is associated with so many varied and (ar-r ■ 
ve influenced the destinies of tliiscontinenr,' -'- 
i than two hundred and fifty years the 
•r of the American Union have waved ovr;: 
they were hung out upon the b-'- - • 
<inst savage foes or to resist the 
ain during the French or revr - 
'.: tu the present day, under r- 
at has concerned not alonr 
but the peoi)le of all Mv 
'^ in no small degree r , 
ce at its historv \ 
■il ; the point at whicl 
were organized, t 
•egions; it was tht: 
iquer. It was not. aii 
^tween the colonies 
nklin in 1754. Th. 
before, and slowly I 
fits constantly occi 
has been justl} 
account 'of some a* 
'' ng mind. A long 
^''< al union of th- ,.j5. ^^, 



Vol. Ill APRIL 1879 No. 4 



WE cannot feel the full interest of the history ot the opening of the 
new capitol of the State of New York unless we bear in mind 
the events running- through nearly three centuries, which have 
consecrated the ground on which it stands. There is no place in the 
Union which is associated with so many varied and far-reaching facts, 
which have influenced the destinies of this continent, as the city of Alban}-. 
For more than two hundred and fifty years the flags of Holland, of 
Britain, or of the American Union have waved over it. Before our Inde- 
pendence they were hung out upon the battlements of forts, built there to 
guard against savage foes or to resist the invasions of the armies of France 
or of Britain during the French or revolutionary wars. From its earliest 
settlement to the present day, under all governments, what has been done 
at this point has concerned not alone its citizens, or those of this province 
or State, but the people of all the colonies which entered into our 
Union, and in no small degree nearly all sections of this great conti- 
nent. A glance at its history will show that Albany was in fact the 
colonial capital ; the point at which councils were held, treaties were 
made, armies were organized. It was the base from which they moved 
upon hostile regions ; it was the point which in all wars our enemies 
sought to conquer. It was not an accidental thing that the project 
of a union between the colonies was first put in form in Albany by 
Benjamin Franklin in 1754. The seeds of that conception were sown 
many years before, and slowly but surely germinated under the 
influence of events constantly occurring within the province of New 
York. Albany has been justly termed the birthplace of the 
Union; not on account of some accidental gathering, or bold 
conception of a leading mind. A long series of events had made for 
many purposes a practical union of the colonies. The citizens who had 


lived for half a century under the flag of Holland, had been taught 
the value of the maxim v/hich bound its provinces into one nationality — 
'' In unity tJicre is strength^ It Avas at this point that the agents of the 
colonies on the Atlantic coast first learned about the interior of the 
continent and its systems of lakes and rivers. These taught them that 
the people who lived upon their banks and courses should be united 
by some bond of union which would give them not only the benefit 
of united strength, but freedom of intercourse and benefits of 

When in 1609, Hendrick Hudson, in search of a direct water 
route from Europe to the eastern shores of Asia, reached the 
site of Alban}^ his hopes were blighted on finding that he was ascending 
a great river and not floating upon an arm of the sea, Avhich would 
bear him to the Pacific ocean, and crown with success the search to 
which he had devoted his energies and life. It is a sad thought that in 
the following year he perished without knowing that he had made a 
discover}' in value far beyond the one which he sought ; that what he 
deemed a failure would give him enduring fame. He did not know 
that the wind and tides which had swept his ship through the gorge of 
the highlands had borne it beyond the mountain range, which, 
for more that a thousand miles, made a barrier between the 
Atlantic coast and the interior of this continent. He perished, 
miserably betra3'ed b}' his seamen, without the knowledge that the range 
of hills which he saw from this point, stretching westward through the 
southern part of this State, was one of the most remarkable watersheds 
on the face of the earth ; that from its northern and southern slopes 
were poured streams which found outlets in the frozen region of the 
north or tepid waters of tropical seas. He never knew that the 
noble stream which gives him enduring fame would be the pathway 
between the ocean and a system of rivers which are God's bonds of 
union, holding together all sections of our country in ways more lasting 
than covenants or constitutions. He did not in the madness of 
delirium, which weakened nature often brmgs to hide the horrors of 
approaching death, imagine anything so wonderful as the fact that he 
had discovered a valley through which would pass the greatest move- 
ments of the human race which history has recorded. Not one which 
by the invasions of wild hordes, or the march of armies, carried death 
and desolation in their tracks, but a movement of civilization upon 
barbarous Avastes, which has filled this great continent with arts and 
commerce, and prosperous towns and cities. If, at a moment when 


crushed hopes, cruel treachery and a terrible death overwhelmed him, 
he could have had but a glimpse of all that followed his discovery of 
the grand river flowing by the Capital of our State, how would the 
gloom of despair have brightened into the joy of glorious triumph! 

Commercial enterprise followed close upon the discovery of Hudson. 
Before the character of our Atlantic coast had been learned the Hol- 
landers sent trading ships to the port of Albany, and in 1614 they made 
a settlement on an island adjoining the lov/er part of the city. Fort 
Orange stood upon the bank of the river. To protect the citizens 
palisades Avere put up around the settlement, and guard houses built 
upon the high ground now crowned by the Capitol. This hill, then 
flanked by deep ravines on either side, and by a steep bluff in front, 
overhung the site of the city. The foot of this high cliff closed up 
State street where St. Peter's Church and the Geological Hall now 
stand. Upon its top, during more than two centuries, have been put up a 
succession of rude blockhouses, wooden forts, stone fortress, the old 
Capitol, the vast structure now brought into use, which ranks among 
the great buildings of the world. It was not imtil the beginning of this 
century that the face of the bluff was graded dowm so that State street 
could be made an avenue leading to the western part of the city. In 1614 
from Nova Scotia to the Spanish forts in Florida lay a wilderness unbroken 
save by the feeble and disorganized settlement at Jamestown ; and as 
that was afterwards abandoned, Albany is the oldest town and oldest 
chartered city in the thirteen original States. At the time of Hudson's 
discovery a large share of the earth's surface was unknown to civilized 
nations. It was a period in the history of Holland when, in the words 
of its New England historian, '' in every branch of human industry these 
republicans took the lead." Its navigators were bold and enterprising. 
When they decided upon a permanent settlement on this continent they 
did not, like other people, plant themselves upon the seaboard, but 
boldly pushed through the highlands to the head of navigation and laid 
the foundation of a city ivcst of the Allegheny harriers. This fact has 
been potent in its influence en the history of our country. The}^ placed 
themselves upon the pivotal point, upon w^hich so many of its great 
events v/ere to turn. The flow of the Hudson would bear them to the 
Atlantic through the very roots of the Alleghenies. The level valle3^s 
of the upper Hudson and the Mohawk opened easy pathways to the 
St. Lawrence on the north, and to the great lakes and tributaries of the 
Mississippi on the west. We, who are proud of our English descent, 
must admit that no other people were so well fitted as the Hollanders 


to hold this commanding position, and to defeat the designs of the 
French upon this continent. Their commercial enterprises in every 
quarter of the world had taught them how to deal with savage tribes. 
Here they were brought into contact with the Iroquois. This powerful 
confederacy held control over the country from the coast to the Missis- 
sippi and Illinois rivers, and from north of the great lakes to the 
present State of North "Carolina. 

Those who have not studied with care the details of our colonial 
history can have but a faint idea of the power wielded by this Indian 
Confederacy, or the terror with which they had filled the minds of other 
tribes. In his exploration in Virginia, Captain Smith was told by the 
Indians whom he met in that region, that the Iroquois were so powerful 
that they waged war with the whole world. 

Colden says in his history, " I have been told by old men of New 
England, who remembered the time when the Mohawks made war on 
their Indians, that as soon as a single Mohawk was discovered in the 
country these Indians raised a cry from hill to hill, ' A Mohawk, a 
Mohawk/ upon which they all fled like sheep before wolves, without 
attempting to make the least resistance, whatever odds were on their 
side. All the nations around them have for many years entirely sub- 
mitted to them, and pay a yearly tribute to them in wampum." 

For nearly a hundred years the monarchs of France and Britain 
sought their alliance, and used every subtlety of diplomacy to gain 
their good will. It was felt upon both sides that these savages held the 
balance of power. It was only through them that Great Britain could 
make a claim to any part of the territory of New York west of Rome, 
or north of the dividing ridge from which flow the waters into the St. 
Lawrence and the Hudson. 

I wish to bring into view those facts in nature and in the course 
of events which have given our State its prominence in jurisprudence. 
From the outset, the government of the territories of New York, 
under all flags, has excelled in this respect, and has exerted an 
influence in that greater than it has had in other departments of 
our social and political systems. The assertion of this fact does not 
grow out of any undue partiality with regard to my native State. It 
is upheld by the testimony of those who were not at all times disposed 
to speak well of those who founded or controlled it. John Adams wrote 
to Chief-Justice Jay that the first constitution of New York excelled 
that of all other States. Attorney General Randolph, of Virginia, 
states that the contests of its colonies with the royal Governors were 


conducted with signal ability, and he pronounced their protests and 
arguments to be the ablest expositions of the rights of popular repre- 
sentatives. The historian, Pitkins, of Connecticut, says that the 
resolutions of the New York Colonial Assembly were drawn with 
consummate ability ; and *' breathed a spirit more bold and decided 
than of any other colony." When we read the constitutions of the 
Western States, or the decisions of their courts, or note the Acts of 
their Legislatures, we see that our judiciary and our civil polity have 
exerted a marked influence in the newer sections of the Union. I 
have said that the first colonists were confronted at Albany by the 
Indian confederacy. We must not fall into the error of thinking that 
this merely involved a savage warfare, or led to a system of over- 
reaching ignorant savages after the fashion of our times. The Iroquois 
were not only the proud and powerful conquerors of a vast territory, 
but, by the testimony even of their enemies, they were a politic people. 

D. La Potiere, a Frenchman and an enemy, says in his history of 
North America : ** When we speak of the Five Nations in France 
they are thought, by a common mistake, to be mere Barbarians, always 
thirsting for blood ; but their characters are very different, They are 
indeed, the fiercest and most formidable people in North America, and 
at the same time are as politic and judicious as can well be con- 
ceived, and this appears from their management of all affairs which 
they have not only with the French and English, but likewise with 
almost all of the Indians of this vast continent." 

Colden, alluding to their civil polity, says in 1747: '* Each of these 
nations is an absolute republic by itself, and every castle in each nation 
is governed, in all public affairs, by its own sachems or old men. The 
authority of these rulers is gained by and consists wholly in the 
opinion the rest of the nation have of their integrity and wisdom. 
Their great men, both sachems and captains, are generally poorer 
than the common people, and they affect to give away and distribute 
all the presents or plunder they get in their treaties or in wars, so as 
to leave nothing to themselves. There is not a man in the members 
of the Five Nations who has gained his office otherwise than by 
merit. There is not the least salary, or any sort of profit annexed to 
any office to tempt the covetous or sordid, but on the contrary, every 
unworthy action is unavoidably attended with the forfeiture of their 
commissions ; for their authority is only the esteem of the people, and 
ceases the moment that esteem is lost." To maintain peace with this 
powerful confederacy, to hold them in alliance against the Crown of 


France, demanded prudence, courage and ability of a high order. 
These were developed to such degree that after the power of the 
Hollanders was overthrown, and during a century of struggle for 
supremacy on this continent, the British government mainly relied 
upon the influence of citizens of Albany to keep the Iroquois from 
going over to the French. In doing this they had not only to cope with 
the suspicion of the Indians, with the military power of France, but 
also with influence of French missionaries, who exhibited the most 
remarkable religious zeal, self-sacrifice and courage ever displayed on our 
continent. These did not content themselves with founding colonies 
in which their religious views should govern, but they boldly pushed 
their vray through the vast v/ildcrness of this continent to unknown 
savage tribes, with no protection save that which zeal and faith might 
give them in the eyes of those who looked upon all strangers as those 
whom they should destroy. Outstripping the march of armies, or the 
enterprise of trade in its greed for gold, they traversed North America to 
such extent, that the scenes of their labors were not in man}^ cases reached 
by our pioneer settlers until the lapse of nearly a century. This zeal, 
this courage, that never shrunk from martyrdom, was exerted to detach 
the Iroquois from the British alliance. Many lost their lives in these 
attempts, suffering cruel torments ; one was burned at the stake in the 
vallev of the Mohawk. To contend asrainst their efforts was no mean 
training in diplomacy and in statesmanship. INIainly through the 
influence of the citizens of Albany this was done. The Iroquois were 
taught to look upon the ground on which the new Capitol stands 
as a place sacred to keeping bright the chains of amity. With 
that great regard for usage which marks unlettered tribes, they called 
it the avccient place of treat its ; and this term, in their minds, meant more 
than mere antiquity ; it meant a higher degree of solemnity, and more 
lasting obligations in treaties made at Albany than elsewhere. 

The diplomatic dealings with these tribes did not relate to the safety 
of Alban}-, or to the interest of the province of New York alone, but they 
concerned the safety and the interest of all the British colonies on this 
continent. Whoever will study the records of our State from the earliest 
days, will find that from Nova Scotia to Georgia, nearly one thousand 
miles, agents and officers of all the colonies resorted to Albany to gain 
the aid of its citizens in making peace with the Iroquois, or to obtain 
their help against other Indian tribes in warfare, or to get them to act 
as the defenders of the feeble settlements when menaced with destruc- 
tion. When the Governor of Nova Scotia sought to check Indian war 


upon its borders, agents were sent to this point. Wiien King Phillip 
threatened the existence of the Puritans in New England, Massachusetts 
and Connecticut sent their commissioners here to invoke the aid of the 
Mohawks. When the Carolinas were reduced to desperate straits by 
Indian wars, their Governor sought in Albany to persuade the Five 
Nations to interpose in their behalf. Such events mark almost every 
year of colonial history, and their mere lists show clearly that this was 
the political center where consultations were held, and where the com- 
mon interest and policy were considered. Not only did Indian affairs 
thus train men in jurisprudence, but the struggle between France and 
Ensfland did much to educate all the colonists. It concerned the 
greatest of all questions which have been settled on this conti- 
nent, namely : Should its civilization, customs and laws be those 
of France or of England ? The result for many years was uncertain. 
The warfare was not merely that of savage tribes, or of rude 
border men almost as wild, for both of the great powers sent here 
their disciplined armies, led by men of rank, skill and culture. The 
contest was not Avaged here alone, but it was connected Avith the 
ambitious designs of Louis the Great for the domination of Europe. 
His wars, which fill so many pages of history, and so deeply affected 
the rights and liberties of nations, were watched with interest by the 
colonists, who were made intelligent with regard to them by the events 
on their own soil, in which they bore a part. The battles of Marl- 
borough and the victory at Blenheim concerned this continent more 
than that of Europe ; for had the result been reversed, the British 
would have been confined to the narrow strip of seacoast lying 
between the Atlantic and the eastern slope of the Alleghenies. In that 
and all other foreign wars in which our country has been engaged, 
Albany was the point from which most of the forces were sent out. 
In the history of our country, from the first invasion of the French in 
1665, that part of New York lying along Lake Champlain and the 
upper Hudson has been the field of strife and blood in fifteen cam- 
paigns ; an equal number of expeditions have followed the course of 
the Mohawk. So important was the position of this province during 
the colonial period, that the Lords of Trade and Plantations urged the 
Crown, in 1721, to make it the seat of government of a Captain-General, 
who should have control over all the colonies in matters relating to 
military affairs and the interests of the King. 

The colonial French war involved the combatants in greater cost of 
blood and money than the revolutionary contest. In many ways it 


was more important in its influences. It determined the character of the 
civilization of this continent, its habits and usages. Its independence of 
Europe, whatever might be the result, was a matter of time. In 1757 
Lord Chatham, determined to expel the French from this continent, 
placed Lord Amherst at the head of an army of fifty thousand men ; 
a greater force than was emplo3^ed against us at any time during 
the Revolutionary war. One division was sent up the valley of the 
Mohawk from Albany, another by the way of the upper Hudson 
through Lake Champlain, to Canada, while the British fleet forced its 
way up the St. Lawrence. This campaign ended in the capture of 
Quebec, the dramatic deaths of the rival heroes Wolfe and Montcalm, 
and the extinction of the French power on the eastern side of this con- 
tinent. The cost of that war makes a large item in the present debt 
of Great Britain. More than ten millions of dollars were spent in 
fortifying Crown Point, on Lake Champlain, although the work was 
never finished. 

This great war, from the nature of the struggle and from the contrast 
between the British and French governments constantly presented to 
the minds of the colonists, did much to educate the people Avith regard to 
public affairs. The center of military operations became the center 
of public knowledge ; for at that day there was but little inter- 
course save that which grew out of the exigencies of war. All 
the aspects of the colonial history of New York show that its 
people were never limited in their views to the interests of their own 
province, but that the course of events at all times trained them to a 
knowledge of, and an interest in the affairs of other colonies. 

But the lessons of war and diplomacy with foreign enemies fell short of 
the knowledge the people of this province gained in their contests with 
the royal Governors. Some of these, like Lord Cornbury, the cousin of 
Queen Anne ; the colonial Governor, Clinton, an Admiral in the British 
navy and a relative of the Duke of Newcastle, then head of the British 
administration, were men wanting in capacity and integrity. All their 
efforts were directed to get money to mend their broken fortunes. New 
York had no charter which defined the rights of the colony. In their 
defence they were forced to plant themselves upon principles of jurispru- 
dence, and were thus educated to clear ideas of the rights of governments, 
and of the governed. Their discussions can be read to-day with profit 
by those who care to learn where the political wisdom was gained 
which enabled our fathers to frame the government under which wc 
live. Many years before the crown drove the colonies to united resist- 


ance to its action, the delegates to the Colonial Assembly in New York 
had asserted and maintained the rights for which our fathers battled in 
the Revolution. The Act declaring what are ''the rights aiid privileges of 
their Majesty s subjects inhabiting within their province of New York,'' passed 
in 169 1, in the reign of William and Mary, is as clear and firm in tone 
as those which were asserted nearly one century later at the outbreak 
of the war for independence. 

Besides the facts I have set forth which educated the people of this 
province with regard to their rights, to the policy of legislation and the 
duties of the judiciary, there was another which gave breadth and wisdom 
to our jurisprudence, beyond that exhibited elsewhere. While the Hol- 
landers of that day did not come up to our ideas of toleration, they 
were in advance of other nations in this respect. They were also free 
from the prejudices against the people of other countries, which was a 
marked feature of their times ; and particularly with the English. We 
are apt to charge upon the theology of the Puritans of New England 
much of the harshness that was due to their nationality. When Theo- 
dore Ward, one of the authors of the Code of Liberty of Massachusetts, 
in his book entitled, '' Letters from the Simple Cobbler of Agawam," 
said that he hated religious toleration which make a hell upon earth, 
and that he hated to have foreigners come to dwell in the land, " it was 
the Englishman more than the Puritan that spoke. 

The same spirit was shown by that race in other colonies. 
Even in Maryland, where the first Catholic proprietor, by his 
charter, granted religious freedom to all ; when those who dif- 
fered from his religious views gained power they persecuted those of 
his creed. Nor was this hostility shown alone towards those differing 
from them in faith : the English in Carolina for a long time protested 
against giving Huguenots the rights of citizenship or of holding prop- 
erty. The same spirit involved them in constant wars with the Indian 
tribes. The rule that English interests and not the rights of others 
should regulate action, has not lost its power. It involves Great Britain 
in constant wars in all quarters of our globe, and it convinces the 
British people that they are wronged and imposed upon by the most 
remote, feeble and ignorant tribes. If the English instead of the 
Hollanders had first settled Albany it is doubtful if they would 
have kept an alliance with the Iroquois. If they had failed to do 
this they would have lost their claim to the country drained into the 
St. Lawrence and Mississippi ; for their only offset to the French 
right of discovery of these rivers was the title of the Iroquois to the 


regions in dispute. We who are of English descent, and who are 
proud of our lineage, have reason to rejoice that the Hollanders first 
occupied this State. Their wide commerce had brought them in contact 
with all races. Their wealth and power grew out of intercourse with 
others. They welcomed all incomers to their territor}-. This drew to 
this province a greater variety of nationalities than can be found in 
the histories of the foundations of other States. This made our popu- 
lation cosmopolitan ; and beyond all other facts gave to our jurispru- 
dence its superiority. It saved us from provincial prejudices, and from 
the narrowness engendered in the minds of those who hear but one side 
of questions, and witness but one phase of teaching. The influence 
of this fact has not been limited to our State. Its people, holding the 
gateways into the interior of our continent, have welcomed all classes 
of immigrants. It is our faith that the same natural features and 
diversity of lineage and creed that have made New York the Empire 
State will, on a grander scale, give to our country a higher civilization 
than the world has yet seen. The history of this State enables us to 
forecast the future of our union. Its great rivers and lakes and valleys 
will ever make living channels of commerce. Its varied climate and 
productions will keep alive active and constant intercourse and exchange 
among its people. Its differing creeds and its varied lineages will 
teach a larger liberality and more generous sympathies than exist on 
smaller theatres with narrower ranges of thought, and more limited 
views of social or political subjects. 

Since the independence of our country, the natural features of New 
York and the character of its population have been potent, not only in 
promoting its own growth and greatness, but that of our whole 
country. Its first constitution showed a greater knowledge of 
jurisprudence than was exhibited elsewhere. It is a striking, and 
I think an unparalleled fact in the history of constitutions that 
upon the Committee of thirteen appointed to draft that instru- 
ment, there were men representing no less than six nationalities. 
This diversity of races which, from the earliest day to the present 
time, marks the list of those who have filled the office of Judges, Legis- 
lators and Governors, has had a great influence in shaping the civil 
polity of our State. 

While the basis of our civilization is English, it has been re-in- 
forced and liberalized by other elements. Our great country will 
not be cut up as Europe is into smaller districts, whose people are 
made strangers by differences of languages and laws. On our continent, 


in the future, with its vast population, all forms of merit will gain higher 
rewards, and the applause of greater multitudes than elsewhere. Our 
literature will receive a wider support, and will draw its mspiration from 
the legends, the histories, the aspirations, not of one, but of many nation- 
alities. The position of New York, with its command of the harbor 
which first welcomes the incomers from Europe, and of the great path- 
wa)^s through which they seek their homes in the interior, has done much 
to shape our social organization, and to hold in check the prejudices 
which sometimes show themselves in the minds of those who are 
only familiar with social ideas which prevail outside of the great theatres 
of action. 

The most important subjects of our legislation also relate to facts 
which concern other States as well as our own. These have always 
kept alive in the minds of our people their relationship to the interests 
and prosperity of other parts of our Union. We have a striking proof 
of this in the history of our internal improvements. When we were 
inferior to Virginia and Massachusetts in numbers, wealth, and power ; 
when the hardy settlers in the then wilderness of Western New York 
were impoverished because there was no way of reaching markets 
with their products ; when in the days of our poverty we undertook 
the work of uniting the great lakes with the harbor of New York, 
which was then deemed, not only in our own country, but in Europe, 
one of the bold enterprises of the world, it was not urged alone upon 
the ground of our necessities, or the gain it would bring to ourselves, 
but rising above local interests, in the preamble of the Act b}^ which 
this State entered upon this great work, these words were used : 
" Whereas — navigable communication between Lakes Erie and Cham- 
plain and the Atlantic ocean by means of canals connected with the 
Hudson river will promote agriculture, manufactures and commerce, 
mitigate the calamities of war and enhance the blessings of peace, 
consolidate the Union, and advance the prosperity, and elevate the 
character of the United States; And Whereas, it is the incumbent duty 
of the people of this State to avail themselves of the means which the 
Almighty has placed in their power for the production of such signal, 
extensive and lasting benefits to the human race," etc. These grand, 
patriotic considerations, and not merely local gain, were urgecT by 
leading men as reasons for taking the hazard of an undertaking deemed 
by many too great for our resources. 

Acting upon this wise and enlarged policy of identifying ourselves 
with the common interest of our Union, although Congress and the 


Legislatures of other States refused to aid the project, our State has 
not sought, like the robbers upon the Rhine, to make its command 
of the avenues of commerce the means of extorting tribute from those 
who have used our channels, but it has reduced tolls upon its canals 
to the lowest point, and has thrown off from our lines of railroads the 
income which, by charters, were to be paid into the treasury of the 
State. It cannot be charged against New York that it has ever sought 
to build up any of its special interests, or to support any of its peculiar 
industries by taxation levied upon the people of this Union. 

It has never faltered in the support of the General Government in 
its war with foreign enemies, although its territories were most exposed 
to attack, and most frequently the scenes of battle and of bloodshed. 
At the outset of the revolution, although New York of all the colonies 
had been the first, the most clear and persistent in asserting its rights 
through a long series of years, the British King hoped its people would 
not be united in resistance to his authority. The patronage of the 
Crown and the expenditures for armies and free grants of land had built 
up strong interest in its favor. But its great reliance was upon the 
exposed condition of the province in the case of war. Its western 
sections and the valley of the Mohawk were filled with Indian tribes 
governed by the agents of the King. These were ready to kill without 
regard to age, sex or condition. Lake Champlain and the upper 
Hudson made a pathway from Canada into the heart of the province, 
and British fleets could control the harbor of New York. The patriots 
of the colony had been taught by the past that when they took up arms 
they were to suffer the horrors of Indian warfare and the calamities 
of invading armies. They knew the contest must turn upon the control 
of their territories, and that war could never cease here until liberty was 
won or lost. Other sections might at times be invaded, but neither party 
could withdraw its forces from the banks of the Hudson while the conflict 
lasted. They did not shrink from perils clearly foreseen. They were 
ready to encounter savage hordes, disciplined armies, or domestic foes. 
In no other quarter was the contest so fierce and unrelenting. It did 
not merely demand the enlistment of men to fight upon the battlefields, 
but J:he exposure of their homes and their families to the torch, the 
tomahawk, and the brutality of hireling soldiers. The massacres at Cherry 
valley, along the Mohawk, and on the hills which border it, show the 
terrible sufferings in the homes of those who lived upon that frontier. 
While New York and New Jersey were the great centers of the 
revolutionary struggle, there are no shadows upon the patriotism of 


either. Adherents to the Crown increased the dangers of the patriots 
and in some cases caused the destruction of their lives ; but this added 
to the lustre of their services, and gave a higher value to their patriotism 
by the demands thus made upon their vigilance and energy. 

In the war with Great Britain in 18 12 New York was ardent in the 
support of the cause of our country, its rights and its honor. While 
elsewhere there were murmurs of discontent, and threats of resistance 
to measures for filling the ranks of our armies, this State was resolute in 
the support of the policy of our government, although it led to the 
invasion of its territories by the same pathways which had been 
traversed by hostile forces on so many occasions. In the sad 
civil war New York sent to the support of our Government more 
men in proportion to its population than any of the States border- 
ing on the Atlantic, and in proportion to its enrollment, more than any 
in the Union. In some instances, single Congressional districts fur- 
nished quotas greater than those of other States with more than twice 
their population and representation. 

This is shown by one of the calls made by the Government for 

The average ratio of enrollment to the male popu- 
lation in Western States was 

In New Jersey, ..... 

In Pennsylvania, . . . . , 

In New England, .... 

In State of New York .... 

Massachusetts, with ten Congressmen and a popula- 
tion of 1,231,006, had to furnish under a call for 
300,000 men ..... 15,126 

The first nine Congressional districts of the State of 
New York, with a population of 1,218,949, were 
called upon for ...... 25,166 

The quota of Vermont and New Hampshire, with a 
united population of 641,171, and six Represent- 
atives in Congress and four Senators, was . 7,099 

The quota of two Congressional districts in New York, 
the 4th and 6th, with a population of 283,229, 
was . . , , . . . . 7,628 

Although these excessive demands were modified, they were still 
larger than the calls made on other States. 

19 per cent. 










The policy of our State with regard to education has been enlarged 
and liberal. It has sought by all methods to give knowledge to all 
classes, and to carry learning in its Avidest forms into all sections of our 
State, to enable all, at the least cost, to gain the benefits of higher 
education ; so that those who could not themselves follow all 
branches of science, or literature, could reap their benefit by association 
with those who, having had greater advantages, would diffuse them to 
the mass of community, as electricity passes from one object to another, 
in ways subtle and yet perfect in results. The early men of our 
State saw the wants and advantages of our social structure and our 
equal-intercourse. They felt that the teachings of the pulpit and press, 
the lecturer's stand and speaker's rostrum, could be brought into action 
as means of instruction, and they put upon our statute book a grand 
declaration " that the University of the State of New York is hereby 
created." These few words meant that our whole territory, not some 
favored spot, was to be a seat of learning. It taught the grand truth 
that learning in its best estate is the right of all who seek it, and 
should be placed within the reach of all. 

It will add to the interest with which the new Capitol, just com- 
pleted, will be viewed, if it shall be looked upon not only with regard 
to its size, its proportions and adornments ; not only as a structure 
devoted to the legislation of a great State, but also in some degree as a 
memorial of its past history, and of the events of the place on which 
it stands, and of that wonderful system of valleys and hills of which it 
is the center. No man can enter its walls, devoted as they are to the 
grave and sacred purposes of legislation, without a fervent prayer that 
those who shall exercise in it the powers of Governors, of Judges and 
of Lawgivers, may equal the virtues and wisdom displayed by those 
who have heretofore held the high office of guardmg the rights and 
promoting the welfare of the people of this State. But those who 
are to make or to administer laws are not to allow their aspirations for 
usefulness to be limited by the measures of the past. When they have 
studied its history, when they have seen the height in power to 
which New York has been lifted, they will be admonished that its 
motto demands still greater results at their hands, for the word 
Excelsior glitters upon the escutcheon of our State, teaching -the duties 
of higher motives and more lofty patriotism than even those which have 
marked its past history. 



Among the events of the war of Independence, upon which the 
American cannot look with unmixed satisfaction, is the Convention 
of Saratoga, for it is not a military, but an ethical question. Did 
Congress fulfill its part of the agreement ? If not, upon what grounds 
did she break it ? Were those grounds sufficient to justify the viola- 
tion of a solemn compact? Such are the questions which still lie at 
the threshold of this inquiry, and which Mr. Deane has discussed in 
the true spirit of historical research.* 

Of the enthusiasm and exultation with which the tidings of this 
convention were received, both by the army and by the country, 
the histories of the northern campaign are full. A thoroughly trained 
British army had laid down its arms at the feet of militiamen and 
volunteers. The danger of losing the great military line of the Hud- 
son was passed. The communications between the Eastern and Middle 
States were secured. Well might the Americans feel that the rebellion 
had become a war, and was entitled to all the rights and privileges 
of civilized warfare. But was King George ready to acknowledge this 
position of his rebellious subjects ? He had put them out of his pro- 
tection ; was he prepared to receive them back again on their own 
terms? Thus, though the first feeling was that of triumph on the part 
of the Americans, the second was that of doubt whether all the con- 
ditions of the Convention would be fulfilled by England. In all questions 
connected with the war of the Revolution, it is safe to begin by 
ascertaining the opinion of Washington ; for Washington's opinion was 
always carefully formed, and may be considered as expressing that of 
his most trusty counsellors. The second article of the Convention 
declares that " A free passage be provided to the army, under Lieu- 
tenant-General Burgoyne, to Great Britain, on condition of not serving 
again in North America during the present contest ; and the port of 
Boston is assigned for the entry of transports to receive the troops 
whenever General Howe shall so order." 

But the presence of the troops in Boston was considered a great 
hardship. " I must entreat your Excellency's endeavors," writes 
General Heath, commander of the Eastern Department, to Washing- 
ton, " to facilitate their removal as soon as possible, as their continuance 
for any considerable time will greatly distress the inhabitants, both as 
to provisions and fuel, particularly the latter. 


Heath, we see, was thinking of fuel and provisions ; for Washington, 
there was another question, of far more importance. ** I have been 
duly honored with your favor of the 25th ultimo," wrote Washington, 
to Heath, " and join your honorable Board most heartily in congratu- 
lations on our success in the surrender of General Burgoyne and his 
army, an event of great importance, and which reflects the highest honor 
upon our arms. In respect to the embarkation of the prisoners, I take 
it for granted that the beneficial consequences which the British 
nation would derive from their arrival in England, will be sufficient 
motives for General Howe to use every possible exertion to get them 
away, and that no application for that end will be necessary. For as 
soon as they arrive, they will enable the Ministry to send an equal 
number of other troops, from their different garrisons, to join him here, 
or upon any other service againt the American States. I shall be sorry 
if their remaining should subject you to the inconveniences which you 
seem to apprehend ; and, if they can be accommodated, 1 think, in 
point of policy, we should not be anxious for their early departure. 
As to the transports, if General Howe is in a situation to send them, 
it is to be presumed that they will be properly appointed with pro- 
visions and wood, the terms of Convention not obliging us to furnish 
their prisoners for a longer time than their continuance in our hands." 
It is evident from this and other letters that Washington saw a 
serious danger in the immediate return of the Convention troops to Great 
Britain. It is equally evident that, to meet that danger, he thought of 
no other means than those which are supplied by the Convention itself, 
and soon a new question arose ; might not the English commanders, 
in order to secure a prompt return, ask to change the place of embarka- 
tion from Boston to Rhode Island or the Sound? "Should such 
a requisition be made," writes Washington to Heath, " it ought not to 
be complied with upon any principle whatever. It cannot be asked as 
a matter of right, because, by the articles, Boston is assigned as the 
port. It should not be granted as a matter of favor, because the indulg- 
ence will be attended with most obvious and capital disadvantages to 
us. Besides the delay, which will necessarily arise from confining them 
to Boston, as the place of departure, these transports, in a voya^ge 
round at this season, may probably suffer considerable injury, and many 
of them may be blown as far as the West Indies. These considera- 
tions, and others needless to be added, have struck me in so important 
a point of view, that I have thought it expedient to write to you by 
express. Lieutenant Vallancey, who came with General Burgoyne's 


despatches, left this on his return yesterday morning, and I make no 
doubt in a little time after his arrival, General Burgoyne will request 
the port of embarkation to be altered. Independently of the impolicy 
of granting the requisition, it appears to mc that no one has authority 
to do it but Congress." The requisition was made, and Congress, 
acting upon the suggestion of Washington, refused it. 

Meanwhile the troops had reached Boston, where their reception 
had been anything but cordial. " I cannot speak with satisfaction," 
writes Burgoyne to Gates, *' upon what has passed, and still passes 
here. The officers are crowded into the barracks six and seven in a 
room of about ten feet square, and without distinction of rank. The 
General officers are not better provided for. I and General Phillips, 
after being amused with promises of quarters for eight days together, 
are still in a dirty, small, miserable tavern, lodging in a bed together, 
and all the gentlemen of our suite lodging upon the floor in a chamber 
adjacent ; a good deal worse than their servants have been used to. 
The only prospect that remains to me personally, is, that I shall be 
permitted to occupy a house without a table, chair, or an}^ one article of 
furniture, for the price of an hundred and fifty pounds sterling, till the 
first of April, but the same sum is to be paid though I should embark in 
ten days. While I state to you, sir, this very unexpected treatment, 1 
entirely acquit General Heath and ever}^ gentleman of the military 
department of any inattention to the public faith engaged in the Conven- 
tion. They do what they can, but while the supreme powers of the 
State are unable or unwilling to enforce their authority, and the inhabi- 
tants want the hospitality, or, indeed, the common civilization to assist 
us without it, the public faith is broke, and we are the immediate suffer- 
ers. I cannot close my letter without expressing the sense I entertain 
of the honor, the candor, and the politeness of your proceedings in 
every respect towards the army and myself, and I am with sincere 
regard, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, J. burgoyne." 

This is a painful picture, and does but little credit to the civil gov- 
ernment. But what struck Congress the most, was the charge that the 
Convention had been broken. Was this a serious accusation, or an 
expression hastily dropped from the pen of a man justly irritated? It 
cannot be denied that Burgoyne had good grounds for his complaint. 
He had signed the Convention in good faith, and as far as he was con- 
cerned, fulfilled its obligations. 

Still, it was natural that the suspicions of Congress should be awak- 
ened. It was well known that the King was not disposed to look 


leniently upon the short-comings of his rebellious subjects. It was 
altogether probable that, if an occasion of calling any article of the 
Convention in question should present itself, the English Ministry would 
not hesitate to put upon it the most favorable interpretation for them- 
selves. Still nothing had been done, thus far, to justify the calling in 
question of the good faith of Burgoyne. 

Another question came to complicate the relations between Con- 
gress and the British General. The relation of debtor and creditor. 
The expense of the conquered army were very great ; large sums of 
money were required to meet them. Wherever paper money went, it 
carried with it the contamination of its evil spirit. Congress required 
hat Burgoyne should pay in silver and gold, but that its own payments 
should be made in continental currency, which had already reached a 
ruinous depreciation. Congress had the power [and used it with no 
scrupulous hand. 

The rest of the story may be quickly told. We will not accuse 
Congress of having been altogether without a pretext, for pretexts are 
easily found. If Gordon be correct, the Convention troops had 
behaved very badly in their march through New England. But we 
must remember the excited state of the public mind, and the wild 
stories that are exaggerated and believed. It is evident that Congress 
feared that their captives might be employed against them, and after 
much discussion, it was resolved that Burgoyne's army, instead of being 
sent to England, should be sent to the interior of Virginia, to remain 
there, " till a distinct and explicit satisfaction of the Convention of 
Saratoga shall be properly notified by the Court ol Great Britain." 

The question, as has already been hinted, is purely a question of 
ethics. When suspicion takes the place of facts, men are easily led to 
accept the most groundless charges, but here the suspicion was not 
wholly unjustifiable. George the Third still looked upon the colonists 
as rebels, and was firmly resolved, if he should prove stronger than 
they, to visit the royal indignation upon them with all its terrors. Men 
who had fought at CuUoden were still living, and the terrors of high 
treason execution were still fresh in their memories. The German 
mercenaries, who formed so important a part of the British army, had 
grown up full of reverence and devotion to their sovereign ; never 
having known rights in their own intercourse with the world, their 
conceptions were bounded by duty ; to hear and to obey, to look upon 
their sovereigns as irresponsible masters, and their officers as the repre- 
sentatives of those sovereigns, was the creed in which they had grown 


Up and were ready to die. Thus there was a natural antagonism 
between them and those whom they had come to bring back to their 
duty at the point of the bayonet. For them the word rebel was hateful, 
and the living rebel a monster. Were they bound to keep faith with 
monsters ? 

The hatred of the Loyalist for the Whig was equally bitter, and 
all were either Whigs or Loyalists. In this fertile soil political passions 
bore an abundant harvest. When Congress went home to take counsel 
with its constituents, it found in their prejudices a faithful mirror of its 
own. Can we wonder that it should be guilty of much questionable 

It was under the influence of feelings like these that Congress 
declared that the Convention had been violated. The Florentine Secre- 
tary would have approved their decision ; but the Christian statesman 
of the nineteenth century must reluctantly confess that their deliberate 
infraction of a solemn compact was unworthy of the representatives of 
an honorable people. 


* See the Report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society, October 22, 1877, by 
Charles Deane. 



After the publication of my " Observations on the Dighton Rock 
Inscription," in this Magazine (February, 1878), I sent special impress- 
ions of the article to Mr. J. J. A. Worsaae, Director of the Royal 
Museum of Northern Antiquities, at Copenhagen, and Vice-President 
of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries. I received from him in 
reply a letter (dated November i, 1878) which relates almost exclusively 
to the Dighton Rock question, and will be duly appreciated by those 
who are interested in that topic. Indeed, an expression of opinion 
coming from such weighty authority connot fail to command the 
highest consideration. 

"Charles Rau, Esq., 

Smithsonian Institutio7i^ Washington. 

" I fully agree with your observations on the Dighton Rock inscrip- 
tion. But the statements of Dr. Farquharson are incorrect in the highest 
degree. As Vice-President of the Royal Society of Northern Anti- 
quaries, I am enabled to give you an official account of the whole 
proceeding concerning the mtended removal of Dighton Rock. 

'* In the year 1861 Mr. Niels Arnzen (a Dane), citizen of Fall River, 
Massachusetts, presented a deed of transfer of Dighton Rock to the 
Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, as a token of his esteem for 
the Society, and for the editor of ' Antiquitates Americanas,' Professor 
C. C. Rafn. This donation was thankfully accepted by the Society. 
Many members, however, myself among them, had not the slightest 
confidence in the deciphering of the figures upon the rock, and rejected 
the idea of their being in any way connected with the old Northmen. 
Later researches have fully convinced us that the figures are due to the 
Indians, and not to the Northmen. 

"In December, 1876, and January, 1877, ^^ above-mentioned Mr. 
Arnzen wrote to the Society that some Boston gentlemen had recently 
directed the attention of the people of Boston to the necessity as well 
as the propriety of the preservation of Dighton Rock, proposing at 
the same time the erection of some suitable and permanent memorial 
in honor of the Northmen, as the first European discoverers of the 
American continent. Mr. Arnzen suggested that the Society should 


waive all rights to the Dighton Rock, thus enabling him to get Boston 
funds to protect it. The idea of the Boston Committee was to have 
the rock raised and conveyed to some public place in Boston. 

"At a meeting of our Society of Northern Antiquaries, held January 
30th, 1877, the leading Committee of the Society was authorized to 
answer : 

" * That tne Society was ready to give up its rights to Dighton Rock, 
in order to promote its protection and eventual removal by the Boston 
Committee ; that the Society in general, however, did not approve of 
monuments being removed from their original places without urgent 
necessity ; that the Society, if the Boston Committee really insisted 
upon bringing the Dighton Rock in connection with a monument of 
the Northmen, regarded it as a duty to declare that the Dighton Rock 
figures, according to the ideas of all modern Northern Antiquaries, are 
not the work of the northern discoverers of America, but rather of the 
Indians ; and, finally, that, as the first discovery of America by the 
Northmen was, nevertheless, fully established by the accounts of the 
Sagas, and of the German historian Adam of Bremen, the Society 
could not but feel gratified by the prospect that a monument was to be 
erected in Boston in honor of the northern discovery of the great 
American continent.' " 

** To this resolution of the Society the Boston Committee returned 
the following answer : 

"'J.J. A. Worsaae, Esq., 

Vice-President of the Royal Society of 
Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagen. 

"*A communication from the Royal Society of Northern Anti- 
quaries, dated February 22d, 1877, has been received by the Committee 
at Boston, appointed for the purpose of erecting a monument to the 
Scandinavian discoverers of America. The Committee desires to 
express warmly its satisfaction regarding the acceptance of its 
suggestion as to the surrender of Dighton Rock to our custody. 
We shall protect it, and see that it receives no injury, and, perhaps, 
shall have it placed in our new Art Museum ; but our Society is chiefly 
interested in securing a monument to the Norsemen. It is hoped it 
may take the form of a statue, for we have no portrait of Leif or any of 
his successors. 

" * We desire to erect a statue of a Northman landing in New Eng- 
land, clad in the characteristic shirt of mail and helmet, the legs bound 


with thongs. One foot is planted on a rock, while the other leaves 
the small boat in which he had rowed from his ship. A grape-vine and 
New England flowers will be indicated ; it will, be unmistakably a 
Northman landing in New England, telling at once the whole story. 
We hope you will approve of our idea as suitable. 
*' ' With sentiments of distinguished consideration, 

(Signed) T. G. Appleton, Chairman.' " 

" Here you have the facts, which are quite at your disposal. I should 
like to see them published as a continuation of your paper. 
** With my best wishes, believe me always, dear sir. 

Most sincerely yours, 


The letter being written in the English language, my task merely 
consisted in transcribing it. 



To no Marylander would the allusion in the oft-quoted line, '' not all 
the blood of all the Howards," seem inappropriate if applied to the 
family of John Eager Howard and his distinguished sons; and its mem- 
bers are fortunate in the transmission of a name as distinctive in this 
republican country, of honorable and high hneage, as is that of their sup- 
posed ancestry, the Norfolk-Howards in the kingdom of Great Britain. 
Although there are other families of HoAvards in the State, this one, 
through its historic, political and social prominence, is more particu- 
larly designated *' The Howards of Maryland." 

The most illustrious member of this well-known family was Colonel 
John Eager Howard, who rose to distinction in the Revolutionary war. 
The deaths of the father and grandfather of Colonel Howard appear to 
have left him to derive his knowledge of family traditions from his 
mother (who lived to a good age), there remaining little documentary 
evidence beyond bare records of bequests of property, deeds, mar- 
riages, births and deaths. He was himself reserved and uncommuni- 
cative. None of his children ever knew him to speak of the origin of his 
family, or of matters concerning it, to any one. His only surviving 
child, Sophia C. Read of Baltimore, describes very precisely, however, 
a painted and framed coat of arms, about two feet square, inscribed 
" Howard, Earl of Arundel," which hung over the desk in her father's 
private office at Belvidere. This painting passed into the possession of 
his son, Mr. James Howard, but unfortunately during his long illness, 
and consequent removal from the family estates of Cowpens and Cliff- 
holme, this valuable and interesting relic was lost or mislaid. It is 
described as painted on copper, and had probably descended from that 
ancestor, " who " (to quote from a short family record found after his 
death in Colonel Howard's handwriting) " turned out, though very young, 
to support James at the time of Monmouth's rebellion, and preferred com- 
ing to this country rather than return to his father, who was displeased 
at his leaving home in the manner he did." The head of the Norfolk 
family at the date of Monmouth's invasion was attainted of treason and 
deprived of his dukedom ; therefore only "Howard, Earl of Arundel." 
The dukedom was restored to William, his son and successor. Thus 
the inscription upon the painted coat-of-arms in Colonel Howard's pos- 
session curiously tallies with that fact, and appears to settle its age and 


date. The same coat-of-arms is on the tombs of their colonial ancestors 
in the Howard burial ground at '' the Forest." The Forest was a large 
tract of land in Baltimore county, recorded as granted bv the Crown to 
Joshua Howard, the grandfather of Colonel Howard, in 1699. The 
famil}' are no doubt content to possess an honorable American gene- 
alogy of five generations ; but the traditional theory of descent from the 
Norfolk-Howards is based upon this use of the Arundel escutcheon by 
their colonial ancestors, and by a man so unsparing in contempt for 
pretence or false statement of an}- sort as Colonel John Eager Howard, 
who is described by one of his biographers as ''scrupulously just," 
with a memory " painfully minute, and the most accurate repository 
of the history of his own time in this or anv other countr}-." The pos- 
sibility of the theor}' is sustained by a recent declaration of Cardinal 
Howard and the present Duke of Norfolk, that a branch of their family 
was '* known to be in America," referring to the Maryland Howards. 

The military spirit, independence and resolution which inspired 
their ancestor at an immature asre to take arms asrainst Monmouth, and 
to emigrate to this countr}-, has shown itself in each generation of his 
descendants, whenever war or other opportunity has given it play, 
though none have achieved lasting renown but the revolutionary hero. 
Colonel Howard. 

Colonel John Eager Howard, was born June 4th, 1752, at ^ '' The 
Forest," in Baltimore countv, Maryland. His father, Cornelius, was 
the third son of Joshua Howard, whose wife was Miss O'Carroll, whose 
father emigrated to America from Ireland. To this nationality may be 
attributed the name '' Cornelius." Their two elder sons, Thomas and 
Francis, seem to have left no descendants. Joshua Howard bequeathed 
the bulk of his estate to his son Cornelius, who married Ruth Eager, 
heiress to John Eager, son of George Eager of Maryland. From her 
descended to her son, John Eager Howard, the estate of Belvidere, a 
tract of land adjoining the '* Town " of Baltimore of three hundred 
acres, which later formed the beautiful park and grounds around the 
handsome mansion erected by its owner soon after the war of inde- 
pendence. Not a vestige of the park or mansion remains. They have 
gone down before the inevitable advance of the rapidly spreading city, 
a result to which Colonel Howard's munificent gifts of land for public 
purposes greatly contributed. Thus in his park was raised f/ie first 
*' Washington monument." 

Bred to no profession, sympathy with the resistance of the Colonies 
decided John Eager Howard to that of arms. Bodies of militia, called 


" Flying Camps," were formed in Maryland. Modestly declining a col- 
onelcy, he accepted a captaincy in this corps June 25, 1776, and was 
present at the battle of White Plains in the autumn of the same year. 
When Congress in place of this system of defence required each State 
to furnish regular troops, Captain Howard was given a majority in one 
of the seven Maryland regiments. In this capacity he was engaged in the 
battles of Germantown and Monmouth in 1777, and in June, 1779, he 
was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fifth Regiment of Maryland 
Infantry, transferred to the Sixth, and then, after the battle of Hob- 
bick's Hill, given command of the Second. 

Colonel Howard's services in the war have been set forth in several 
memoirs. The earliest appeared in the " National Portrait Gallery ; " 
the latest in Mr. Hanson's ** Old Kent of Maryland," a recent publica- 
tion of merit. Reference is therefore only made to those battles in 
which, under the command of Generals Greene, Gates and Morgan, in 
the South, he was conspicuous for conduct and gallantry. In these he 
rendered such efficient and eminent service that Greene, an exact 
discriminator of merit, declared him to have conferred great obligations 
on himself, and greater on the public. '' He deserves," said Greene, 
"a statue of gold, no less than or Grecian heroes." " At the 
battle of Cowpens Colonel Howard seized the critical moment, and 
turned the fortunes of the day," writes Lee, " and at all times and on all 
occasions was eminently useful." 

Of intrepid, personal courage, he was distinguished for pushing his 
troops into close fighting with fixed bayonets, a weapon rarely crossed 
in battle even by veterans. This manner of fighting was first inaugu- 
rated by Colonel Howard during the battle of Cowpens. In the heat 
of the struggle an order for a flank movement was mistaken by Colonel 
Howard's men for an order to retreat, and they fell back. Upon this 
General Morgan rode up, exclaiming that "the day was lost ! " " Look 
at that line," replied Howard ; " men who can retreat in such order are 
not beaten." Morgan ordered him to take a position which he pointed 
out, and make a stand ; but halting his men, and facing them about, 
Howard poured in a sudden fire upon the advancing enemy, and then, 
on his own responsibility, dashed on them with the bayonet. The 
result was a brilliant victory, while the method of the attack reversed 
the opinion, Avhich even Washington had held, that American troops 
could not cope successfully with tried British veterans in the use of the 
bayonet. Afterwards the Maryland line was put to this service so con- 
tinually as almost to destroy that brave corps. At Cowpens Howard 



held at one time in his hands the swords of seven officers, surrendered 
to him personally ; and saved the life of the British General O'Hara, 
who clung to his stirrup, claiming quarter. His gallantry was 
rewarded by Congress with a medal.^ In the succeeding battle of 
Eutaw he was so seriously wounded as to impair his health later in life. 
Five years after the close of the war Colonel Howard became Gov- 
ernor of Maryland for three terms, and gave his influence to the adop- 
tion of the Federal Constitution. In 1796 he first entered the Senate of 
the United States, having previously declined the appointment of 
Major-General by the State. 

Washington offered him a seat in his Cabinet, and in several letters 
deplored his refusal to accept the post as a loss to himself and the 
public. After requesting the interposition of a friend, and finding all 
efforts vain, Washington finally wrote : " The reasons you have assigned 
for not doing so carry conviction along with them, and must, however 
reluctantly, be submitted to'' To persuade Colonel Howard against his 
own judgment or will, would have been difficult indeed ; a character- 
istic equally developed in his descendants. But it was said of him that 
*'such was his integrity, wisdom and justice, they gave his opinions an 
almost absolute sway." In 1798 he consented to accept from General 
Washington the rank of General, should the threatened war with 
France be declared, a calamity which was happily averted. 

Colonel Howard married one of the beautiful daughters of Ben- 
jamin Chew of Clifden, Germantown, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. 
These brilliant women were reigning Tor}^ belles in Philadelphia dur- 
ing its occupation by the British. When the war closed Mrs. Chew 
attended the ball given to welcome General Washington to Philadel- 


phia, and described to her daughter Margaret, who, from " loyalty," had 
refused to accompany her, a wounded officer, who stood aloof from the 
assemblage. Colonel Howard of Maryland, as ** the only one who inter- 
ested her." Miss Chew, curious to see this young hero, went to the 
next ball herself, and lost her heart. The result was their betrothal, 
and marriage soon after. Colonel Howard's first view of CUfden, the 
home of his bride, had been during the battle of Germantown, when 
" Chew's House," fortified by the British, welcomed the " Maryland 
Line " with a shower of balls. 

Miss Chew was the lady for whom Captain Andr6 rode in the 
" Tourney " of " the Mischianza " F6te. After her marriage, when on 
one occasion she and her sisters were speaking in eloquent terms of 
Andr6's attractions and accomplishments, her husband silenced them 
with the stern rebuke, that he was only ** a damned spy ! " 

The union seems to have been happy beyond the ordinary lot of 
humanity. Mrs. Howard's correspondence presents the most natural 
pictures of enviable domestic harmony and love. She writes of her 
stern husband as her "Lord and slave;" her "good squire." Her 
eldest son, John (whose death she did not long survive), is especially her 
"beloved son;" the others, "dear urchins," or "the young flock." 
Her sisters (one of whom was married to the only son of Charles Car- 
roll of CarroUton, and lived near her) are spoken of in every variety of 
affectionate expressions. These are the charming letters of a cultivated 
woman of lively wit, endowed with warm affections and superior 
wisdom ; overflowing with sparkling happiness, and blessed with a per- 
fect life. In one she describes what she calls "a grand jumble " at Bel- 
videre, so often the scene of brilliant assemblies. Carriages now roll 
over the very site of the hospitable mansion, where then carriages were 
" moored in the slough " on their return to town after the ball. 

Colonel Howard's reticence was so extreme that even at this dis- 
tance of time it seems scarcely right to look behind the curtain of his 
domestic life, though it be but to reveal his virtues and worth. This 
account may fitly close with the remarks of The Baltimore Gazette, 
on the occasion of his death, October 12, 1827: "A fortune, which 
might have been deemed princely, was not used to increase the lustre of 
his station, or the weight of his authority. Amidst the frantic agita- 
tions of party, he, almost alone of his generation, won the universal con- 
fidence. The most inveterate popular prejudices seemed to yield to 
the affectionate conviction of his impregnable honesty, and that per- 
sonal independence, which neither party zeal could warp from its 


course, nor passion subvert, nor faction alarm : his fellow-citizens 
turned to him as to a fountain of undefiled patriotism. The example of 
such a citizen is a legacy to his country, of more worth than the pre- 
cepts of an age." 

The main building of the Belvidere mansion contained two small 
rooms, one on each side of the hall ; three large drawing-rooms on the 
rear, the central an octagon, with windows opening upon a noble view of 
town and country, the Patapsco river and Chesapeake Bay. The 
stairway, imported from England, was partly of iron, the woodwork of 
mahogany. Its broad, shallow steps wound in a semicircle above the 
entrance, without apparent support, to a balcony above the drawing- 
room doors. It was built in the thick walls, which were substantial 
enough to have stood for centuries had time and not progress besieged 
them. To " Howard's Park " Baltimore's citizens resorted for parades, 
lover's walks, and even duels. In one of these encounters a gentleman 
was shot near the present site of Mount Vernon Place. 

Colonel Howard's eldest brother, George, married, but left no 
descendants. His four other brothers died bachelors. Two of his sis- 
ters were married. Ruth to Charles Elder of Maryland ; Violetta to 
Joseph, Lord West and Earl de la Warr, though he is written down 
very properly in the Howard family record as plain '' Joseph West." 
From one of this gentleman's family the State of Delaware took its 

Two of the bachelor sons, James and Cornelius, lived to see their 
elder brother, John Eager Howard, famous. James died a martyr to 
gout ; but Cornelius lived, an eccentric recluse, at his home on his por- 
tion of "The Forest" to an advanced age, dying in 1844. Law- 
suits were almost unknown in the county while he lived to arbitrate 
disputes. Among many anecdotes illustrating his high reputation for 
probity and truth, it is related of a jury, reproved by the Judge for a 
verdict contrary to the weight of evidence, that its foreman replied: 
" Well, yes, your honor ! but if all Baltimore county swears one thing, 
and Mr. Cornehus Howard the other, no jury in this State will give a 
verdict against him." Singularly enough, though too young to take part 
in the struggle, he did not approve of the Revolution, and sturdily 
refused to make oath of allegiance to the United States, paying double 
taxes for his recusancy. 

Colonel Howard had two daughters, Juliana and Sophia; and six 
sons, John Eager, George, Benjamin Chew, William, James and Charles. 
In the war of 18 12 the four eldest took up arms in defence of Baltimore, 


and were in the battle of North Point, which resulted favorably to the 
city. When the proposal was made to avert the destruction of Balti- 
more by capitulation, the old hero, who had organized its defence, said : 
" I have four sons in the field, and as much property at stake as any one, 
but sooner would I see my sons weltering in their blood, and my 
property reduced to ashes, than so far disgrace the country." 

His daughter Juliana died in the second year of her marriage with 
John McHenry, a gentleman of large fortune, the son of Secretary 
McHenry of Washington's Cabinet (in whose honor Fort McHenry was 
named). Mr. McHenry did not long survive his wife. She left one son, 
James Howard McHenry, who married Miss Gary, a lady in whose veins 
flows the best blood of Virginia and Maryland. Mr. McHenry's fine 
estate of Sudbrook, near Baltimore, contains a part of '' The Forest," 
inherited from his grandfather's grandfather, although the mansion is 
modern. The owner has assembled within it many curious pieces of 
antique furniture and rare objects of art. 

Sophia, the second daughter of Colonel Howard, married Mr. William 
George Read, whose sister (described by a contemporary as a ''Juno " 
in beauty) was married to her eldest brother John. They were the son 
and daughter of General Read of South Carolina. Mrs. Read has been 
many years a widow. Though now 79 years of age, she retains her 
vigor of mind and body, and has met the trials and bereavements of a 
long life with a brave fortitude worthy of her noble sire. Mr. Read 
was a distinguished scholar (graduating at the head of his class at 
Harvard University), as was also his only son, WiUiam George Read, Jr., 
lately deceased. 

Of the sons of Colonel Howard, John Eager Howard died early, 
leaving one son, John Eager Howard, who distinguished himself in the 
Mexican war by conspicuous gallantry, being the first on the walls at 
the storming of Chepultepec. Major Howard bid fair to rival his 
grandfather as a soldier ; but the war ended abruptly, and he returned 
home to die a lingering and unhappy death from softening of the brain. 
He never married. 

George and James marriea daughters of General Charles Ridgely 
of Hampton, a fine entailed estate near Baltimore. Margaret Howard, 
daughter of James, was afterwards married to her cousin, a grandson 
of General Ridgely and heir to Hampton, where she now resides, a 
widow. Four of the sons of James Howard (three by his second mar- 
riage with Miss Ross) fought in the Confederate army ; one was 
severely wounded. 


George was elected Governor of Maryland. Howard County was 
named in his honor. His friend, the great Henry Clay, pronounced 
him to have as brilliant a mind as he ever encountered. His wit was of 
the readiest ; his humor unflagging ; his puns even, for their easy 
originality, were forgiven him. A friend read from a newspaper that 
a man had slipped from a housetop, and was killed. '* Served him 
right," said the Governor, *' for eavesdropping." 

Governor Howard's eldest son died unmarried. His second son, 
Charles Ridgely Howard, was a man whose bravery had no parallel, 
being utterly reckless of results. He obtained of General Jackson, on 
his personal application, when only twelve years old, an appointment in 
the United States Navy, and so distinguished himself in the Florida 
war (where he was detailed under David Porter for land service) that 
he was made Brevet Captain, and given command of a sloop-of-war 
when only nineteen years of age. His turbulent spirit led him into 
many pranks, escapades and scrapes when on land, deprived of the vent 
of war duty or sea life. Among the anecdotes told of him is one of his 
successfully performing the difficult feat of driving sixteen horses, 
attached to a sleigh, up and down the crowded Broadway of New 
York ; another of his dropping from a third-story window of Gadsby's 
Hotel, in Washington, upon the pavement below, without other result 
than the collecting of an astonished crowd to witness his walking away 
unhurt. Active as a squirrel and as fearless in climbing, he was once 
present in the Washington Navy Yard when a fellow midshipman was 
ordered up the flagstaff to unfurl the flag. His senior by four years, 
this midshipman had made himself offensive to young Howard by his 
overbearing, bullying nature. Daily encounters passed between them 
in which Howard was always mastered ; the superior officers permit- 
ting no one to intefere, saying, '* the plucky little rascal may as well 
learn the necessity of submitting to superior force." Now the youth 
saw his enemy in a position where strength and size would not avail 
against courage. Quick as thought he dashed up the tall flagstaff after 
him. Threatening to seize him and jump off the boy ordered him 
down ; the bully obeyed, leaving his victor to unfurl the flag amid the 
shouts of the applauding spectators, and to gain ever afterward 
immunity from affront. 

During his courtship of the young girl who became his wife he found 
that the noted Baltimore roughs permitted none of the gentlemen who 
visited her and her sister to pass their headquarters, ** The New Market 


Engine House," after nightfall. This he could not submit to, as did his 
more cautious companions. Regularly every evening he fought his 
way through, appearing before his fiancee with blacked eyes and 
bruised, swollen fists, till at last the '' roughs " themselves, when How- 
ard presented himself as usual singly to fight his way through the two 
or three dozen of them who opposed his passage, set up a shout of wel- 
come, opened to right and left for him to pass through in trimuph, gaily 
bidding him '' Good night ! Captain ! " which he returned with hearty 
good will. 

Finally, for some infringement of the rules of the post at a West 
Point ball, he was court-martialed and dismissed from the Navy, 
though unjustly, as he was restored by President Tyler, with back pay 
and rank. Unfortunately he conceived the freak of visiting the Presi- 
dent on a Levee-day in an equipage thought disrespectful, and the 
order for his reinstatement was revoked. Finding shore life insupport- 
able, he obtained the command of a Pacific mail steamship, and died of 
yellow fever at Panama. His brother officers erected a monument to 
his memory in the beautiful graveyard in that port. He left four 
daughters and one son, James Morris Howard, who, by the law of pri- 
mogeniture, would have been the only one of the family to receive the 
Cincinnati badge at the death of Major John Eager Howard, had not 
the great merits of his venerable grand-uncle. General B. C. Howard, 
and the desire to enlarge the Society, induced the Society to change 
that single aristocratic feature of their organization, to admit of its 
being given to any distinguished descendants of Revolutionary officers 
the Society should elect to the honor. 

General Benjamin Chew Howard (son of Colonel Howard) was 
greatly beloved by his family and friends, and highly respected by the 
community. He was graduated from Princeton College in 1809, ^^^ 
took early part in political life. He represented Maryland in Congress 
from 1829 to 1833, and again from 1835 to 1839. ^s Chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Relations he was author of the remarkably able 
report on the North Eastern Boundary Question, which has been fre- 
quently ascribed to Cushing and Winthrop. President Van Buren offered 
him the Mission to Russia, which he declined. In 1840 he was chosen 
State Senator. In 1848 he was thought the most available candidate for 
the Vice-Presidency on the Democratic ticket. He long held d position 
in the United States Senate, and afterwards in the United States Supreme 
Court. In i860 he was one of the Washington Peace Commissioners 


who sought to avoid the impending Civil War. He died in 1872 at the ad- 
vanced age of eighty-one years, universally esteemed and regretted even 
by those who had not shared his opinions. A few words from the pen of 
a political adversary, testify to the general esteem for his character: 
" The name of Howard has always been especially dear to the people of 
Maryland, and perhaps more thoroughly identified with its honor and 
chivalry than any other. They have always been leaders in the councils 
of the nation as well as on its battle-fields, and have blended at the same 
time the highest social amenities and culture with strong character and 
intellectual endowments." He accepted a nomination for Governor, 
which he had before declined, from the party adverse to the authorities 
at the breaking out of the civil war, knowing that he ran great risk of 
arrest, and had no chance of being elected. His widow retains 
possession of his country-seat, " Roslyn " (adjoining '^ Sudbrook"), 
which is also part of ** The Forest" still in the family since 1699. Mrs. 
Benjamin Chew Howard was Miss Gilmor of Baltimore, and is a lady 
of superior intellect. A young grandson represents General Howard's 

William Howard married Rebecca Key, niece to Francis Key. He 
alone of Colonel Howard's sons developed a taste for science, travel 
and art. He is said to have been one of the earliest to reach the 
summit of Mount Blanc. Several buildings in the city of Baltimore 
are evidences of his taste. His only son, William Key Howard, 
entered the Confederate army. 

Charles, youngest son of Colonel Howard, was as distinguished for 
courage and integrity as his brothers. For denying the right of the 
military to deprive the city and State officials of their authority, and 
for refusing to resign their positions as such, when the late war broke 
out, he and his eldest son, Frank Key Howard, were imprisoned at 
Forts Lafayette and Warren, in company with S. Teackle Wallis and 
other distinguished Baltimoreans. He was at one time Judge of the 
Orphans' Court. His five younger sons served in the Confederate 
army with distinction. James Howard, as Colonel, commanded two 
battalions in defense of Richmond, and Captain McHenry Howard 
held several positions of high trust and responsibility ; another, a 
Surgeon, Dr. Edward Lloyd Howard, was also conspicuous for 
self-devotion on the Yellow Fever Commission last summer. Mrs. 
Charles Howard was a daughter of Francis Scott Key, author of 
the Star Spangled Banner, composed while a prisoner on a British 



man-of-war, moored opposite Fort McHenry, during the battle of 
North Point. In conclusion, it may be said that few names in our 
land bear a more honorable record than that of " The Howards of 


^ Cornelius Howard died June 14, 1777, and is buried in the family burying ground, at the 
"Old Place," Baltimore County. The escutcheon given at the foot of this article isjrom his tomb. 

^ This medal, voted by Congress March 9, 1781, was of silver, and is thus described by Mr. 
Loubat in his recent superb work, The Medallic History of the United States of America : 

COMITIA AMERICANA {The American Congress to John Eager Howard, Commander of a 
regiment of infantry). Lieutenant-Colonel Howard on horseback is in pursuit of a foot-soldier 
of the enemy, who is carrying away a standard. A winged Victory hovers over him, holding in 
her right hand a crown of laurel, and in her left a palm branch. DUVIV) Duvivier). 

AD COWPENS XVII. JAN. {Januarii) MDCCLXXXI. {Because by rushing suddenly on 
the wavering lines of the enemy, he gave a brilliant example of fnartial courage at the battle of 
the Cowpens, January 17, 1781." 






Communicated by B. Fernow, late Keeper of 
the Archives of the State of New York 

Preliminary note. — The news of 
the bloodless revolution in England, 
which placed William of Orange upon 
the throne of England, found the prov- 
ince of New York in charge of Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Nicholson ; Sir Edmond 
Andros, then just appointed Captain- 
General of New England and New 
York, being absent in Boston. They 
came first as an unauthenticated rumor, 
but created, nevertheless, great sensa- 
tion, especially among the Dutch inhab- 
itants, who perhaps saw in this event a 
chance of becoming again a part of the 
United Netherlands. Other rumors, 
offsprings of Anti-Stuartism and Anti- 
Popery, wrought the minds of the pop- 
ulation up to fever heat, and made it 
comparatively easy for Jacob Leisler, a 
prosperous merchant and senior captain 
of the militia, to get control of the 
government of the province. 

Leisler, who had come to New York 
as a soldier of the West-India Company 
in 1660, was a coarse, vulgar man, whose 
head was quickly turned by the honors 
which subservient creatures heaped 
upon him, and he soon began to prose- 
cute all who opposed him or whom he 
suspected, not even sparing members of 
his family. Thus he found also an 
excuse to proceed against Robert Liv- 
ingston, a prominent Albanian, who 
being a Scotchman and a friend of 
the Jesuit missionaries among the Mo- 

hawks and Oneidas, was easily accused 
of leaning towards the cause of the de- 
throned Stuart. Under the plea that 
he had not accounted for the revenues 
of the King in Albany during twelve 
months, his house was searched for the 
accounts. Livingston, however, had fled 
and taken all his papers with him, so 
that the Commissaries found only a chest 
containing papers, etc., of the Jesuit 
Vaillant. They got several people to 
swear to Livingston having made use 
of language derogatory to King William, 
and in sending these affidavits to Leisler, 
they write, '' We send your Honor here- 
with six affidavits against the aforesaid 
Livingston regarding his Majesty, and 
with them goes a package of papers, 
which are found in an old chest with 
some jewels, formerly the property of 
the Jesuit Vaillant, from Canada. We 
have inventoried for his Majesty's be- 

Fran9ois Vaillant de Gueslis had 
joined the Society of Jesus at Quebec, 
in 1675, and four years later he took 
Pere Bruyas* place as missionary at 
Tionnontoquen (Fort Hunter). Ac- 
cording to a letter from the Marquis de 
Denonville, Governor of Canada, to 
Governor Dongan (New York Col. 
Doc. Vol. Ill, p. 518), Vaillant remained 
among the Mohawks until about 1683, 
and in 1688 was sent by Denonville to 
Albany to treat with Governor Dongan. 
During this visit to Albany he probably 
left at Livingston's house the chest men- 
tioned in the letters from the Commis- 
saries, which originally seems to have 
been the property of Pere Bruyas, his 
predecessor at Fort Hunter. The 
papers criticised and enumerated in the 



following translation are, without doubt, 
the writings of Pere Bruyas, who was the 
best philologist of the Mohawk language, 
and compiled many works in that 
tongue and on its construction. Hen- 
nepin journeyed from Fort Frontenac 
to the Mohawk valley to examine his 
Dictionary, and Cotton Mather had a 
copy of his Catechism. The dictionary 
and catechism are still extant (N. Y. 
Col. Doc. Ill, p. 719, note). 

The criticisms given herewith are 
dated " Boston, 29lh April, 1690." 
The correspondence of Leisler with the 
Governor of Boston fails to show that 
the papers were sent there, and it re- 
mains an open question how the papers 
came there, what became of them after- 
wards, and who wrote the ^' Inventory ? " 
B. Fernow. 


As not everybody understands French 
I am very glad that these papers have 
been brought to me for examination, 
for the majority is in that language ; I 
hope that I shall satisfy those who have 
had the curiosity to know what they 
contained. They are the writings of a 
Jesuit missionary for the conversion of 
the Iroquois ; his name is Father Bru- 
yas,' as is shown by several directions 
of letters, addressed to him and used 
by him to cover his manuscripts. He 
mentioned, also, several other Fathers 
of the Society. We see, therefore, that 
the good Fathers are to be found every- 
where, and that if they have had no 
hand in what has taken place at Albany 

lately, it is any way certain that they 
have been in that neighborhood a long 
time. However, I leave it to the reader 
to think of it what he pleases, and to 
make such remarks, in regard to the 
details which I shall give, as he thinks 
fit ; after that I ask permission to make 
remarks of my own. 

After having examined all these 
papers, I have found all the following 
pieces : 

I. The form of the consecration of 
the Host with the sacramental words 
surmounted by a cross. This is the only 
printed thing found among the papers. 

There is further a writing-book 
marked with a tree. It is a catechism, 
in the Mahingan tongue and in Latin, 
with Popish prayers, as the Pater, Ave 
Maria, Credo, etc. The whole directed 
to Father Bruyas at Agnie. Then 
six writing-books, which the writer 
has himself marked with numbers, and 
which contain a little Iroquois diction- 
ary in alphabetical order. They are 
covered by several letters written to the 
Rev. Father Bruyas. 

There are seven other writing books, 
and several loose leaves of a grammar 
to learn the Iroquois language, the 
Huron, Onneista, etc. The writer adds 
remarks to teach these languages, the 
tenses, conjugations, pronounciations, 
etc. There is also a table of a gram- 
mar (une table de grammaire)on a 
sheet of paper, containing certain para- 
digms of Huron verbs. 

Also, an invoice directed to Rev. 
Father Thierry Bechefer, Jesuit at Que- 
bec, where, in one list, hosties of all sizes, 
small crucifixes are marked down to- 
gether with paper bags, raisins, prunes, 



tobacco and rosaries, all to be used in 
making treaties with the Indians. 

There are further, two writing-books 
with discourses in Iroquois, interlined 
with Latin sentences, which latter proved 
the one to be an instruction of the savage, 
who was to be converted, and the other 
a treatise on the manner of making 
treaties with them by giving them pres- 

There is another cahier, containing 
IOC cases of conscience with their 
answers in Latin, for the Iroquois mis- 
sionary, and carried into practice after 
having been confirmed by the Rev. 
Fathers, the Jesuites of Quebec. Fin- 
ally, there is a Catechism written in two 
books in the language of the Oneidas 
and Latin, which has 24 chapters. 

This is the inventory of all the papers 
which have been handed to me. My 
remarks will be ist, on the letters ; 2d, 
who are the Jesuit Fathers mentioned 
in these writings ; 3d, on the remarka- 
ble doctrines which they teach the Iro- 
quois. After having examined these 
points, I believe to have acquitted my- 
self of the task imposed upon me. 

I. Father Bruyas used several letters 
as covers for his manuscript writing- 
books and the Indian dictionary. 1 be- 
lieve he did so to preserve them with 
so much more care and to prevent their 
loss, which would indeed have been 
great. A letter written by the Jesuit 
Stechon (Hechon ?), of Quebec, covers 
the first cahier, and informs P. Bruyas 
concerning two of his Iroquois women, 
who had been left as hostages at Que- 
bec, and whom P. Bruyas had recom- 
mended to him ; he says that both had 
died, one after having received the last 

ointtne7it ; but in regard to the other, he 
gives a strange detail of her death, say- 
ing that she had died from small-pox^ 
which had so taken hold of her that no- 
body could remain in her chamber^ for she 
emitted a fearful stench. He then sends 
P. Bruyas a handsome necklace^ not to dry 
the tears of their parents (according to 
heathenish custom), but to assure them 
that they had died as Christians, and to 
admonish them to imitate their daughters 
by embracing their faith^ so that they 
might see them again in heaven j he de- 
sires, also, that P. Bruyas should make 
the two deceased girls speak to their par- 
entSy and ask them to believe, that they 
might share in their happiness. 

Are these not, indeed, wonderful 
examples to follow, and do you not be- 
lieve that these persons are in Heaven ; 
look especially at the manner in which 
the second died. And yet he wishes to 
make the parents believe that their dead 
daughters admonish them to embrace 
the faith. Who does not see that the 
last spark of piety, even of Christianity, 
must be extinguished to make use of 
such means for the conversion of the 
heathens. The remainder of the letter 
concerns propositions formerly made to 
the French of Canada, which are of no 
importance here. 

The second letter, which I found 
covering the second cahier, is written 
from Lyons, and contains only the badly 
expressed compliments of a young Jes- 
uit, Louis Montilesi, who tells of a mur- 
der committed near Geneva, the victim 
of which was a Jesuit, invested with the 
benefits of a secular priest. According 
to their manner, they did not fail to 
accuse the Huguenots, while it looks 



much more as if their Popish parishion- 
ers had done it, who hated them mortally 
and desired to shake off the yoke of 
their tyranny. 

The third letter covers the fourth 
cahier, and is written by P. Bruyas him- 
self. It contains only private family- 
matters, with which we have nothing to 
do here. The fifth cahier is covered by 
a letter from P. Jean Etienne Grolet, a 
Jesuite, who invites him to come to 
France and induce several Rev. Fathers 
to come to Canada. It adds many com- 
pliments and flatteries. 

Around the sixth cahier I found a 
letter from a nun in the Convent of the 
Hospitalers, at Quebec, who offers her 
services to the Rev. P. Bruyas, and sends 
him an image of the great St. Francois 
Xavier, his patron. She says that she 
will also send him lancets^ if he needs 
them, etc. These good ladies are full of 
charity, and their name suits them 
exactly. This one is called Catherine 
Marie de Ste. Agn[ ] 

There is another l^ter, directed to 
the same P. Bruyas, which covers the 
Oneida grammar. It is also written by 
a nun of the Ursulines, of Quebec, and 
is very polite, for I see, that in offering 
her services to P. Bruyas, she makes no 
restrictions whatever ; after having 
assured him that their entire little com- 
munity was at his service, as well as she 
herself, she adds, that if his Reverence 
thinks them capable to serve him, in what- 
ever service it may be, they are ready to 
do it with plaisir, etc. Nothing could 
be said against this kind of offers, if it 
was not well known, that the Ursulines 
of Canada recruite themselves mostly 
from those good penitents who go to be 

Magdalens in the convents, after having 
enjoyed all the pleasures of the world. 

I must not forget to mention here the 
Latin manuscript, which covers the 3d 
cahier of the Indian dictionary. It is 
a declaration demanded by Pere Millet, 
General of the Jesuits in New France, 
of P. Bruyas to make him Prefect of the 
Order. It contains five articles ; in the 
first he promises never to do anything 
to change one way or the other the rules 
regarding the vow of poverty, which he 
has made, unless the exigency of the 
case might require him to relax a little. 
He protests in the second that he will 
never have any direct or indirect pre- 
tentions to any prelacy or dignity outside 
of the Society. In the third he prom- 
ises never to consent to being elected, 
unless compelled by him, who is author- 
ized to command him, under the pen- 
alty of a mortal sin. If he knows any 
body, who has such pretentions, he 
promises, in article four, to inform the 
Society of it ; and in the last article he 
promises, that if he should happen to 
be promoted to any dignity or prelacy, 
he will always recognize the General of 
the Society as his superior, and never 
refuse to obey his advice, or that of any 
one whom he may appoint in his place, 
nor take exceptions to them, if he judges 
them to be better than those which he 
may have received from the Holy 
Ghost (ceux qu'il aura dans 1' Esprit) ; 
the Avhole according to the institutions 
of the Order. 

Do you not admire the Jesuitical 
spirit expressed here ? Look how he 
advances gradually. At first he will 
not violate the vow of poverty, that is 
be secularized, then he will not aspire 



to any prelacy, next he will not ac- 
cept, if elected, unless ordered to do 
so by his Provincial or his confessor. 
Finally, if he should accept it, he 
promises always to obey willingly the 
advice of the General of the Society, if 
it suits him. Look upon the turns 
which these people make, and see 
whether you will find the least sign of 
sincerity. He promises and does not 
promise, he protests that he will never 
aspire to be a prelate, and then he says, 
in case he should be, he will always 
recognize the authority of his Superior. 
It seems as if this kind of declaration 
was made expressly to inform the world 
that they can be admitted to the pre- 
lacy and to ecclesiastic dignities. 

II. It is proper that I should now 
inform you of the names of the Jesuits 
mentioned in these writings. 

Father Bruyas is one of the most dis- 
tinguished members ; he is Pere Pro- 
fez, Chief of Missions, a great converter 
of the Iroquois, Hurons, Oneidas, etc.; 
so that another Jesuit dares to speak of 
his endeavors as " Apostolic labors." 
Judge by the story of the two Iroquois 
girls, whether he does not impart great 
honor to the Apostles of Jesus Christ. 

The Reverend P. Fremin ° is a cele- 
brated casuist, so are P. Pierron, f f 
missionary among the Mohawks during 
Governors NicoUs* and Lovelace's time. 
P. Milet (t t t) Pierre Milet arrived 
in Canada in 1667, missionary among 
the Onondagas, who called him " The 
looker up to Heaven." Sent to the 
Oneida in 1671, where he remained 
until 1684 ; Chaplain in Forts Frontenac 
and Niagara until 1689 ; Indian pris- 
oner until 1694 (See Charlevoix, who 

knew him personally), etc., who are the 
principal authors of the answers given 
to the 100 cas de conscience, of which 
I spoke before, and shall speak still more 

Father Carheil (t t t t) Etienne 
de Carheil arrived in Canada in 1667, 
went to Onondaga in 1668, then to Cay- 
uga ; left here on account of sickness 
in 1 67 1, and returned only to be com- 
pelled, by the obduracy of the tribe, to 
leave again soon after. In Detroit in 
1687 or 1688, in Michilimakinac in 1690, 
where he excited the admiration and 
caused the conversion of the great 
Huron chief Kondiaront, " the Rat." 
He spent 60 years in missionary labors, 
but without great success, and died at 
Quebec in 1726 ; suffered from a dis- 
ease which could not be cured in Can- 
ada, you may guess what it was, and it 
was therefore necessary that he should 
go to France to be properly treated, 
with his companion, the Jesuit Beau- 
lieu, ( t t ) who suffered from the same 
disease. He, too, was a good casuist, 
and of the right stamp. 

The Rev. P. Jerome L'AUemant, who 
wished with such fervor to see the 
/louse of the Jesuits at Quebec completed^ 
that he only waited for that to die. 

P. Lamberville (f Probably Jean de 
Lamberville, who came to Canada in 
1668, and was missionary among the 
Onondagas in 167 1, where he founded 
the Church of St. John the Baptist. 
He was much beloved by his Indians, 
so that even the snare, into which he 
fell and which gave a number of Iro- 
quois into the hands of their enemies, 
could not abate their admiration for 
him, although he had to leave them. 



In 1691 they wanted him back, but he 
was in France, and seems not to have 
returned. He had a brother, Jacques, 
also of the Society Jesu, who labored 
among the Mohawks and Onondagas 
from 1673 to 1686, and then among 
the western Iroquois until 1709) a great 

P. Vaillant. ( t t Frangois Vail- 
iant de Gueslis entered the Order in 
Quebec in 1675, and replaced P. Bru- 
yas at Fort Hunter in 1679. Among 
the Mohawks in 1683, Ambassador to 
Governor Dongan, of New York, for 
the French Government in 1688, and 
frequently employed in diplomatic mis- 
sions to the Indians.) These two have 
both been missionaries at Agnie. 

The incomparable Father Boisseaud 
was killed performing the functions of 
a secular curate near Geneva. 

Rev. P. Boniface gave his consent to 
the solution of the 100 conscience-cases, 
and declared that he was of the same 
way of thinking as the others, notwith- 
standing he was absent when they were 

Father Bechefer ( f Thierry Beche- 
fer, missionary among the Mohawks and 
Oneidas in 1670, Superior in 1680. See 
La Hontan's Voyages), to whom the in- 
voice for Agnie is directed, seems to 
me to be the least dishonest man of 
them all ; he answered, when asked for 
his advice on the cases of conscience, 
that he was not sufficiently informed about 
the superstitions of the Indians^ to give an 

III. It remains only to consider the 
doctrine which they teach the Iroquois, 
the Hurons and other savage tribes, 
whom they want to convert. I find it 

in two places. First, in the Catechism, 
written in the Oneida language on one 
side, and in Latin on the other. Sev- 
eral superstitions may be found in this 
writing, but my design is not to exam- 
ine here the errors, which they con- 
tinually teach the Europeans, but 
only certain doctrines, which are new 
and utterly unknown to the Christian 

Chapters 14 and 15 of this Catechism 
are full of these strange and wonder- 
ful ideas. I consider it well to trans- 
late the former word for word. 

Chap. 14. Of the Paradise. 

The Indian Proselyte asks : 

Q. How is the country in Paradise, 
is it fine } 

The Father Jesuit answers : 

A. It is very beautiful, there is na 
lack of every kind of eatables, of all 
that is necessary to clothe yourself, you. 
are happy in every respect ; if some- 
body says, I would like to be dressed 
in such a dress, there is the dress before 
you in an instant ; if he desires to eat 
anything, Jesus Christ brings it immedi- 

Q. Do people work in Heaven ? 

A. They do nothing whatever, they 
do not sow nor do they cultivate the 
fields, for they always find the wheat 
ripe and plenty of pumpkins and Indian 
beans, etc. 

Q. Are the trees the same as here } 

A. No ; for the trees in Paradise are 
extremely beautiful, they are always in 
bloom, their leaves always green and 
they do not fall, the grass never dies. 

Q. Is the sun the same as here, does 
it rain, does the wind blow, does it 
thunder ? 



A. No ; it is always fine weather and 
the sky is never cloudy. 

Q. Have they fruits in Heaven ? 

A. That is not impossible. 

Q. How are the fruits made ? 

A. They are fine fruits, each tree is 
so loaded with them that, although 
people may gather them every day, 
there is never an end of it, for as soon 
as you have eaten one another grows in 
its place. 

Q. Is it cold in Heaven ? 

A. There is no winter, but an eternal 

Q. Are there many inhabitants in 
Heaven ? 

A. Yes, a very great number. 

Q. Do they know each other ? 

A. They know each other and are 
brothers and sisters, they greet each 
other, and never refuse or deny any- 

Q. Are the inhabitants of Heaven 
handsome } 

A. They are very beautiful ; for peo- 
ple who when dying were misformed, 
are straightened ; there are no blind, no 
deaf, no hunchback people ; for they 
are all made new in Heaven. 

Q. Then there is no sickness in 
Heaven ? 

A. No ; people live there very quiet- 
ly ; there are no diseases, no famine, 
no war and no death. 

Q. Is it not rather tiresome in 
Heaven ? 

A. No; for 100 years are like a day ; 
people have a great pleasure to look at 
each other. 

This is the doctrine which the Jesuits 
teach the heathens whom they desire to 
convert ; is it possible to give a more 

carnal idea of Heaven } Mahomet even 
spoke not with more sensuality of the 
happiness which he promises to his fol- 
lowers for their future life. For you 
will first see that they teach these poor 
Iroquois that there is a country in 
Heaven inhabited like ours, they prom- 
ise everything which helps to make 
them happy here on earth ; no sickness, 
no winter, but fine dresses to decorate 
themselves, plenty to eat, and as they 
like pumpkins and beans, they also 
promise that they shall grow there with- 
out planting ; they will find there all 
kinds of fruits, which they like, in great 
quantities ; but fearing that the Indians 
should believe that they might exhaust 
this abundance by their voracity, they 
teach that as soon as one fruit is eaten 
another one grows in its place ; the 
prayer before meals taught the Indians 
is in accordance with these notions : 
they make them say" in Heaven we shall 
have a continued feasting,'' and as climax 
of their happiness, no ennui is found in 

That is a doctrine well worthy of all 
the men who boast of having the key of all 
the sciences ; and yet it is embodied in 
a Catechism, that is in the marrow and 
body of the Religion. This doctrine 
is laid down among the most important 
points of Christianism, among the mys- 
teries of the Unity of God, of the 7ia- 
tare of Angels, of the Incarnation of 
Jesus Christ, of his Martyrdom and 
Resurrection ; it forms a whole with 
what there is most important in the Di- 
vine will, with the explanation of moral 
laws, the administration of the Sacra- 
ment, etc. It would, indeed, be just as 
well, if these Indians were still heathens 



instead of being Christians of this kind; 
they draw them out of one abyss to pre- 
cipitate them into another ; from Pa- 
ganism they transfer them into Mahom- 
etism ; it is easy to make conquests at 
such a price ; it is only necessary to 
consult the inclinations of a people and 
then to preach a happiness conform 
to their desires ; you will see that not 
one will be proof against such allure- 
ments. I leave it to the good Fathers, 
who boastingly call themselves the Cotn- 
panions of Jesus Christy to consider 
whether Jesus and his Apostles con- 
verted people by such means. 

The picture which they give of Hell, 
in Chap. 15, is not less pleasing. They 
teach that it is a bad country, situated 
in the middle of a fiery gulf in the cen- 
tre of the earth, inhabited by demons 
and the bodies of the damned, which 
create a fearful stench. Then they say, 
the people there are always hungry, and 
have only hot ashes ^ snakes and toads to 
eat, their only drink is molteji lead ; and 
at the end of the chapter it is stated 
that the damned do not die, for even 
though they devour each other every day, 
God makes them revive immediately^ like a 
plant, which, torn out to-day, sprouts again 
a few days after ; therefore, they say, 
the damned are so sad, because they know 
they will never die. 

Is there anything more ridiculous 
than these ideas ? Do they not sound 
as if one of the Fathers of the Society 
had lately paid a visit down there to 
make a report of what is going on in 
Hell, and inform us of his new discov- 
eries; or, at least, as if they had some 
mysterious connection with the evil 
spirits, who communicate to them the 

details of Hell with such minuteness, 
that they can determine the situation, 
the victuals, the drinks, etc., thereby? 

I pass over a ridiculous explanation 
of God's commandments in this Cate- 
chism, which says it is not sinful to 
play, dance^ go hunting, etc., on Sunday ; 
nor will I speak of other sections, where 
they make Jesus Christ say things which 
he never has said. It is better to go 
over to the examination of the conscience- 
cases, where I find the fine orthodox 
sentiments which these good Fathers 
teach the Iroquois. 

Nobody need say that these cas de 
conscience have been decided by indi- 
vidual members of the Society ; it was 
done by several missionaries, by a body 
of the most eminent Jesuits in America, 
by theologians, Peres, Profezs, etc. These 
cases were proposed, and decided to 
serve as rules for the Iroquois mission- 
aries, and were confirmed by the Jesuit 
Fathers of Quebec, as their title proves. 

I shall not examine them all, for they 
number one hundred, of which the 
greater part concern the customs of 
these heathens, and tend to merge their 
idolatrous cult into the Christian re- 
ligion, and pass, therefore, over such as 
regards the festivals of the Iroquois, 
their dreams and prophesies, their mar- 
riages, their offerings to the sun and even 
to the devil, their self-laudatiojis, ?nagic 
characters, etc. I shall speak only of 
two, which are very remarkable. 

One is the 89th. It is asked whether 
a Christian is obliged to give a prostitute 
her promised reward ? The Rev. P. P. 
Milet and Lamberville say that a man 
is obliged to do it exjustitid (i. e. that it 
is just and equitable to do it). But P. 



P. Fremin and Bruyas say that even 
though a man ought to do it exjustitid^ 
yet there is no faith among the barbarians 
(he speaks of Indian women), and, there- 
fore, it seems as if he was not obliged to 
keep his promise in such transactions, and 
P. Pierron says absolutely that a man is 
as little obliged to do it as to give a reward 
to a magiciaii for having made a conjura- 

I cannot help calling these villainous 
cases of conscience, and strange instruc- 
tion for neophytes ; these questions are 
more fitted to be examined in a brothel 
than in religious Christian teachings. 
I would not have thought of speaking 
of it here if it had not been my object 
to show to those who do not know them, 
what kind of people these Jesuits are. 
We see, hereby, and by what I have 
said above, how far their vows of chas- 
tity, so rigid in theory, are relaxed in 

In the other case, No. 90, this ques- 
tion is asked : Is an Indian, who has 
robbed a Dutchman, obliged to nxike res- 
titution of his plunder. Rev. P. P. Pier- 
ron, Bruyas and Fremin say that the 
Indian has no such obligation whatever, 
if the Dutchman, whom he has robbed, is 
the one with whom he leaves his goods, and 
if he deals 7vith him, for he will soon re- 
pair his losses, as we learn it from them- 
selves. But P. Pierron goes still farther, 
for he is of opinion that although the 
Indian thief has no dealings with the 
Dutch, he has no obligation to return the 
stolen goods, as long as the plundered 
Dutchman trades with other Indians. 

I would almost prefer living in Sparta, 
where it was permitted to steal, as long 
as it was done cleverly, and then it was 

not considered a crime. For this is 
about the same doctrine which the good 
Fathers teach their new converts. But 
I do not understand how they dare de- 
cide such a case of conscience, after 
the trick which Jean d'Alba, one of 
their servants, played them in Paris. 
Mons. Pascal (a man enjoying great 
consideration from the Papists as well as 
the Protestants of France) tells the 
story in his Lettres Provinciates, under 
the name of Louis de MoJitalte. As far 
as I can remember it, it is as follows : 
This Jean d'Alba, a rather faithless 
servant, took it into his head one day to 
steal his master's silver dishes, perhaps 
because he thought that such dishes 
were not proper for men who had made 
the vow of poverty , however that may 
be, he was arrested, convicted, and 
placed into the clutches of the law. He 
found himself thoroughly embarrassed, 
poor devil, but luckily, a happy thought 
struck him, for during the examination 
for the proceedings in court, he said it 
was true, he had robbed his masters, the 
Reverend Fathers of the Society Jesu, 
but he had not committed any sin there- 
by, he knew very well that, even though 
a servant had agreed with his master 
for such and such a sum, yet, if he saw 
that his work was worth more than the 
agreed price, he could rob him until he 
had reached the value of his labor, and 
therefore, as he had earned much more 
than they gave him, he wanted to pay 
himself by his own hands. He stated 
he had learned this doctrine from their 
books, and quoted one written by one of 
their learned men (I believe it was Bau- 
gengais), which was brought into the 
Parliament, ordered to be torn to pieces 



and burnt by the hangman, while the 
Jesuits were forbidden ever to teach 
such doctrines again. Jean d'Alba was 
released and told to steal no more. 

The Canadian Jesuits in the neigh- 
borhood of Albany ought to be afraid 
lest the Indians may apply to their 
teachers the doctrines which they are 
taught to practice on the Dutch, for all 
the world knows that the Jesuits' com- 
merce in peltries with the Indians dur- 
ing one year is as extensive as that of 
all the Dutch in New York, Albany and 
Pennsylvania during ten years. 

May God soon deliver the Christian 
world from these grasshopers, and let 
a strong east wind come to make them 
disappear. Amen. 

Boston, the 29 of April, 1690. 

' The French-Indian war of 16S9 and 1690. 

2 Missionary among the Indians from 1667 to 
1679. Afterwards Superior of the Order in 
Canada until 1700. He was the best philologist 
of the Mohawk language, and compiled many 
works on that tongue. 

^ Jacques Fremin is said to have arrived in 
Canada in 1655, He went with Dablon, another 
Jesuit Father, to Onondaga, where he remained 
until 1658. After various other labors in Can- 
ada he was sent as missionary among the Mo- 
hawks in 1667 ; labored among the Senecas in 
166S, and left them in 1671, to take again charge 
of the Indians at Laprairie. After a visit to 
France in 1679, ^^ ^^^'^ ^^ Quebec in 1791. 


Galloway's plan. — It has never 
been understood how this plan of ac- 
commodation with England was de- 
feated in the Continental Congress of 
1774. Lieutenant-Governor Colden, of 
New York, who had excellent means of 
knowing, wrote to Lord Dartmouth on 

December 7, 1774, "The Delegates 
from Virginia were the most violent of 
any — those of Maryland and some of 
the Carolinians were little less so — these 
Southern Gentlemen exceeded even the 
New England Delegates ; they, together, 
made a majority that the others could 
have very little effect on." (N. Y. Co- 
lonial Documents, Vol. VIII, p. 513.) 
This isnot very clear, and Colden did not 
want to be perfectly clear ; but it is 
possible to infer considerable from it. 

We must first remember that there 
were twelve colonies at the Congress, 
and Rhode Island's vote was lost. (See 
Ward's Diary, Magazine of American 
History, Vol. I, p. 442.) Now the ex- 
pression " some of the Carolinians '* 
naturally means a minority. Besides 
(although too long for a note) there is 
sufficient testimony of the conservatism 
of all the Carolinians except Gadsden, 
of South Carolina, and Caswell, of North 

These deductions reduce Colden's 
list of patriotic colonies to Virginia, 
Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hamp- 
shire and Connecticut. There must 
have been one more to constitute a 
majority. There is no apparent reason 
why Colden should have omitted im- 
properly Pennsylvania, New Jersey or 
Delaware ; but it was Colden's habit to 
diminish the disloyalty of New York to 
recommend himself to the King. More- 
over, New York was the only colony 
that had nine Delegates in this Congress, 
and Galloway, in his examination in the 
House of Commons, said there were 
colonies where five Delegates voted 
down four others who were in opposi- 
tion to the measures caried. The four 



New Yorkers so voted down are readily 
determined — Duane and Jay, from John 
Adams' Diary, and Low and Alsop, 
from their well known political views. 
The other five New Yorkers were men 
of superior patriotism. 

When Galloway's Plan was introduced 
on September 28th, there is reason to 
believe that Philip Livingston voted for 
it, and thus put New York temporarily 
on the unpatriotic side. Galloway's 
final discomfiture was on October 2 2d, 
when his plan was cut out of the min- 
utes by a vote of six colonies to five. 

In Galloway's cross-examination, in 
the House of Commons, June 18, 1779, 
there is the following testimony : ** He 
remembered perfectly well that of the 
members of one colony, consisting of 
nine, there were five for the Confedera- 
tion and four against it." By Confed- 
eration he apparently means the Articles 
of Association. 

Thus the position of New York on 
the Tory or Patriotic side depended on 
the voice of a single Delegate. The 
last comer from New York was Simon 
Boerum, of Kings county. He is said 
by Galloway to have been declared 
unanimously elected at a meeting com- 
posed of one man and himself. If this 
story is true, the one man who voted 
for him was probably his nephew, Wil- 
liam Boerum, who lived with him at 
Brooklyn Ferry. 

As the great events of history some- 
times depend on trifles, the American 
Revolution may have resulted from that 
vote of William Boerum, though, as 
Horatio said, " 'Twere to consider too 
curiously, to consider so." According 
to his gravestone, in Cedar Dell, Green- 

wood, he died August 25, 1785, aged 
thirty-nine years and nine months. 

From 1777 to 1783 he sat in the New 
York Assembly as a representative or 
Kings county in partibus infidelium. 


The NEWARK coach, 1830. — Had the 
Charioteer of the Sun thundered through 
our streets with his fiery steeds yester- 
day, he would scarcely have attracted 
more attention than did an elegant 
coach and six from Newark, drawn by 
six coal-black coursers, and containing 
thirty-two passengers. The seats of the 
vehicle, within and without, being cal- 
culated for the accommodation of that 
number. The coach is a highly finished 
and beautiful structure, and is pro- 
nounced by good judges equal to any 
public coach on the English roads. It 
has a double body, and sits on eight 
superior cradle springs. It is lined and 
cushioned with purple morocco, except 
the ceiling and a narrow drapery, fringed 
and festooned all round, of rich yellow 
silk. The body is painted light green, 
with handsomely ornamented pannels. 
Plated mouldings extend over its whole 
length, with numerous other plated 
ornaments. Instead of curtains it has 
four glass windows, and four mahogany 
Venetian blinds. The driver showed 
himself a master of his craft. The coach 
was built by Messrs. Carter, Mitchell & 
Co., of Newark, N. J., who have recently 
established themselves in the business, 
and deserve great credit for this specimen 
of their workmanship. It is intended 
to run regularly, as a daily stage between 
Newark and New YoxV,— Commercial 
Advertiser, Jan. 21, 1830. W. K. 



Another fish story. — Hampton^ in 
New Hampshire, June 24, 1756. Last 
Tuesday, just at Sunset, two or three 
Young Men were coming up from 
Shaw's Island across the Marsh, and 
hearing a ruffling in a little Salt Pond, 
and upon looking in, spied a vast Num- 
ber of fine large Mackrel swimming 
about ; they immediately waded in, and 
they were so thick that they threw 
Numbers out with their Hands. One of 
the Men ran to the nearest House, got 
a Pigeon-Net, and drew out 400 pres- 
ently. The next Day, in that and 
another Salt Pond, they catched up- 
wards of 1,000 fine large Mackrel. It 
is supposed they might be drove in by 
some large Fish when the Tides were 
high last Week, and were now catched 
in these little Ponds, from which they 
could not escape after the Tides left 
them. It causes much Speculation, for 
there never was a Mackrel known here 
about, nor are they yet in our Sea. 


The first boston foundling. — Mon- 
day Nov. 9 [1685]. Flight of snow. This 
day, about 6 or 7 at night, a Male Infant 
pin'd up in a sorry Cloth, is laid upon 
the Bulk of Shaw, the Tabacco-Man. 
Great Search made tonight and next 
day to find the mother. So far as I can 
hear this is the first Child that ever was 
in such a manner exposed in Boston. — 
Sewalfs Diary. Massachusetts. 

Dun fish and cusk. — The English are 
and have always been great lovers of fish. 
The ambassador's bag, for a long period 
before railroads and steamboats enabled 
individuals to compete with the royal 

mail, always carried herring of the 
first run, from the Hague to London, as 
a diplomatic courtesy. The famous 
varieties of New England cod were 
luxuries equally prized. From the time 
that the victors of Louisburg parted, it 
was the annual habit of Sir William 
Pepperrell to send a quintal of dun-fish 
and another of cusk to his companion 
in the siege. Sir Peter Warren, in Eng- 
land. Penobscot. 

American newspapers in 1789. — 
According to an estimate lately made 
by a gentleman of this city, chiefly 
from actual accounts received from the 
several printers, it appears that the 
number of newspapers printed in the 
United States, weekly, is 76,438 ; annu- 
ally, 3,974,776, which, at 4 cents each, 
amounts to 158,991 dollars and 4 cents. 
— Gazette of the United States, Oct. 14, 
1789. Antiquary. 


**InW00D-0N-HUDS0N," vs. *' TUBBY 

HOOK." — The latter was the old name 
of this locality, situated at the north- 
west extremity of Manhattan Island, or 
by river side, one mile south of Spuyten 
Duyvel creek. Its present romantic 
and very appropriate name was given it 
not many years ago by new-comers, and 
notby choice of the old residenters. What 
or when was the origin of the former des- 
ignation, " Tubby Hook," is what no 
man hereabouts can tell. If any reader 
of this Magazine can, we shall be glad 
to see his account of it. Hook or 
" Hoek," means, in the old Dutch, a 
point or corner in the land, and gener- 



ally as made by a water indentation. 
That on the Hudson, here, is of rather a 
diminutive nature, and therefor received, 
possibly, the humble attributive **Tubby." 
At the intersection of Broadway with 
the Inwood avenue to the Hudson R. R. 
depot, where are to be seen two giant-like, 
gnarled, very curiously-knotted willows, 
that have been there quasi centmels for 
near a century, still stands a dilapidated, 
ancient-looking house, that some twenty- 
five years ago was called the "Black 
Horse " tavern, and its sign bore the 
old local name, now a thing of memory 
and the matter of our present inquiry. 
Inwood, Nov., 1878. W. H. 

French emigres and new york 
COFFEE HOUSES. — Brillat-Savarin, the 
famous gastronome, author of La Phy- 
siologic du Gout, gives the following 
account of the habits of the Frenchmen 
who were driven from France by the 
Revolution. " I sometimes passed the 
evenings in a sort of cafe-taverne, kept 
by a Mr. Little, where he served in the 
morning ' Turtle soup,* and in the even- 
ing all the refreshments customary in 
the United States. • I generally took 
with me the Vicomte de la Massue and 
Jean Rodolphe Fehr, formerly a mer- 
cantile broker at Marseilles, both emigres 
like myself. I treated them to a welch- 
rabbit, which we washed down with ale 
or cider, and here we passed the even- 
ing talking over our misfortunes, our 
pleasures and our hopes." A note in- 
forms us that the welch-rabbit was a 
bit of cheese toasted on a slice of bread. 

What became of Savarin's compan- 
ions, and where was Little's Coffee 
House } Fly-Market 

Early American printing. — An 
almanac for the year 1696 lies before 
me. The title-page, unfortunately, is 
wanting ; but from the body of the 
pamphlet it appears that the author was 
a Quaker, living in West Jersey, and 
that he had published an almanac for 
the preceding year. He speaks very 
impressively of the effects of the eclipses 
to be expected during the year, though 
he does not ''pretend to prophesie." A 
chronological table, upon a peculiar 
plan, gives the number of years that 
have elapsed since the events mentioned, 

Virginia first planted by the English 90 

Nezu found-Land first planted 85 

New York first planted 83 

The first settling of New Englana 78 

The building of Boston in New England. . . 66 

Maryland first planted 64 

Quakers first so called 45 

The Professors in New England hanged 

the Quakers for Religion 37 

Some called Quakers at Philadelphia impris- 
oned and fined Quakers for Religion ... 4 
The Dutch yielded New York, Albany & 

New-Castle to the English 32 

Carolina first planted 26 

The first building of Burlijtgion 18 

Pensilvania first so called 16 

Philadelphia first founded 14 

King WilUavi & Queen Mary Crowned 8 

141 Persons dyed in the County of Bur- 

lingl07t 7 

The great flood in Delazva7'e 5 

The Terrible Earth-quake in Jamaica 4 

Queen Mary dyed I 

Is a complete copy of this almanac 
known to exist ? Where was it printed ? 

Charles W. Baird. 

De bry's voyages. — The "Voyages 
of De Bry " are, I am aware, excess- 



ively rare and costly. Collectors say 
that so rare indeed is De Bry that Mr. 
James Lenox and Mr. Henry C. Murphy 
have each been trying for twenty years 
to perfect complete sets, and without 
success. Can some of your bibliograph- 
ical correspondents furnish me with in- 
formation as to the number of complete 
sets of the voyages known to exist, 
where they are to be found, and what 
constitutes 2i complete set of them.^ 
Brooklyn, N. Y. Bibliopole. 

Petit's narrative. — Can any of the 
readers of the Magazine inform me 
whether P. Petit's narrative of the mas- 
sacre of the Natchez, in Louisiana 
(i729-i73o\ and his description of the 
Natchez Indians, which is a sort of pre- 
face to the ''Massacre Narrative," have 
ever been published in the English lan- 
guage. It was written in June, 1730, 
and published in Vol. XX, of the " Let- 
tres Edifiantes et Curieuses de Paris, 
1732," and in a German translation in 
Joseph Stockleine's " Weltbott," Vol. V. 

Cincinnati. H. A. R. 

Williams, the portrait painter. — 
(I, 451, 576, 762.) In a volume en- 
titled "the Artists of America," etc., by 
C. Edward Lester, N. Y., 1846, on p. 72, 
the biographical sketch of Benjamin 
• West, the author says : 

*' Pennington took West to Philadel- 
phia in his ninth year, where he exe- 
cuted a landscape of the Delaware, 
which so much delighted Williams^ a 
portrait painter, that he warmly encour- 
aged him to prosecute his studies. Wil- 
liams may have painted good or bad 
portraits, but he did one thing worth 

remembering. He put into West's 
hands two books, " Du Fresnoy and 
Richardson, with an invitation to call 
whenever he pleased and see his pic- 
tures." Was not this the Williams Avho 
painted the Masonic portrait of Wash- 
ington for the Alexandria Lodge, No. 
22, which now hangs in the Lodge 
room at Alexandria } What was his full 
name } Can any one give any account 
of him ? H. E. H. 

Brownsville, Fa. 

No more conventions. — The pith- 
iness of the following remarks will 
commend it to all true Federalists: 
" Heaven forbid any Convention for a 
while ! I dread the work of fifteen 
hundred reformers in the present fluctu- 
ation of sentiments. If we must at all 
amend, I pray for merely amusing 
amendments ; a little frothy garnish. 
But why do we not rather sit down as 
brothers and feast on the substantial 
meat for which we have fasted so long ! " 
This extract we find in the Gazette of 
the United States of July 8, 1789. 
From whom is it quoted ? 


Revolutionary pensioners. — In 
December, 1864, a note went the rounds 
of the press to the effect that there were 
then living five men receiving pensions 
for services rendered in the revolution- 
ary war. Are there any of the five now 
living ? Inquirer. 

Brooklyn, N, V. 

An author's name. — " Essays on 
Various Subjects of Taste, Morals, and 
National Policy. By a citizen of Vir- 



ginia, Georgetown, D. C. Published by 
Joseph Milligan, 1822. 8vo, p. xi — 
350." Can any one tell the name of the 
author of the above volume ? 

H. E. H. 

CAN REVOLUTION. — In the Gazette of 
the United States of nth July, 1789, I 
find the following : " Madame la Baronne 
de Vasse is about to publish at Paris a 
History of the American Revolution, 
La Revolution de V Amerique^ &c., in two 
vols., octavo — price to subscribers 10 
livres (14 s 2). It will include a period 
of 27 years, beginning at 1760; and 
Madame de Vasse assures us, that the 
information it conveys may be relied on 
— it being compiled from authentic 
documents, and indisputable authorities 
alone, by an uprejudiccd and impartial 
writer. We are also told, that it has 
been approved by Dr. Franklin and 
other American gentlemen who have 
seen it in manuscript ; and an English 
author of some distinction in the literary 
world, has so high an opinion of it as to 
be engaged in translating it. It is just 
published." Has this work ever been 
translated ? Lector. 

The first generation. — "Thursday, 
Nov. 12, 1685. Mr Moosdey preached 
from Isa. 57, i. Mr Gobbet's Funeral 
Sermon ; said also of Mr Chauncy that 
he was a Man of Singular Worth — Said 
but 2 of the First Generation left." — 
SewalVs Diary. To whom does Mr. 
Sewall refer. To two of the first genera- 
tion of ministers (both Cobbett and 

Chauncy were ministers), or to two of 
the first generation of New England 
settlers ? Enquirer. 

Red madeira. — Sewall, describing a 
treat given by the Lieut.-Governor to 
the Governor and his lady and many 
more, at which there were two tables 
(Oct. 27, 1689), says that "CaptCrow 
breaks a Glass bottle of Madeira as it 
stood on the floor, so that it run about 
with its Sanguin Color." What sort of 
Madeira wine was this ? 


City island. — What is the origin of 
this name of the land now known as City 
Island in the East River. Tradition 
tells of an attempt at one time to found 
a city here, and of the island being laid 
out in lots. Who was the founder of 
this scheme, and when was it attempted } 
New York. 


Greek colony in Florida. — (III, 
56.) In the Magazine for January, 1879, 
a correspondent, who signs himself R. 
M. P., asks for information respecting 
the Greek colony at New Smyrna, 
Florida. I have passed many winters 
at that place, and have investigated the 
history of that colony, which is, briefly, 
as follows : 

In 1767 Dr. Trumbull, of Charleston, 
S. C, came to New Smyrna with a 
colony of 1,500 persons; Greeks, Ital- 
ians and Minorcans, whom he had 
lured from their homes by promises 
of bettering their condition. He estab- 



lished them on a tract of 60,000 acres, 
and began the culture of indigo. The 
people were reduced to slavery, and 
treated with great cruelty by Trumbull, 
whose partner in the enterprise was the 
English Governor of the territory, who 
kept the colonists in subjection with 
English troops. This slavery lasted 
nine years, during which time nearly 
two-thirds of the colonists perished ; but 
large crops of indigo were raised for the 
company — one year 30,000 lbs. it is 

In 1776, a new Governor having 
arrived, the petitions of these people for 
relief were listened to, and they were 
released from the tyranny of their master. 
Most of them went to St. Augustine, 
where their descendants constitute a 
large part of the native population. A 
few still remain at New Smyrna. 

Traces of Trumbull's settlement re- 
main, in the shape of canals cut through 
the coquina rock for draining the 
swamp, and walls and foundations of 
stone buildings, built and planted more 
than one hundred years ago by this 
vanished people. 

For accounts of this colony see : 
Roman's Natural History of Florida, 
New York, 1775; Williams' Territory 
of Florida, New York, 1857 ; Notes 
on the Floridian Peninsula, Phila., 
1859, by Dr. D. G. Brinton ; A Guide 
Book to Florida and the South, Phila., 
1869, by Dr. D. G. Brinton. 

Jamaica Plains. S. C. C 

July dinner of the Cincinnati just before 
his fatal duel, recalls what I often heard 
in my youth. Colonel Ebenezer Stevens 
of the Continental Artillery, later Major- 
General of the State of New York, was 
one of the original founders of the Cin- 
cinnati, and after the peace a prominent 
figure among the Continentals. He 
always gave the closing song at the 
Fourth of July dinners standing upon 
the table. The song was "Yankee 
Doodle " in the old version, and the 
chorus was joined in by all present. 

Alluding to the occasion when Ham- 
ilton sung Follow the Drum for the last 
time. Colonel Stevens said that none of 
the officers present had any idea that a 
hostile meeting was anticipated between 
Hamilton and Burr, and that had such 
been the case, the old army officers 
would never have permitted it to take 
place. J. A. S. 

Songs of the fathers. (IH, 198.) 
— The note of Mr. Parton with the text 
of the song Follow the Drum, sung by 
\lexander Hamilton at the Fourth of 

The battle of monmouth — lee a 

TRAITOR, (n, 408, 569, 758 ; in, 58.)— 

Here let me drop the curtain, and invite 
you to accompany me to the Heights 
of Monmouth. There let me recall to 
your indignant view, the flower of the 
American infantry flying before an enemy 
that scarce dared to pursue — vanquish- 
ed without a blow — vanquished by their 
obedience to the commands of a leader 
who meditated their disgrace. Let me 
contrast with this the conduct of your 
Greene ; the calm intrepidity and un- 
shaken presence of mind, with which he 
seconded the dispositions of his General, 
to arrest the progress of the disorder 
and retrieve the fortune of the day. 
— Hamilton's Eulogium on Gen. Greene^ 
July\,\']Z^. i ^ Reader. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box loo, Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 

DE France. Extraits des Papiers du 
Grand Marechal de Suede, Comte Jean 
Axel de Fersen. Publies par son petit 
neveu, Le Baron R. M. De Klinckow- 
STROM, Colonel Suedois. 2 vols. 8vo, pp. 
321-440. Librairie de Firmin — Didot et Cie., 
Paris, 1877, 

Count de Fersen and the Court of 
France. Extracts from the Papers of the 
Grand Marshal of Sweden, Count Jean Axel 
de Fersen. Published by his Grand-nephew, 
Baron R. M. De Klinkenstrom, Colonel in 
the Swedish Army. 

It would be difficult to name a private indi- 
vidual since Bayard and Sidney whose career 
presents more romantic interest or whose char- 
acter possesses more of the elements of a pretix 
chevalier than the famous Count de Fersen, the 
subject of the memoirs before us. These two 
volumes, admirably edited, consist of a part of 
his journal and of letters and documents found 
among his papers, and in their thrilling graphic 
details of events, the most dramatic in modern 
history, lead us to share the regret de Fersen 
himself expresses at the loss of his memoirs from 
the year 1780. Not daring to take the rest of 
them on his person, he left them at Paris upon 
his flight in 1791, and they were burned by their 
custodian, from a similar fear. They contained, 
to use his own words, precious notes concerning 
the revolution (French), which would have served 
to throAV light on the character of the king and 
queen and the history of the period. "From 
them," he adds, true to the single affection which 
was the most beautiful trait in his career, "the 
world would have learned how wretched the 
princess (Marie Antoinette) was, how thoroughly 
she appreciated her misfortunes, how much she 
was affected by them, and how her great soul 
knew how to forgive and to rise superior to in- 
justice in the consciousness of the good that she 
did and desired to," His devotion to the king 
and queen, at every personal risk, is a familiar 
theme. He made all the preparations for the 
flight of the royal family in June, 1791, and dis- 
guised as a coachman, himself drove them from 
Paris to Bondy. On the failure of the evasion, 
from causes for which he was not responsible, 
he was thrown into prison. Released upon the 
amnesty, he found means to comfort and console 
the royal captives. From the close of the year 
1701 he was their trusted adriser and the me- 

dium of their correspondence with the sove- 
reigns of Europe. These volumes contain nu- 
merous confidential letters of the queen. The 
terrible end of de Fersen is the most dramatic 
episode in history. Returned to Sweden, he re- 
ceived the highest dignities. Hated by the 
ultra-democratic party at Stockholm, as the head 
of the high aristocracy of the kingdom, he was 
selected as a victim of party intrigue. Upon the 
sudden death of Prince Christian, a popular fa- 
vorite and the heir to the throne, de Fersen was 
accused of having poisoned him, and, abandoned 
doned to the vengeance of the angry crowd, was 
literally torn to pieces, limb from limb ; his 
clothing, even, shred from shred, in the public 

Of extreme beauty of face and person, he was 
remarked by the queen on his first appearance 
at the Court of Versailles. There is no doubt 
that the favorable impression made upon the 
queen, which gave umbrage to the nobility 
and offence to the jealous courtiers, was recipro- 
cated by de Fersen, but his soul was too elevated 
and noble for him to seek the preferment which 
the interest of the young queen, whose influence 
was supreme with the king, opened to his am- 
bition. He at once made up his mind that the 
path of honor and duty was flight, and volun- 
teered in the corps of Rochambeau, about to 
sail for America. When he took his leave of 
the queen her lovely eyes filled with tears. But 
de Fersen did not comprehend self-sacrifice by 
halves. He would not consent to even the sem- 
blance of a preference. To the Duchess de 
Fitz James, who mocked him with lightly aban- 
doning his conquest, he replied with simplicity, 
" Had I made one, I should not abandon it," 
and added, " I leave without a tie, and, alas ! no 
regrets follow me." 

Fortunately for us, his letters to his father, 
describing his services in America, have been 
wholly preserved ; they began at Paris the 2d 
of March, 1780, with the announcement of his 
appointment as aide-de-camp to Rochambeau. 
M. de Vergennes himself secured him this post. 
Is it extravagant to suppose that the wise min- 
ister understood and appreciated the motive of 
his departure ? Certain it is that he was treated 
by all the French officers with distinction, by Ro- 
chambeau with distinguished courtesy, and by the 
Duke de Lauzun, for whom he contracted a 
warm attachment, with fraternal affection. His 
letters from Newport give by far the best ac- 
count of the French army during the occupation. 
His opportunities of observation were superior, 
and his observations themselves have the advan- 
tage of having been written under the impression 
of the moment, and with the frankness of a son 



to a father whom he honored and revered. His 
American correspondence closes with a letter 
written at Boston December 21st, 1782, onboard 
the ship which carried the French contingent to 
their service in the Southern station. There are 
two later from Porto Cabello, d?ted in the spring 
of 1783. 

As we propose shortly to print a translation of 
these letters in full in the magazine, we shall not 
dwell further on their importance. 

WITH Paul Revere : an Essay Read before 
the New England Historic-Genealogical So- 
ciety on June 7, A. D. 1877 ; to which is ap- 
pended a genealogy of the Dawes family, by 
Henry W. Holland. 4to, pp. 128. One 
hundred copies, privately printed for the 
Editor, by John Wilson & Son, Boston, 

The author of this elegantly printed and ex- 
pensively illustrated volume need not have said 
in his preface that it Avas not meant for the 
public ; the public have a direct interest in 
it, and Mr. Holland will not do justice to the 
heroic character who is its subject, nor his de- 
scendants, nor yet to himself, unless he place a 
certain number of this small edition in places 
where the public can have certain access to them. 
And we venture to suggest, in this connection, 
that in all such special editions it is a wise thing 
for the author to give notice in his preface as to 
the libraries in which it may be consulted. We 
have nothing of which to complain ; Mr. Hol- 
land, at our request, having kindly consented to 
the deposit of the copy, now under our eyes, in 
the New York Historical Society in this city. 

The narrative portion of this work was read be- 
fore the Historic-Genealogic Society of Massa- 
chusetts. It is now enlarged by the addition of 
information since obtained, and illustrated with 
numerous photographs, principally of males and 
females of the Dawes family, from portraits in 
their possession. 

The ride described has been celebrated in 
prose and verse and is familiarly known as Paul 
Revere's Ride. The ride was from Boston to 
Lexington and Concord, to rouse the country 
and warn Hancock and Adams, who were in 
quiet repose, little dreaming of the sudden move- 
ment of the British to seize the stores of the 
colony and to capture their own rebel persons. 
Three men planned the expedition. — Warren, 
the immortal of Bunker Hill ; Revere, the post- 
rider of the Liberty Boys, and William Dawes, 
in whose honor these pages. Warren watched 
from a coign of vantage the British soklicry. and 
on their movement sent out Dawes by land, 

over the neck and across the river, at the Brigh- 
ton bridge, to Cambridge and Lexington, and 
later Paul Revere by the water route through 
Charlestown to Lexington. 

There have been many stories of this night 
ride and of the incidents which attended it. In 
the account of Mr. Holland, we are told that 
Revere and Dawes met on the Medford Green, 
and went thence to Concord in company. The 
argument is elaborate and its details interesting. 
We may here be pardoned for adding that, in the 
tradition of the family of the editor, his grand- 
father, Benjamin Weld, of the Roxbury family 
and later in the commissary department of the 
Continental army, was on this memorable evening 
of the iSth of April, residing at Lexington, 
where he was engaged as a teacher; that, aroused 
at night, he mounted a horse, and with a drum 
rode through the neighboring country, arousing 
the citizens. 

The Dawes genealogy is an elaborate piece of 
work of the kind, well worth an examination, 
and there is an admirable name index, for which 
the compiler deserves credit. 

Printed from his Original Manuscripts, for 
Family Distribution, by Ezra Townsend 
Cresson. Small 8vo, pp. 214. Philadelphia, 

This is another privately printed volume, 
which we owe to the courtesy of the fam- 
ily. Why the possessors of a diary like this 
should confine it to their own circle we do not 
imderstand. In pure, fresh thought and quaint 
language it is refreshing as a spring rain, with its 
healthful smell of the vegetating earth, to use 
Mr. Cresson's own words. Take such passages 
as these : " Hail and rain this morning, which 
made the roads and streets so slippery as to be 
difficult to pass. However, I got to meeting 
three times and was peaceful." — "A snowy 
morning and a dull day. I employed myself in- 
doors, for I've always something to do, and I'm 
thankful for it, for I find employment keeps the 
enemy out." — True enough of more enemies 
than one ; or this : "A fine, fair morn. Nature, 
rejoicing in the bounty of the Great Creator, 
now putting on her gayest robes; the fields lux- 
uriant ; the animal creation in vigor and high 
health. O that we may not abuse them — the 
generous horse particularly, the sportive lamb, 
the profitable cow, the useful ox," &c. 

Caleb Cresson was the grandson of Solomon 
Cresson, of mixed French and German extrac- 
tion, who was cast away with Jonathan Dicken- 
son on the Florida coast in 1696, and on his 
mother's side, of George Emlen, who came over 
with William Pcnn. The Cresscr.s belonged to 
the Friends. 



Simple as this diary is, it is full of local 
sketches which fascinate and detain the eye on 
every page. He recites with minuteness a 
journey to New England in 1791, by land, 
through Burlington, Crosswicks, Rah way and 
Elizabeth to New York, where he visited among 
the Quakers, and then set sail to Newport. 
Here we are introduced to the Friends again. 
Next he visited Nantucket and Boston, after 
which he returned by water, quite after the 
modern fashion, from Newport to New York. 
In Boston he searched after the places hallowed 
by the blood of the martyrs in the days of Puri- 
tan persecution. 

While in New York, he visited Thomas Dob- 
son, whose daughter Lindley Murray married. 
He drank tea also with Thomas Pearsall, who 
married another daughter of Dobson. Pearsall 
lived in Pearl street, in a house on the ground 
now covered by the Fulton bank. Among the 
delicious titbit morsels for the palate of an anti- 
quary is his notice of Isaac Collins' great quarto 
Bible, which he saw in press at Trenton, and 
his quaint entry under date 1791, 9th day ist 
March : "Widow White (mother of him called 
the bishop), deceased." 

The book closes with the " dying sayings of 
Mary Armitt, who deceased at Philadelphia, 
second month 18, 1791, aged 83 years." She was 
not informed that what she spake would be taken 
down, and no very good reason appears why it 
should be printed. 

The volume is illustrated with a number of 
photographic silhouettes, which have a grim 
quaintness quite in character with the text, and 
it is handsomely bound. 

We trust we have shown the appreciation we 
feel for volumes of this character. The pages 
of the Magazine are always open to such diaries 
as these. 

MENT Association, Prepared by William 
L. Stone, Secretary of the Association. 8vo, 
pp. 18. Joel Munsell, Albany, 1879. 

At the time of the centennial of the surrender 
of Burgoyne, due attention was paid to the nu- 
merous accounts and addresses that were drawn 
out by the anniversary of the celebration of the 
battles of Bemis Heights and Saratoga. 

This is an account of the origin and purpose 
of the Saratoga Monument Association. It con- 
tains the memorial to Congress, in 1873, for an 
appropriation of two hundred thousand dollars, 
which seems not to have been successful, and 
the petition to the State Legislature, which voted 
$10,000 in a bill which Governor Robinson 
vetoed. Thus the committee were thrown upon 
their own resources and appealed to the public. 

The response was, as Mr. Stone puts it, " com- 
paratively generous," and the association laid 
the corner stone and one fourth of the base. 
The pamphlet includes a picture of the monu- 
ment as it is to be when finished. On three of 
the corners of the plinth are to be set bronze 
cannon, taken at the surrender ; on the other a 
cannon said to have been taken from the British 
in 1813, which seems singularly out of place. 
Is there no other trophy of the War of Indepen- 
dence, that the committee need lend themselves 
to such an anachronism ? We hope so. 

AND Literary Labors of Evert Augus- 
tus DuYCKiNCK ; read before the New York 
Historical Society on the seventh day of 
January, 1879, by William Allen Butler. 
8vo, pp. 14. New York, 1879. 

Mr. Butler, as an intimate personal friend of 
Mr. Duyckinck, was selected by the New York 
Historical Society to prepare a tribute of regard 
to the memory of this distinguished man of letters, 
who had been for years its honored correspond- 
ing secretary. It would be difficult to find, in 
the range of this class of literature a sketch so 
graceful in style, so vernal in its freshness of 
treatment as this. Mr. Duyckinck's outward 
life was well known ; he was a successful editor, 
and owed his success to his labor and his ability 
to get through with a vast amount of labor in 
short time — no other conditions of mental tem- 
perament suffice to originate and complete a 

In all these personal sketches there is some- 
thing to be enjoyed. In this we point the reader 
to the passages wherein the modest home taste 
— almost that of a recluse, which was the most 
marked trait of Mr. Duyckinck — are related. He 
was genial, but never noisily gay ; his smile was 
outward, constant and lovely, but his laugh was to 
be seen not heard ; he laughed inwardly, after the 
manner of his forefathers. He loved the city ; he 
loved it because of its nearness to the avenues 
of learning. Mr. Butler compares his urban 
taste to that of Madame de Stael, who preferred 
a fourth story in the Rue de Bac to all the 
glories of Switzerland. The comparison is fault- 
less, but to our mind he recalls more vividly 
Charles Lamb, haunting the libraries, poring 
over the book stalls, and for a walk strolling 
through the quaint places and nooks about 
Temple Bar ; nor were the men otherwise un- 
like in their quaint, dry humour and their un- 
failing love of human kind. It was our good 
fortune to know Mr. Duyckinck well. His last 
literary work, perhaps, was the tribute to the 
friend of his youth, James William Beekman, 



prepared for the New York Historical Society 
and printed in the pages of the Magazine at Mr. 
Duyckinck's own re(|aest. 

We regret on many accounts that it was 
not permitted us to print the present sketch 
also. This pamphlet is printed from the type of 
the Evening Post, in which his addresses ap- 
peared. Let not that hinder it from finding its 
way to the tables of the numberless literary band 
who knew and loved Duyckinck, and of whom 
no one but will be thankful to Mr. Butler 
that the old companion and friend is not left 
to " float adown the stream of time without 
the meed of some melodious tear." 

tions of the old roads and dwellings, and bio- 
graphical sketches of all those who have made 
them memorable ; in a word a mine of historical 
material and pleasant incidents graphically re- 

The volume abounds in engravings of build- 
ings and personages, has fine steel engravings of 
Governors Shirley and Dudley, and a fac simile 
of the earliest engraved map of the town. 

Roxbury should be well content with such a 
history, and all historical students grateful for 
such thorough work. It has an excellent name 
and subject index. 

ORABLE Persons and Places ; its His- 
tory AND Antiquities, with Numerous Il- 
lustrations of its Old Landmarks and Noted 
Personages, by Francis S. Drake. 8vo. 
pp. 475. Published by the AUTHOR, Roxbury, 

New England certainly leads the van in anti- 
quarian investigation, each of her principal 
cities receiving in turn careful and exhaustive 
treatment at the hands of her local historians. 

In this elaborate volume may be found every- 
thing of interest in the history of this ancient 
town, which the accomplished and thorough au- 
thor terms " the mother of towns ;" fifteen pros- 
perous New England communities, including the 
flourishing cities of Springfield and Worcester, 
having been founded or largely settled by citi- 
zens of Roxbury. Moreover, she gave three 
generals to the revolutionary army and no 
less than ten of the Governors of Massachusetts 
have been lier natives or residents. 

The colonists of Roxbury were mostly from 
London and its vicinity, a few being from 
the West of England ; among them we find 
names which have illustrated the history of the 
country, and are still honorably borne by its 
present residents. Of such are Curtis, Crafts, 
Dudley, Griggs, Heath, Payson, Parker, Beaver, 
"Weld and Williams. Timothy Stevens, from 
whom the Andover Stevens stock derived, and 
the first of the well-known Ruggles family, w^ere 
of the earlier settlers. Rev. Thomas Weld, one 
of the first resistants, in England, of Laud's 
persecutions, was the first pastor of the first 
church, while his brother, Captain Joseph Weld, 
if we remember rightly, was the wealthiest 
settler. They were of the " Sulworth Castle" 
Weld family. 

The volume abounds in local details, for the 
first time gathered together, covering the colonial 
period, the siege of Boston — the annals of which 
are presented with minute accuracy — descrip- 

profusely Illustrated. 8vo, pp. 292. Moses 
King, Publisher, Harvard College. Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

This is the first attempt at a handbook of any 
of our American cities that we have yet seen 
although Its manner of construction is hardly 
what we had expected from its title. We had 
looked for an account of the localities of the city ; 
squares, churches, streets, houses, monuments, 
statues, fountains, indeed of every locality, or- 
nament and illustration, reciting its history and 
changes, from its beginnings till the present day. 
Such is Cunningham's Handbook of London, 
and such some day we hope to see of every an- 
cient city on our continent. Mr. King's book, 
excellent as it is, is rather a guidebook than a 
work of the character we have described. In it 
the reader will find, however, a succinct account 
of the city as it has been and a thorough display 
of the city as it is. 

It is handsomely printed, well-illustrated with 
maps and views, both full paged and insets, 
some of which are excellent examples of the last 
stage of improvement in this rapidly developing ' 
branch of art. 

(Massachusetts) from the Earliest Pe- 
riod TO THE Close of r878, by William 
A. Emerson. Svo, pp. 359. Published by 
Frank W. Bird, Old Book Shop, Boston, 

The original settlers of the town of Douglas 
came almost entirely from the town of Sherburn, 
though a portion of them appear to have hailed 
from Natick. The territory was known as New 
Sherburn, or the New Sherburn Grant, until the 
year 1746, when it received its present name. 

The history of the town is elaborately related 
from the time of the eager participation of its in- 



habitants in the revolutionary outbreak to their 
equally honorable promptness in rallying to the 
support of the Government in the very first days 
of the late civil war. A biographical and gene- 
alogical department supplies abundant informa- 
tion concerning the families of Hill, Hunt, 
Wallis (now Wallace), Whipple, Rawson and 
Dudley, besides some personal sketches. 

There are some creditable illustrations, but 
no index, an omission we consider to be unpar- 
donable in a work of this character, the chief 
value of which, as of all its kind, is for reference. 

CAL Collections, by W. C. Siiarpe. 8vo, 
pp. 14S. Record Print, Seymour, Con- 
necticut, 1878. 

The town of Seymour was set apart from the 
old township of Derby, by act of the General 
Assembly, in the year 1850. Derby had before 
been cut down from its original limits by the 
elimination of Oxford as a separate parish in 
1740. The old town was first settled by the 
family of Johnson, citizens of New Haven. The 
wives of the two brothers were granddaughters 
of Jonathan Brewster, an emigrant to Plymouth 
in the Mayflower. There is a reasonable amount 
of information in the sketch of the history of the 
town, and of the churches which it includes, ar- 
ranged in a manner that savors more of compila- 
tion than of any original investigation ; still we 
are thankful for it, as for any town history. The 
index atones for many deficiencies of arrange- 
ment. There are some photographic views, a 
form of illustration we are not partial to, as little 
likely to stand the test of time. 

Senator from Massachusetts, 1745-1S18, 
by Henry Cabot Lodge. 8vo, pp. 29. 
Press of John Wilson & Son, Cambridge, 
Mass., 1S79. 

This sketch, which is prefaced by a fine steel 
engraving, of a portrait of its subject by Gilbert 
Stuart, is reprinted from the early proceedings 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, now in 
course of publication. Mr. Lodge's thorough 
acquaintance with New England history and 
genealogy is sufficient warrant of accuracy and 
interest in the treatment of a man who, if not of 
intellectual ])rilliancy, at least played his part 
on the public stage in a manner worthy of his 
vigorous puritan ancestr}'. He was descended 
from John Strong, who emigrated from Somer- 
setshire in 1630. 

Graduated from Harvard in 1764, his early 
manhood was passed in the very thick of the ex- 
citement which burst all restraint in 1775. In 
1779 he represented Northampton in the Con- 
vention which formed the Constitution of Mas- 
sachusetts. He was one of the leaders in the 
Federal party which secured the ratification of 
the Constitution of the United States ; no easy 
task in Massachusetts, which of all States most 
clung, as her founders had done, to autonomy in 
political government. He was rewarded by the 
post of United States Senator, one of the first of 
Massachusetts. In iSoohe easily defeated Mr. 
Gerry, and became Governor of the Common- 
wealth. In 1S04 he still retained his post, 
although Massachusetts went over to the Jeffer- 
sonian party. In 1S07 he was defeated. In 
1S12 he was restored to the office, again 
defeating the " Gerrymandering " of his old op- 
ponent, ^Ir. Gerry. In 1S14 the State of Mas- 
sachusetts was at issue with the General Govern- 
ment on the war question. The less said about 
his action on this occasion the better. He held 
to the States' rights doctrine in practice as well 
as theory. He declined the requisition for troops. 
Massachusetts sustained him and he was re- 
elected again, and held the office until 1S16, 
when he finally withdrew from public life. He 
died suddenly in 1818. 

acter of Rev. E. M. P. Wells, D. D., of 
St. Stephens, Boston, Mass, by Dr. Samuel 
W. Francis. 8vo, pp. 45. Published by 
Charles E. Hammett, Jr., Newport, Rhode 
Island, 1S78. 

Our friend, the author of this tribute to a 
most worthy man, derives the descent of his 
reverend subject from one of the Norman knights 
of William the Conqueror, and introduces, in his 
preliminary sketch, the old ballad of the Baker 
Baron, whose tenure of the manor of Wells de- 
pended on his supply of the king's household 
with bread. The Norman barons were practical 
fellows ; they hated servitude, and were as in- 
dependent as the Saxons they conquered, but 
they did not refuse the semblance of it for a 
suitable consideration in broad lands. 

The father of the Rev. Mr. Wells was a lieu- 
tenant in the revolutionary army ; his son, the 
minister, was bom at Stratford in 1793 ; began 
life as a tailor, then turned farmer, later tanner, 
served faithfully in the war of 1S12, and then 
entered the " army of the Lord." With a per- 
severance which is not exceptional in New Eng- 
land character, he fitted himself for college, and 
entered Brown University, which he left, because 
he would not betray his comrades, for pranks in 
which he was not a participant. 



In 1823 he was licensed as a Congregational 
minister at Plymouth. After various service in 
the Protestant Episcopal Church, in which he 
was ordained priest in 1827, he was, in 1843, 
elected Episcopal city missionary, which led to 
the erection of St. Stephen's free chapel by the 
Hon. William Appleton, of Boston. St. Ste- 
phen's House was burned in the great Boston 
fire of 1872. Mr. Wells died in December, 
1878, in the eighty-sixth year of his age. This 
is the fond tribute of a friend who knew him 
personally for twenty-two years. 

records of the Congregational church in Corn- 
wall, Conn., from its first organization in 1715. 
Beyond this, he has satisfied himself that the 
Sages are of Welsh origin, as is the uniform 
tradition of the family. David Sage was born 
in 1639 ^^^^ ^'S'i ^^ 1703- The origin of the 
family is taken to be Scandinavian, and the 
name Saga. A coat of arms precedes the sketch. 
It was granted by William the Conqueror to one 
of his followers, whose name appears on the 
Battle Roll of 1066. The motto is JVon Sibi. 

En&land and America from 1580 to 1870, 
c by W. C. Sharpe. i6mo, pp. 33. Sey- 

W mour, Connecticut, 1874. 

We are glad to put on record this little family 
sketch. The Sharpes now treated of are sup- 
posed to be derived from the family of that name, 
of Bradford, in Yorkshire, England. There have 
been many of the name of high repute in the- 
ology on both sides of the Atlantic. They have 
given deans and archbishops to the Anglican 
Church and divines to Alassachusetts, Mary- 
land, South Carolina and Missouri. The first 
of the name in America were Thomas Sharpe, 
assistant to Governor Endicott, and Samuel 
Sharpe, who brought despatches to the same 
Governor from King Cliarles II. in 1629. He 
returned to England in 1631. The latter was 
"ruling elder "of the Salem Church till his 
death, in that town, in 165S. 

The American branch seems to be descended 
from Thomas Sharpe, who emigrated to Stratford 
about 1700. The connection with the earlier 
emigrants is not made in these pages. 

Descendants of David Sage, a Native 
OF Wales, Born 1639, and One of the 
First Settlers of Middletown, Conn. 
1652, Carefully Prepared and Revised 
BY the Author from Authentic Re- 
cords. 8vo, pp. 82. Pelton & King, 
Printers, Middletown, Conn., 1878. 

There is not much attempt at biography in 
this anonymous genealogical sketch of the Sage 
family. In his introduction, however, the author 
seems to have satisfied himself of several impor- 
tant starting points, and concludes that ninety- 
four out of every one hundred of the name of Sage, 
nowUvino: in the United States, are the descen- 
dants of David Sage, whose name appears in the 

Highland, in the State of Ohio, from 
its First Creation and Organization to 
July 4, 1876, together with the Pro- 
ceedings of the Assembled People who 
met on that day at Hillsboro, the 
County Seat, to Celebrate the Cen- 
tennial Birthday of the Nation ; and 
also a Continuation of the History to 
December 31, 1847, by James H. Thomp- 
son, of Hillsboro, Ohio. 8vo, pp. 132. 
Hillsboro Gazette Job Room, 1878. 

This elaborate title sufiiciently indicates the 
purpose of this pamphlet, another of the valu- 
able records invited by the proclamation of Pre- 
sident Grant to the citizens of all of our towns 
to recite their history. Ohio is an old territory, 
but not yet an ancient State, although she is 
second to none in enterprise and intelligence, 
thanks to the far-seeing sagacity of those who 
laid down her political landmarks. The county 
of Highland was organized in 1S05 ; its history 
is therefore of recent achievement. It bore an 
honorable part ;n the war of 1812, the Mexican 
war and the recent civil contest. 

OF Ichabod Washburn, showing how a 
Great Business was Developed and 
Large Wealth Acquired for the Uses 
OF Benevolence, by Rev. Henry T. 
Cheever. i6mo, pp. 222. D. Lathrop &; 
Co., Boston, [1878]. 

All veracious accounts of the struggles and 
triumphs of those who are called successful men 
have a certain interest ; they are doubly valuable 
when the results of their plans and combinations 
are devoted to the benefit of their fellows. 

Ichabod Washburn, who here relates his own 
experience, v/as bom in Kingston, Mass., in 



1798, being of mixed Puritan and Huguenot ex- 
traction, a promising combination of those ele- 
ments which " make up a man." His training 
was in the school of adversity, the blacksmith's 
sledge-hammer being his first tool. After con- 
scientious service as journeyman, he began busi- 
ness for himself in a small way in a machine 
shop at Worcester. For some years he was 
associated with a partner ; but in 1831 began the 
manufacture of iron-wire on his own account. 
In 1830 he was induced by Mr. Chickering, the 
father of American pianoforte industry, to 
undertake the manufacture of steel springs for 
his instruments, a business which had been in 
English hands for eighty years. In this manu- 
facture Mr. Washburn acquired a large fortune, 
and at his death, in 1868, left an estate of 
$424,000, of which he bequeathed to charitable 
and religious institutes over $400,000. 

This volume has been prepared to preserve 
and illustrate the record of his useful life. 

Mo WRY OF Rhode Island. By William 
A. MowRY. Svo, pp. 343. Sidney S. Rider. 
Providence, 1878. 



AND Descendants. By William A. Mowry, 
A. M. 8vo, pp. 197. Sidney S. Rider. 
Providence, 1878. 

In these handsomely-printed and well-illus- 
trated volumes an account is given of the de- 
scendants of Nathaniel Mowiy, born 1644, and 
of Johanna, his wife, daughter of Edward 

The Mowry family is one of the earliest in 
Northern Rhode Island, and throughout its his- 
tory, though without remarkable prominence, 
has borne its part with honor. 

The cuts illustrating the books are extremely 
interesting. They represent the house of Cap- 
tain Joseph Mowry, built at Smithfield, R. I., 
in. 1708, one of the oldest now standing in the 
State, and even yet in good condition ; the 
house of Colonel Elisha Mowry, also at Smith- 
field, built in 1759, and still an excellent one. 
As an instance of the longevity of Rhode Is- 
land families, it is recorded that though one 
hundred years old it has been occupied only by 
three families, the father, son and grandson in 
lineal descent ; the house of Richard Mowry, at 
Uxbridge, Mass., built in 1778, is also standing 
and in perfect order. 

Returning to the orignal Mowry, Nathaniel, 
we find that the book records the names of 1575 

of his descendants, of whom 1075 of the name 
of Mowry. In the Family History we find 

several other pictures of interest, and some pho- 
tographic portraits of men of the name. 

by Oliver Wendell Holmes. i6mo, pp. 
278. Houghton, Osgood & Co., the River- 
side Press, Cambridge, 1879. 

In this admirably edited volume, with its sec- 
tional headings carefully dated and a running 
niarginal index of subjects, we rejoice to find a 
return to the good old fashion of the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries, when books were not 
so many, perhaps, as in our day, but were more 
carefully studied and prepared. 

This is, in truth, a memoir, and by a master 
hand. We are led gradually, not harshly, yet 
not with dilatory step, through the early years of 
the precocious youth who at thirteen was ad- 
mitted to Harvard College, to which, at that 
tender age, he brought the reputation of a " won- 
derful linguist," as well as a personal beauty, 
which so increased that in early manhood he was 
as ideally handsome as even Shelley, who was 
his favorite poet. Yet with all his beauty ?nd 
fascination of manner he was manly and un- 

It is not necessary to dwell upon his literary 
career, which has received ample notice in 
these pages [I. 454, 458, 696, 772], nor yet to 
open again the vexed controversy upon his re- 
call, but it is well to put on record the opinion 
of Dr. Holmes that *' the ostensible grounds on 
which Mr. Motley was recalled are plainly in- 
sufficient to account for the action of the Gov- 

An appendix contains some tributes paid to 
his memory, including the poems of W. W. 
Story and William Cullen Bryant, the latter 
a sonnet in stately Shakesperian style, which 
embalms and perpetuates his fame. 


Washington Portraits. — We are requested 
to mnounce that Messrs. Charles Hetiry Hart 
& William A. Baker, of Philadelphia, are pre- 
paring a " Descriptive List of all the Engraved 
Portraits of Washington, with Notes and Obser- 
vations on the Original Pictures," and desire 
persons having collections to communicate di- 
rectly with them. — Editor. 


After a miniature painted at Paris. 




Vol. Ill MAY 1879 No. 5 



INCIDENTS connected with the long uncertain fate of certain 
prisoners of war in Matamoros, during the spring and summer 
of 1836, form an episode in the epic of the Texas revolution which, 
though not historically important, is interesting from the showing it 
gives of the better, as well as the worse side of the Mexican character. 
The events which led to the capture of those men have never been very 
correctly related, and merit narration from their singularity rather 
than the examples of wisdom they contain. 

During the winter of that year, when the invasion of Texas by Santa 
Ana was impending, there seemed, as I observed in a former article 
[Magazme of American History, II, i], little less than anarchy left 
to withstand it. There were seven hundred volunteers, more or less, 
for the number was continually fluctuating, stationed at San Anto- 
nio, and in Goliad and its neighborhood, but mostly in the latter 
section. Sam Houston had been commissioned by the Provisional 
Government a Major-General of regular troops, not yet raised, with 
the right to command all volunteers who might enter the service of 
Texas ; but the split of that government into a duality led to conflict- 
ing measures which neutralized his authority, and he was unable to 
effect a concentration of the scattered forces under arms. The garrisons 
of San Antonio and Goliad acted without concert ; and a smaller body, 
which had part of it split off from the former garrison, the rest being 
raised separately, entered upon independent action further west. This was 
a band of mounted men which, I think, once reached the number of two 
hundred, but did not generally exceed a hundred, and which took 
position, early in the winter, at San Patricio, on the Nucas, an Irish 
village, and the most western of the foreign settlements in Texas. This 
force was commanded by Colonel Frank W. Johnson and Colonel Don 
Diego Grant, both of whom had performed gallant service in the taking 


of San Antonio, where Johnson commanded the assault after the fall of 
Milam. He was the rankmg officer in the present enterprise, Grant 
being nominally his second. 

Doctor James Grant, to come back to his original name and title, had 
come to Mexico some years before, a young Scotch physician in the 
service of an English company engaged in extensive leases and specula- 
tion in real estate. Grant, a few years after his arrival, gave up his 
position in the company, and entered upon some daring and astute 
operations of his own, which made him rich ; and he became the owner 
of a large landed estate, of farm, vineyard and pasture land, in the neigh- 
borhood of Parras, in Coahuila. He was a man of great energy, 
versatility and resource, and was in character more like a reckless 
Anglo-American than a canny Scot. The success of one bold risk was 
sure to lead to another more rash ; and in his grasp after great objects, 
he was prone to overlook the minor details, often essential to safety. In 
anticipation of being a land holder he had of course secured Mexican 
citizenship; and he soon plunged into politics, and became a member of the 
Legislature of Coahuila and Texas, and a Colonel of State troops. When 
Santa Ana's usurpation occurred he joined the Governor in an abortive 
attempt to oppose it, which led to the arrest of both : but the night after 
they were started, under a military escort, on their way to the City of 
Mexico, they succeeded in bringing over the soldiers of their guard, 
who changed them from prisoners into leaders, and deserted with them 
to Texas, where they arrived in time for Grant to take part in the 
capture of San Antonio. 

Grant's services were well appreciated by his new associates, but his 
position was quite different from theirs. They as well he still professed 
to be citizens of the double-named State, and their home was his place 
of refuge ; but their interests like their home lay in revolutionary 
Texas, while his fortune lay in Coahuila, which had not revolted. As a 
declaration of independence by Texas would cut him off from a recov- 
ery of his estate, all his energies were turned against the tendency which 
he saw in the people of Texas towards such a declaration. He was, 
therefore, anxious to get up an expedition for the capture of Matamoros, 
in the hope of there rallying around him the liberal element of Mexico, 
and by working out success to its cause, of preserving the union of 
Texas with Mexico. If his scheme could not take in the whole of 
Mexico, he hoped it might apply successfully to a Confederation of the 
northern States of that Republic. The notion was visionary, for the 
liberals of Mexico, having already suffered, would not have rallied 


around a slender force, and Texas, even if united and earnest, could have 
afforded no other. That assisting force to rally around, moreover, would 
not have been accepted had it been alien. This truth was heard daily 
from ordinary men, but superior minds, like Mexia and Grant, could 
not see it. Genius is bound to rise above vulgar ideas, but often tries it 
with a rickety ladder. 

Grant had much of the leader's magnetism which infuses his feeling 
into others, and attaches men to his person. Several prominent men at 
first favored his plan, and he obtained for it a qualified sanction by the 
Council, which, after its repudiation of the Governor, called itself the 
Government. Among the men of influence who sustained Grant was 
Colonel Johnson, who had been his commander in the attack on San 
Antonio, and to secure the cooperation of that officer, Grant, though 
the originator and soul of the enterprize, was willing still to recognize 
Johnson as his superior. At a time when authority was divided, weak, 
and without unity of plan, it was not difficult for these leaders to draw 
away from San Antonio a part of its garrison and of the medical and 
other stores which had there been put in deposit. 

Soon after taking post at San Patricio, Grant surprised and captured 
a small Mexican detachment, under Captain Rodriquez, which had come 
from the Rio Grande on a reconnoissance. There was no loss on either 
side, and the prisoners were released on parole. The first object of 
these Texan leaders was to collect horses, on which to mount a larger 
force which they hoped soon to raise, and a part of January and Feb- 
ruary was occupied with raids on the Mexican ranchos between the 
Nueces and Rio Grande. That space is an arid region, mostly of 
prairie, with little arable land, but having scattered through it several 
good grazing tracts, then occupied by stock farms, where large numbers 
of horses, as well as of cattle, were herded. The last of the aforesaid 
raids, which was made in February, and extended to the neighborhood 
of Matamoros, was quite successful, so far as its immediate object was 
concerned. Large numbers of horses were seized, and Grant gave in 
return for them bills on the Federal Congress of Mexico, to be paid so 
soon as it should be reinstated. If any of those drafts have since been 
honored, I have never heard of it. About six months after the making 
of the requisitions, I conversed with a ranchero, who had parted with a 
hundred horses in one of those transactions. He seemed to have 
acquired a wholesome prejudice against unconvertible paper. 

After scouring the country near the Rio Grande, the expedition fell 
back towards the Nueces ; but on their way thither the force divided. 


Grant, with fifty-six of his rangers, diverged to the northwest to visit a 
rancho in that direction, while Johnson, with the remainder of the men 
and the live stock, proceeded to San Patricio, where they arrived on 
the 25th of February. A few days later Grant, with his detachment, 
having accomplished their object of securing more horses, turned their 
steps towards the same place. The stock for mounting must now have 
been quite large, and the sanguine spirit of Grant may have expected 
to improvise riders as rapidly as he had acquired horses ; but danger 
was nearer than he apprehended. Brevet Brigadier-General Urrea, 
with his regiment of dragoons, had arrived at Matamoros on the i8th 
of January, and was soon after joined by a battalion of infantry from 
Yucatan. These troops were sent to operate by way of the coast 
against Texas, while Santa Ana crossed the Rio Grande higher up. 
The approach to Matamoros of the raiders, whose number rumor exag- 
gerated, caused some needless alarm among the inhabitants ; needless 
because it occurred when the place was occupied by nearly a thousand 
troops, for there was a local garrison in addition to the two corps I 
have mentioned. The scheme of an aggressive movement, which Grant 
probably still clung to, had become even more visionary than when he 
first took it up. The alarm 1 have just spoken of ma}^ have precipitated 
Urrea's movement ; for the day after the popular scare he crossed the 
Rio Grande with his dragoon regiment and battalion of foot, each of 
which numbered about three hundred and fifty men. These, with a 
troop of militia cavalry, made up probably a force of about seven hun- 
dred and fifty. He pushed ahead with his dragoons on the yet warm 
tracks of Johnson's retreat, and reached San Patricio at three o'clock on 
the morning of February 27th, when the latter had been there but a 
day and two nights. Johnson's men, numbering about fort}^ were quar- 
tered in two or three palisade huts. That officer and four companions 
lodged in a separate cabin. One of them was Grant's former partner 
in Mexico, afterwards well known in Texas as Judge Toler. All had 
gone to rest rather like travelers after a journey, than like soldiers 
before an ever-expected fight. It was said that there was no picket on 
duty to watch, no sentry to fire an alarm, nor even a dog to bark. It 
must have been so, for the first intimation the Texans had of hostility 
was the shout of '* Viva Santa Ana " in front of their quarters. As the 
inhabitants of the place were mostly friendly to the Mexican cause, 
Urrea had no difficulty in securing guides. A summons to surrender 
at the men's quarters not being responded to, the dragoons pulled up 
the stakes which formed the sides of the huts, and after firing their car- 


bines among the inmates rushed in with drawn sabres. The surprise 
was so complete, and the force of the assailants so superior, that most 
of their victims were probably cut down before defense could be 
attempted. I never heard that Urrea lost a man on this occasion ; and 
the ''long- and vigorous resistance" Yoakum tells of is fabulous. A 
few of the Texans taken in the village were spared, which may have 
been because those in one of the huts made a timely surrender. A few 
were captured without resistance at the cattle-pens outside. 

When the men's barracks were confronted, a squad of dismounted 
dragoons drew up also at the door of Johnson's quarters, and com- 
manded the inmates to strike a light. Before it could be done the 
firing at the other huts was heard, and Johnson and his compan- 
ions, deeming their situation desperate, made a rush for escape or 
death from the only door of the cabin. To their surprise they found 
the coast clear, for the besieging squad had been drawn away by the 
firing to the scene of the carbinade. This coincidence of the two 
movements saved the men who sallied with an apparent certainty of 
being cut down ; for under the favor of night the}^ made their way out 
of the village, and taking the safest route to Goliad, arrived there 
the next day. The prisoners were secured, and for the moment were 
not badly treated. 

On the 1st of March Urrea marched with a part of his cavalr}^, num- 
bering about two hundred, to intercept Grant on his way back. Scouts 
kept the former advised of the movements of the latter, and as he 
knew by what route to expect his enemy, he selected for a seat of 
ambuscade a spot fifteen or twenty miles from San Patricio, where tiie 
path of Grant's return crossed a run called Agua Dulce, and was there 
beset Avith thickets. Under cover of these Urrea distributed his 
troopers, divided into five or six squads. Not long after these disposi- 
tions were made Grant appeared at the head of his men. He had no 
advance, nor any flankers or scouts thrown out to feel the way. It was 
a cold day, and the rangers, well wrapped in their blankets, came along, 
singing as they rode, as little conscious of their own danger as of the 
fate of their companions, when a sudden charge of the dragoons struck 
down with sword and lance about half their number, almost before 
they knew an enemy was upon them. They barely had time to fire a 
few shots before those who survived the first charge dashed through 
what opening there was left between surrounding squads of troopers, 
and fied at the utmost speed of their horses. Their hurried fire, 


according to Urrea's report, did him no other damage than the 
wounding of one horse ; and the survivors could not assert with cer- 
tainty that any of the dragoons were killed or wounded. 

Some of the fugitives were captured, and some killed in the pursuit; 
and among the latter was Grant, who made a flight of some miles before 
his horse gave out. One of his men who witnessed his death, a gentle- 
man in whose statement I have full confidence, related to me the 
circumstances while a prisoner ; and I repeat them here to contradict a 
fiction, as absurd as it is horrible, which has passed into written and 
published history. This gentleman who, I think, is still living, is 
Colonel R. R. Brown, afterwards a well-known planter in Texas. 
He said that while he was flying in a course parallel with that of 
Grant, but a few hundred yards from him, he saw Grant, who was hotly 
pursued by a dragoon, while his horse was failing, suddenly make signs 
of surrender by throwing down his sword and pistols and dismounting. 
The horseman rode up to him, but, as yet, showed no disposition to 
violence; but while Grant was speaking to him, another trooper charged 
in and ran Grant through the body with his lance, and then both of the 
soldiers joined in mangling the body of the fallen man. Brown was 
soon after run down and captured, but was spared, which, if I recollect 
aright, was because an officer happened to be within commanding 
distance of the men who took him. Father Maloy, the priest of San 
Patricio, afterwards informed me that he saw Grant's sword, knife and 
jacket, and other articles known as his, brought in by the dragoons when 
they returned from Agua Dulce, and that he was undoubtedly killed on 
the same day and the same field with the mass of his band. A rumor 
of his escape came to Matamoros a few days after the news of his death ; 
and it was in discussing the conflict of reports that Father Maloy, who 
had arrived there, gave me the above information. A worse fiction than 
that of escape followed. The butchery of Grant after surrender was 
shocking enough, but the greed then prevailing among Americans for 
tales of Mexican cruelty was willing to accept something more elab- 
orate. About this time an Italian doctor, named Constanza, was 
expelled from Monterey for conduct unbecoming a physician and a gen- 
tleman, and a little later in the season he went to New Orleans with no 
kind feeling towards the people who had cast him out. By way of 
reprisal he furnished a sensation newspaper, which named him as 
authority, with a new version of Grant's death, which was afterwards 
taken up as authentic by Yoakum in his history of Texas. As given in 
that work, it states that Grant was wounded and captured alive, and 


taken to San Patricio by the Mexicans, that they might make use of 
his skill there in the treatment of their " numerous wounded." When 
they had got three weeks service out of him in this way, but before his 
own wound was healed, he was tied to the tail of a wild horse, and 
turned loose to meet a worse fate than that of Mazeppa. This atrocity 
is attributed to a captain whom Urrea left in command of a garrison at 
San Patricio. Now no such garrison was left there, and Urrea's 
numerous wounded had not yet begun to bleed ; for it is doubtful if one of 
his men was hurt in the two safe and easy massacres they had achieved. 
Even if the time and manner of Grant's death had not been amply 
proved, no one ought to have accepted this silly fabrication as probable. 
Had Grant been taken, his doom, it is true, would have been more 
irrevocably sealed than that of Fannin, but he would have been, from 
the Mexican point of view, too important a prisoner to be disposed of 
by obscure assassination. The example of his execution would have 
been exhibited where it would have been more impressive than in the 
chaparal of the Nueces. 

Grant was thirty-eight years of age at the time of his death. On 
the day it occurred he was probably the only armed Texan leader 
who still harbored any hope for the Constitution of 1824, or any 
wish to prolong the union of Texas with Mexico ; for since he had been 
on the frontier the change of feeling had been more rapid and wide 
than he probably knew of, and even since he had parted from Johnson, 
the change may have overtaken the latter also. It is a coincidence 
worthy of note that the cause so clung to by Grant literally died with 
him almost, if not quite, to the hour. The last opposer of separation 
fell beyond the Nueces on the same 2d of March on which the Inde- 
pendence of Texas w^as declared at Washington on the Brazos. In one 
sense Grant may be viewed as a representative man, being the last drop 
of an element which six months before had been almost pervasive. 
The magnetism which I have attributed to his personality is apparent 
from the fact, that the survivors of his band loved his memory, notwith- 
standing the gulf into which he had lured them. As a leader in great 
affairs, he might or might not have achieved temporary success, but it 
would have been nothing more ; yet in such an enteprize he could have 
been a powerful auxiliary to a mind of greater calibre and better bal- 
ance than his own. I discuss his traits thus fully because he acquired 
in the affairs of Texas a prommence, which, had he lived, might have 
grown sufficiently to work far more good and ill to her cause than 
the shortness of his actual career admitted of. 


The followers of Johnson and Grant, if the survivors may be 
accepted as a fair sample, were I think above the average of men who 
composed the volunteer forces of Texas from abroad ; they were mostly 
of recent arrival in the country, and young men under thirty. Some 
were gentlemen, none of the lowest filibuster type, and in their case 
we see a fine material for soldiers sacrificed to a lack in their leaders of 
the first principles of soldiership. Why was this ? Johnson had com- 
manded a successful attack on a fortified position, garrisoned by a 
stronger, and technically a better force than his own. Grant, who had 
previously done some military duty in Mexico, had shown great effi- 
ciency and intelligence in the same enterprise, and there Avere officers 
with them to the last who had done well on the same occasion. How 
was it then that they overlooked precautions which the most stolid of 
old-fashioned sergeants would have observed? It was not, I think, the 
fault of the men, who 1 doubt not would have performed their part in that 
direction if required. Primary steps of vigilance, it is true, would not 
in this case have won victory, but they would have averted reproach, 
saved a larger remnant, and brought a nobler exit to those who fell, as 
well as a dearer triumph to the enemy. I can account for the dis- 
crepancy between earlier and later conduct only by assuming that 
leaders who enter upon an impossible and unauthorized undertaking, 
usually meet with distractions which confuse common sense ; and it is 
usually only a mind liable to such confusion that will take up such an 
enterprise. The outcome was in this case a tragical farce, such as I 
have before spoken of as characterizing most of the contest. 

The prisoners taken by Urrea in the two actions numbered twenty- 
three. Two of them were detamed in Texas, though eventually 
released, and the remaining twenty-one were sent under an escort to 
Matamoros. Of the latter number, seven were Mexicans of San 
Antonio ; one Avas an Enghshman, one an Irishman, and one ^ German 
of culture and a photographic artist named Langenheim. The 
remaining eleven were natives of the United States. Before their cap- 
ture, Urrea had received orders from Santa Ana to have all Texans and 
foreigners in Texas, found in arms against the Government, promptly 
shot. Urrea, though a man of not much capacity or principle, was not 
bloodthirsty, and when not overruled by orders of a superior, or stirred 
by irritation, was disposed to treat prisoners with lenity. On this occa- 
sion he wrote to Santa Ana that he could not bring himself to execute 
men in cold blood, and begged his General-in-Chief to excuse him for 
having turned his prisoners over to the officer in command at Mata- 


moros. I learnecl this from General Bradburn. He was present when 
the letter was received and read by Santa Ana, who made no comment 
on it to those present. Urrea, however, though he did covet the office 
of an executioner, in this act merely shifted to another a task which 
was repugnant to himself, as he afterwards did when he left behind 
him the prisoners of Goliad. Those from San Patricio arrived in Mata- 
moros, where I then resided, before the middle of March, and were 
confined in a large barrack in the lower edge of the city, where the 
garrison was quartered. 

Before I go on with the fortunes of these prisoners, I must turn 
back to relate an event of that vicinity, which, though it had no con- 
nection with them, is worthy of note here, as including the first military 
execution of the season. Just before Urrea's march for Texas a Mex- 
ican war schooner, called the Bravo, was lying off Brazos Santiago, the 
port or landing place of Matamoros, and about twenty miles from it. 
In going out over the bar she had received some damage to her rudder, 
in consequence of which she anchored, and was waiting a favorable 
opportunity to put back for repairs. It was, I think, a few days before 
Urrea crossed the Rio Grande that an armed schooner of rakish 
appearance, and bearing the American flag, hove in sight, and bore 
down to within half-cannon shot of the Bravo, where she lay-to, and 
sent-a boat with an officer to board that vessel. The latter was com- 
manded by Captain Davis, an American, who had long been in the 
Mexican navy. Another officer of the same service, but of later 
appointment. Captain Thompson, an Englishman, though not attached 
to the vessel, was now on board, having come out to the assistance of 
Davis after the accident. When the strange vessel appeared Thomp- 
son, who had the keen eye of a British tar, said at a glance, '' That 
craft has a fine look, but is no American man-of-war or cutter, but 
I suspect is the Texan schooner Invincible." The boat came along- 
side, and the officer, a young man, wearing the uniform of the U. 
S. Revenue Service, was invited on board. He informed Captain 
Davis that the vessel he came from was a U. S. Revenue Cutter, 
which he named, and that she had been sent out with dispatches 
from the U. S. Government, demanding explanation or satisfaction 
for an offense against the United States, naming some recent affair 
which had been a source of irritation. ** He had not brought the 
papers, but had merely come," he said, " to announce the vessel's 
errand." Captain Davis replied that the papers might be sent to the 
army officer commanding at the port, who would transmit them to 


the General; but that, as a pre-requisite to this, he must ascertain to 
his own satisfaction that the vessel was what the officer claimed her to 
be. *' I must detain you and your boat's crew till I send my boat," 
he said, " to obtain the assurance I desire." He theo directed Cap- 
tain Thompson to take a sloop-rigged harbor boat, in which the latter 
had come off, and visit the doubtful stranger. Thompson had made 
himself very odious in Texas by captures on the coast, and by defiant 
bearing after he was himself captured ; and he had no desire to fall 
into the hands of Texans, especially as a hostage. As he felt more 
convinced since he had seen the officer and boat's crew of the other 
vessel, that she was not what she claimed be, he did not receive the 
order graciously. ''Captain Davis," said he, ''if this is your order, I 
must obey it; but you are putting on me a duty which I do not relish." 
As Davis did not withdraw the command, Thompson at once proceeded 
to fulfill it. The wind was against him, and he had to beat up to the 
strange vessel, which he did till the last tack brought him close under 
her lee. An officer on her deck then incautiously looked over the 
bulwark, and Thompson's quick eye recognized the face of his old 
acquaintance, Jerry Brown, who he already knew had been assigned 
to the command of the Invincible. Thompson at once reversed his 
course, and while he put up the helm laid himself down, for he knew 
that he had struck a vein of lead. At the same time Captain Brawn 
cried out, " Fire ! that is Thompson — have him, dead or alive ! " The 
hurried volley of the marines passed over Thompson as he lay fiat with 
the tiller in his hand, and it failed also to bring him to ; for the wind 
being now in his favor, he ran back before it with great speed to the 
Bravo. Notwithstanding what had occurred, Captain Davis at once 
released the boat of the Invincible and her crew, who pulled back to 
their own vessel, while the pretended revenue officer Avas hurried on 
shore in one of the Bravo's boats. 

I must now shift the scene to the deck of the Invincible. Captain 
Jerry Brown, after being appointed to the command of that vessel, and 
making some trips on public service, sailed to the Mexican coast to 
see what could be picked up in the way of prize or sea fight. He took on 
board either at New Orleans or in Texas, as a companion for his cruise, 
a young friend, a Mr. Living, who had lately been a lieutenant in the 
U. S. Revenue Service. Brown, on arriving off the Brazos, with 
American colors flying, recognized the vessel lying near the bar as the 
Bravo. Though he did not probably know of her crippled condition, he 
knew his own vessel to be more than a match for her ; and all he had to 


do was to open fire and sink her before she could get out of his reach. 
There was no chance for capture, for if unable to run in, she could be 
put on the bar or stranded. Time, then so precious, ought not to have 
been wasted in parley or masquerade ; but Living proposed to board 
her in disguise, and see if some advantage (what he did not try to 
guess) could not be gained by a trick of espionage. The Invincible 
could be palmed off on the Mexicans as an American cutter, and as 
Living had one of his old uniforms with him, he could pass himself for 
an American Revenue officer. As all was known already that was 
needed for immediate action, Living could have had no other object 
than a smart piece of masquerading which he might afterwards boast 
of. Brown saw the risk and inutility of the plan, yet weakly allowed 
himself to be importuned into assenting to it ; and the last words he 
said to Living as the latter left the Invincible was that he disapproved 
of his own consent. Brown was a genial, good-hearted skipper, sud- 
denly converted into a naval officer, and had not acquired the sternness 
towards meddlesome friends and smart young men which his position 
required. When the crew of the Invincible saw that their boat was 
detained, they felt anxious for the safety of their shipmates, and at the 
turning point of the play, when Thompson was fired on, some of the 
tars swore that they saw their comrades butchered on the deck of the 
Bravo. This vision of clairvoyance, however, was soon contradicted 
by normal sight when the boat and crew came safely alongside. So 
soon as it was seen that Living was not on her. Captain Brown lowered 
his stars and stripes, ran up the flag of 1824, and opened fire on the 
Bravo, then getting under way, as well as her condition allowed. She 
stood in for the harbor, but lack of steering power, as well as the diffi- 
culty of the channel, caused her to lodge on the bar, where a few shots 
from the Invincible filled her with water. Yoakum calls this affair an 
action of two hours; but the cannonade must have lasted a much 
shorter time, and I think it was all on one side. 

Brown was unduly censured because he did not rescue Living. He 
could not have done so without capturing the port, for which his force 
was not sufficient, even if he had been safe inside ; and had he attempted 
to get there without a pilot, and with his vessel's deep draft, the Invin- 
cible would probable have shared the fate of the Bravo. Brown 
deserved any amount of censure for allowing scope to Living's folly 
against his own judgment, but once committed it was past remedy, 
and he felt the result intensely at the time. 

When Captain Brown was about standing out from the Brazos, a 


sail hove in sight, which, on being boarded and examined, proved to be 
the American brig Pocket from New Orleans, which had been freighted 
by the Mexican Government with provisions for the Mexican army, and 
she was now in Mexican waters, almost in possession of the enemy. 
Brown, after consulting with his officers, concluded that she was a 
lawful prize. He captured her accordingly, and took her into Gal- 
veston Bay. The United States afterwards reclaimed her value as an 
unjustifiable seizure, and it was eventually paid ; but the capture was 
then a godsend to Texas. The cargo of that vessel served to feed the 
destitute and houseless crowd which gathered on Galveston Island 
during the season of panic and flight. 

Poor Living's fate was sealed. He had come under a false char- 
acter, and in disguise, to the deck of a Mexican man-of-war from an 
enemy's armed vessel, which he represented as a neutral ; and this in 
any country would have stamped him as a spy, and made him worthy 
of death by the laws of war. The court-martial which tried him took 
that view of his case, and he was shot at Brazos Santiago a few days 
after he was taken. He had aimed at nothing worse than a farce, but 
it turned into a tragedy. Again the ever-recurring trait of the contest 
turns up. 

A few days after the arrival of the Texan prisoners from San 
Patricio, the American residents of Matamoros learned that they were 
suffering from hunger. The officers of whom inquiry was made con- 
cerning this said that the deficiency of food was owing to some 
derangement in the routine of the'" commissariat, as v/ell as its lack of 
means, which had put the garrison also on scant allowance, but that it 
had been and still was the intention of the military authorities to give 
the prisoners the same rations allowed to the troops. It was then pro- 
posed by the American residents who made the inquiry, that they 
should furnish the prisoners with rations, if the Commissariat would 
when in funds pay to the contributors the regulation price of the 
rations so furnished. This was agreed to, and the food of the prisoners 
was supplied on this footing for over six months. During about two 
months the funds were derived from a subscription among the aforesaid 
residents ; but for the rest of the time, four months and upwards, owing 
to a misunderstanding among the contributors, the burthen was thrown 
wholly upon one of them, who had volunteered to act as a lactor for 
the rest. No part of this outlay was ever refunded by the Mexican 
authorities, but the portion paid by the largest contributor was after- 
wards returned to him by Texas. He ceased to supply the prisoners at 


their own request ; for when they learned that the burthen had long 
been thrown upon one, they offered to take the risk of starvation rather 
than let the imposition continue, saying they would bear three days 
hunger to see if it would shame their custodians into doing their duty. 
The experiment succeeded without the penance apprehended, for when 
the dole of charity stopped, the Government rations took its place. 

Before this transaction came to an end, however, the prisoners 
underwent more trying vicissitudes. Immediately after their arrival 
they were, one alter another, put under examination of a military 
commission to elicit evidence of the circumstances under which they 
were taken. It Avas not a formal trial, and seemed to be conducted in a 
way so leisurely that it appeared like an expedient to delay action on 
their case. We, the foreign residents, though we had heard of the 
massacre at the Alamo, and the execution of Captain King's and Colonel 
Fannin's men, entertained hopes, perhaps unreasonable, that under the 
influence of success, Santa Ana's thirst for blood had become sated ; 
and that these men, being more out of the range of his notice than those 
who had gone before them would be spared. It was, then, with some 
surprise as well as extreme pain, that we learned, early on the i6th 
of April, that the prisoners were all to be shot at dawn the next 
morning. I happened to be one of the first of the American residents 
who heard the news, and luckily I hit upon the safest person I could 
have selected to apply to immediately for advice and aid. This was 
Don Francisco Lojero, a citizen of the place, who had, at different 
times, filled important offices in th^t country. I inquired of him if 
the painful report I had heard was true. " Too true, to my sorrow," 
he replied. '' But," said I, *' how is it that these men are to be exe- 
cuted within twenty-four hours after their doom is announced ? Does 
not the law allow to all persons under sentence of death three days' 
grace?" "It does," said he, *' the respite we call capilla ; the object 
of it being to give all criminals time to make religious preparations 
for death. These unfortunate men are entitled to it by law, and I 
know not why the General has not allowed it. I will go to him imme- 
diately and inquire about it." 

He went at once. The officer in command there was Brigadier- 
General Vital Fernandez, who had been the local commandant before 
Urrea's arrival, as well as after his departure. His headquarters were 
near, and Lojero soon returned. " The General," said he, " informs me 
that he has not allowed the usual respite to the prisoners before execu- 
tion, because he thought it would only prolong their mental sufferings ; 


but he admits they are entitled to it, and he will will grant it still if they 
will petition for it. Here are pens, ink and stamped paper. Please 
take a seat, and write out a petition for the prisoners to sign. I do not 
offer to do it, because it had better be in English, that they may under* 
stand it at once, and sign without hesitation." I wrote, in brief terms, a 
supplication for the short respite the law allowed, and explained it to 
Lojero, who approved of it, and advised me to go at once to the 
barrack, and request the officer of the guard to have the paper sent in 
and signed by the prisoners, and then to forward it without delay to 
the General. In a few minutes I was at the barrack, where I saw an 
increase of the outward signs of vigilance. The guard was doubled, 
and the sentry halted me with more curt formality than usual. The 
officer of the guard wore a sad solemnity of visage, which lightened up a 
little when I read into Spanish the paper I held in my hand. He 
took it, and assured me that all I requested should be promptly 

The news of the day not only brought profound grief to the 
foreign residents, of whatever nationality, but served to sadden the 
inhabitants generally. Matamoros was a new place, which had grown 
from a village to a city in less than twenty years, and it had never been, 
like other parts of Mexico, the scene of those revolutionary outrages 
which harden the hearts of a people. That population, moreover, had 
no love for Santa Ana, though it had joined in no effort to resist his 

I felt no anxiety about the General's failure to fulfill his promise, but 
I did not learn that the granting of the respite had been formalized till 
late in the night, when the official translator, a Franco-American, came 
to me with the petition I had drawn up in his hand, now bearing the 
General's endorsement of approval. It had been handed to the trans- 
lator that he might attach to it a certified version in Spanish ; and as I 
had written the original, he came for the courtesy of submitting his 
rendering of it to me. This gave me an opportunity of seeing the 
paper after it was signed. 1 looked well at the signatures of those men 
who believed themselves about to die ; and not one of them showed any 
signs of tremor. 

On the following day the American Consul, D. W. Smith, ad- 
dressed to General Fernandez a strong protest against the execution. 
He could claim nothing for the prisoners as citizens of his own country, 
but he remonstrated against their sentence as contrary to the dictates of 
humanity and civilization, quoting Vattel largely to show that such 


blows of martial authority, even against rebels, could no longer be 
reconciled to the rules of warfare, or to existing laws of nations. But 
neither this, nor anything else seemed to be of any avail. I think it 
probable, though I do not know it to be so, that a recent communica- 
tion from Santa Ana had put an end to the temporizing delay with which 
Fernandez had at first hoped to save the prisoners, and that he was 
under a sudden fright when he withheld the respite of capilla. Each 
lagging day now seemed to take away a third part of the life of each 
doomed man. Still sympathy with their lot grew more intense, and 
seemed as strong in the better class of natives as in the American 
residents. The third day came, and then the night, supposed to be the 
last; for no hope, so far as I then new, had dawned. But there was a 
movement stirring which I did not yet know of. Late that night, 
after I had lain down sleepless, there was a knock at my door. I 
opened it, and Mr. Schatzell, one whose name was afterwards well 
known in Texas, entered. ''New hope," said he. He then went on to 
explain his meaning. A project, which originated on the Mexican side 
of the sympathetic community, and was, I think, first started by Lojero, 
had ripened at the eleventh hour, and had been eagerly embraced by 
Schatzell and other wealthy American merchants. It was a new 
proposal to General Fernandez, with a condition. The proposal was, 
that an additional respite of twenty days should be granted to the 
prisoners, to give time for sending petitions for their pardon to the 
Government at Mexico, and to Santa Ana in Texas. The condition was, 
that if, in consequence of that delay and those petitions ^ the lives of the 
prisoners should be saved, twenty thousand dollars should be paid to 
the Mexican Government. Those Avho made the offer guaranteed the 
amount. The General knew them to be responsible ; the Mexican 
gentlemen who backed the proposal had great weight with him ; his 
own feelings were with them ; and at a late hour he assented, and 
ordered the respite. Thus, for a third time, was averted the sword 
which hung over those men, each time by a more slender hair than the 
last. After hearing the news I slept. 

On the following day petitions were prepared and signed in duplicate; 
one by the municipality, one by the prominent citizens and residents, 
and another by the ladies of the city, led by Lojero's wife. The peti- 
tions were dispatched by express ; the two sets in the opposite directions 
before indicated. The amount stipulated was promptly subscribed. 
There was hardly a single foreign resident, however poor, who did not 
give something. Several of the leading American merchants and 


prominent native residents entered their names for two thousand dol- 
lars each. When the second respite had nearly half run out, and before 
either of the petitions had been heard from, I one day met Lojero on 
the street with a beaming countenance, and he cried out '^ Aibrices ! '' 
which means a reward for good news. ** Your friends are safe," said 
he, *' and through other means than our efforts and pledges," and he 
drew from his pocket and handed to me a printed paper, which I found 
to be a proclamation of amnesty from the Mexican Government. It 
reprieved all captured rebels not yet executed, and provided for their 
liberation and expulsion from the country. The author of it, I opine, 
"builded better than he knew" in the way of mercy. I have heard of 
a Spanish prime minister who in his last moments was exhorted by his 
confessor to forgive all his enemies. ^' Father," said the dying Christ- 
ian, '' I have none to forgive — I have had them all shot." The two 
cases were somewhat parallel ; for though the decree was dated just 
before the prisoners in Matamoros were to have been executed, it 
was doubtless then believed by the Cabinet of Mexico that they were 
already disposed of. As it was, the delay secured by intercession saved 
them, but without the aid of our petitions, which were of later date than 
the amnesty, and consequently those who had subscribed for the ransom 
were released from their obligations. Lojero told me that the reprieve 
was already announced to the prisoners, and suggested to me to go 
and congratulate them; ''for now," said he, "you will be allowed 
ready admittance and free conference." I went accordingly with a 
friend whom I then fell in with, and for the first time I had a long con- 
versation with the men who had suffered such a lingering death of 
suspense. One of them told me that when they were formed in line to 
have the decree read to them, the officer of the guard, who held the 
paper in his hand, seemed under some strong feeling, and looked as pale 
as a corpse. They concluded that it was a new death warrant. The 
document alluded in more than one place to the capital penalty from 
which it relieved them, and as the officer read it with deep emotion, the 
word " muerte " (death) was the only one they understood. They 
were renerving themselves for their fate, when, after the reading was 
done, an interpreter, who stood ready, explained the meaning of what 
had been read. The emotion of that officer speaks well for his sensi- 
bility. The prisoners had prepared to meet their doom with firmness, 
and the letters they wrote as their last were heroic. But now they 
showed no exuberance ot joy ; for the same voice which announced 
their reprieve told them their cause was crushed, and their adopted 


country wholly subjugated. We were unable to contradict the dreary 
intelligence, for it was what everybody in the city then believed. The 
news they said was almost like a renewal of their sentence. 

To those who have been impressed only with the evil traits so 
often found in the Mexican character, the good of which this narra- 
tive shows them capable need not seem anomalous, for the lower we 
explore the stages of social development, the more, to use a common 
expression, do we find character in streaks. Not only are good and 
bad individuals found in closer proximity, but the noble and ignoble 
more mingled in the same heart, and both virtuous and depraved 
action more spasmodic. In every stage of that kind would Dean 
Stanley find an ample field for a new and admirable analysis oi the 
duality of human nature. 

As Texas is bound to remember with gratitude the friends whom 
her adopted sons found in an alien and hostile race, 1 will say a ^vord 
more about the two I have mentioned by name, and placed in promin- 
ence. Don Francisco Lojero was distinguished among the minor 
leaders of the Mexican Revolution, and in one of the provisional gov- 
ernments of that era filled the office of Secretary of War. His wife 
was the daughter of General Allende, one of the most illustrious chiefs 
in that contest. The daughter is worthy of a hero who gave his life to 
his countr}^ 

It was I think about ten days after the announcement of the reprieve 
that news of the defeat of Santa Ana at San Jacinto, and his subsequent 
capture, became public in Matamoros. It was in possession of the mili- 
tary authorities three days before it leaked out, and then it spread as 
rapidly as if proclaimed from the house-top, and with unusual correct- 
ness of detail, for the totality of defeat by an inferior force w^as not 
concealed. The joy it caused among the foreign residents can hardly 
be described, but the rapture it brought to the prisoners is unspeak- 
able. Not till then did they fully appreciate the boon of their reprieve. 
Their liberation, though pledged, was long in coming. 

Then came the retreat of the Mexican army, under the com- 
mand of Urrea, now a full Brigadier, who superseded Filizoli after the 
truce made by the latter with Houston had been repudiated by the 
Government of Mexico. Filizoli had permitted two Texan Commis- 
sioners, Captains Karnes and Teal, to proceed to Matamoros with their 
orderlies to attend to the lulfillment of certain stipulations ol the truce, 
but that agreement being now ignored, Urrea caused the envoys to be 
arrested. The two soldiers were put into the barracks with the rest ol 


the Texan prisoners ; but the two captains being confined, with a special 
guard, in quarters they were permitted to hire, found means to escape 
after three or four months imprisonment. The adventures of their 
mission, their expedients for sending information to Texas, the letters 
they inclosed in the handle of their courier's whip, the injudicious char- 
acter of those letters, the murderous indiscretion of their friends in 
Texas, which allowed those letters to come back to Urrea in a New 
Orleans newspaper, thus compromising their friends in Matamoros, 
and finally their well-devised escape and thrilling adventures in making 
it ; all these things related in detail would form an interesting romance, 
which, though without the spice of tragedy, would not be wholly free 
from farce, but to do justice to all the incidents would make this article 
too volumninous. I therefore confine myself to the story of that group 
of prisoners whose fortunes I have thus far traced. 

The decree of amnesty, as I have said, provided for the liberation 
and embarkation of all prisoners which it relieved from the death 
penalty. General Fernandez, being a local commander, did not feel 
authorized to carry out those provisions without special orders. He 
had been relieved after Urrea's return, and the latter, though possessed 
of ample authority, was not disposed to make a benign or just use of it. 
Smarting under the failure of the campaign in which he had been 
engaged, he felt less considerate towards those prisoners than when he 
first captured them ; and as there were some hundreds of Mexican 
prisoners in Texas, he probably thought it advisable to keep hold of a 
small handful of flesh and blood, on which he might, if needful, make 
reprisals. Soon after he took command in Matamoros he caused the Texan 
prisoners, still fed by charity, to be employed in sweeping the streets; 
and though they had not before had any degrading labor imposed on 
them, they were kept to this servitude as long as their captivity lasted, 
and while engaged in it, if they happened to be under the supervision of 
a brutal guard officer, were at times treated with cruel indignity. This 
roused anew the sympathy of the ladies of the place, who would some- 
times come out and warn the officer to leave their part of the sidewalk 
untouched, as they would sooner sweep it themselves than have it done 
for them by the poor prisoners. It was Urrea who initiated this 
mdignit}^ ; but let the whole truth be told. He did it in retahation for 
a greater piece of brutality, for which Texas will ever blush, though 
she disclaims its reproach as an exceptional blot, and a merely indi- 
vidual infamy. When Captain Brown of the Invincible captured and 
carried into Galveston harbor as a prize the brig Pocket, she had on 


board three Mexican officers, who had taken passage on her from New 
Orleans to Matamoros. They were detained as prisoners of war, and 
transferred for custody to the Texan armed schooner Brutus, Captain 
Hard. They were Captain Ocampo, another infantry captain, and 
an engineer named Hogan, a naturalized Irishman. In Hogan's trunk 
were found papers, containing some military suggestions and plans for 
fortified works in Texas, addressed to Santa Ana. All three had been 
on duty in Texas before the war, and Hogan had resided there as a 
civilian a short time before he took service. Putting all the circum- 
stances together, Hurd made out their case to be that of malignants, 
plotting against the country where they had once lived. He wanted to 
retaliate Mexican cruelty anyhow, and not feeling that he had authority 
to shoot them, he ordered them to be flogged. Accordingly Ocampo 
and Hogan, the latter an old man of sixty or more, were, one after 
the other, cruelly scourged, and the other officer was about being put 
through the same torture, when Captain Brown, then the ranking 
officer of the flotilla, came on board, and indignantly put an end to the 
outrage. Hurd had been raised to his present position by a distinction 
that was rather accidental. He had been a respectable skipper ; no 
one from ordinary intercourse would take him to be a ruffian, or any- 
thing else in particular ; and I think that in this matter he may have 
been under the influence of associates lower than himself. 

In August, when I thought Urrea's mind had become sufficiently 
unruffled for a tolerably candid view of matters, I drew up for the pris- 
oners a petition in Spanish, asking for the liberation to which the 
decree of amnesty entitled them. They signed it, and I sent it to the 
General. I did not present it in person, nor seek an interview, which I 
knew would not aid the supplication ; for Urrea, owing to the interest I 
had taken in the prisoners, or from some other cause, suspected me of 
having corresponded with the rebels and aided prisoners to escape. As 
Grant's men had been taken under the flag of 1824, their memorial 
appealed to him as men whose cause had died with their leader on the 
day of their captivity ; as soldiers whom his own arms had conquered ; 
as captives, whose lives his clemency had spared when higher authority 
demanded their blood. The appeal was made in vain. Urrea made no 
response to the petition, nor did I ever learn in what kind of temper he 
received it. 

We learned, some time after, that General Bravo had been, or would 
soon be assigned to the command of the army at Matamoros, with 
which the Mexican Government hoped, ere long, to recommence opera- 


tions against Texas. He consented to take the command only on condition 
that a certain amount of force and means, which he deemed indispensable, 
should be placed at his disposal, and that a course compatible with the 
rules of civilized warfare should be observed. Both conditions were 
agreed to, but the event proved that the crippled government could not 
carry out its promise in regard to men and resources. Every one 
acquainted with the history of the Mexican Revolution, will remember 
the act which ennobled the life of Don Nicholas Bravo. During that 
struggle, when his father and himself both had commands in the field, 
the former was captured. It was a time when no mercy was shown by 
Spaniards to rebels. The younger Bravo knew that his father's fate was 
sealed, and that no threat of retaliation would save him, though the son 
had a number of Spanish prisoners in his hands. He immediately liber- 
ated those prisoners, saying he would not trust himself with the 
temptation to make a bloody reprisal. After his prisoners were beyond 
his reach he heard of his father's execution. From the high opinion I 
had ever held of General Bravo, 1 indulged strong hopes that, so soon 
as he should take command, he would deal justly with the prisoners, and 
give them the liberty which a public decree had pledged, and I advised 
them not to risk attempts at escape till the soundness of this hope had 
been tested. But the expected liberator did not come as soon as 
expected. At some time in the fall Urrea was relieved by General 
Amador; but as the new commander seemed a man of mere negative 
good qualities, and had only a temporary assignment, I knew that he 
would take no new action toward the prisoners, and made no attempt 
to obtain it. 

General Bravo did not arrive till January, 1837. Before this time a 
slight change had occurred in the original number of the prisoners. 
Two out of the seven Mexicans of San Antonio, named Arriola and 
Zembrano, had been liberated early, before Fernandez's order for execu- 
tion was issued. Their friends had brought some influence to bear on 
Santa Ana while he was at their native place, which plead effectively. 
The young Irishman, Mitchell, escaped soon after the reprieve, and later 
in the season two of the Americans, Brown and Mac Neely, also escaped. 
All of those succeeded in reaching Texas. Still later, another got away 
from the barrack and across the river, but was overtaken and brought 
back. Thus five of the original twenty-one were gone, but the two 
orderlies of Karnes and Teal had been added to the remainder, making 
the number eighteen. 

As soon as General Bravo arrived 1 prepared a new petition. I at 


first proposed to write it in Spanish, and submit it to a Cuban gentle- 
man, who hved at Matamoros, for any correction it might need. " No," 
said he. *' Do not hamper your ideas with a language not your own, 
but put your document into your best English, and I will engage to 
give it equal force in Spanish." His advice was good, and he did not 
overrate his own ability as a translator from my language to his, for he 
was the best I ever knew. Having made a good copy of the Spanish 
version, I got it signed by the prisoners, and so soon as the new General 
was well settled in his seat, I delivered the document into his own 
hand. It stated that the petitioners were the first taken and the last 
retained of all the prisoners made m the late campaign ; that they had 
seen the sword three times suspended over them, when it was averted 
by the decree of amnesty j that they had petitioned General Urrea in 
vain for the liberation which that decree had pledged to all whom it 
relieved from the penalty of death ; and that they supplicated from the 
General now in command the boon before denied. The closing appeal 
was in the English original, as follows : "Appealing to that heart which 
has known the agony of a father's martyrdom, and trusting in the 
generosity which refused to retaliate so cruel a blow, we call on your 
Excellency to consider the woes of our own parents and kindred, who 
have long bewailed us as dead, and would now view our reappearance 
among them as a return from the tomb. For the sake, not of us, but of 
those beloved mourners, grant that we may behold them again, and their 
prayers shall call down Heaven's choicest blessing on the head of the 
magnanimous Bravo." 

When I presented this petition I got my first view of the tall, stately 
figure of Bravo, with what might be called a Spanish version of Wash- 
ington's face. He motioned me to a seat, and taking another himself, 
proceeded to read with apparent close attention the paper I had handed 
him. How intently did I watch his manly, impassable features as he 
read down one page, and turned to another, till he came to the end. 
His face told nothing, but I thought or imagined there was a slightl}^ 
longer breath when he came to the line which alluded to his father. 
Having finished the slow reading, he as deliberately refolded the paper, 
and turning to me said: " This is Tuesday. I will answer this commu- 
nication on Thursday." On Thursday 1 again called, and in reply to 
my inquiry he said : " I have reported on this matter to the Govern- 
ment." My hopes sank. " When," inquired I, " may an answer be 
expected from the Government?" "Perhaps," said he, "in twelve 
days." My hopes did not rise. It was only three or four days after 



the second interview that, when I had lain down for a siesta, a friend 
bolted into my room, and cried out, ** The prisoners are free ! " I 
said " let me see and I will believe." I went to the door, and the 
liberated men came flocking around me. Bravo, I have no doubt, had 
determined when he first read the petition to liberate the prisoners, if 
he found that their memorial gave a correct statement of facts, and 
his report to the Government probably stated that intent. The friends 
oi the prisoners in the course of a week or two enabled them to secure 
passages to New Orleans; and with the end of their imprisonment and 
exile my narrative closes. 




A map published in Paris, with the recent date of 1878, and repre- 
senting the peninsula of Yucatan, must claim earnest attention in 
geographical circles. This map is somewhat of a novelty, but never- 
theless a welcome and instructive novelty. It helps to till a gap which 
has always existed. There is scarcely anything known of this region 
of the Central American isthmus beyond what relates to its coast- 
lines, its bold jutting out towards the island of Cuba, the position of 
Cape Catoche as opposite to that of San Antonio de Cuba, and the 
channel between these capes, through which the current of the Gulf 
Stream forces its way from the Caribbean Sea into the Mexican basin. 
Only a few and very vague indications of the physical features and the 
political division of the interior of this peninsula are found even in our 
most commendable maps, all of which give the impression of a country 
that still remains an open field for all kind of exploration. Literaiy and 
scientific authorities also fail to give satisfaction respecting details. The 
little which is given has a certain fiavor of hearsay, gathered and put 
together in order that the subject of Yucatan may not appear to be 

We read, for instance, that this peninsula is composed geologically 
of a single block, built up by calcareous strata. its surfaces rise 
only a few feet above the surrounding waters. It presents no mountain 
ranges, and is as flat as the palm of the hand. No brook, no river 
bathes the gigantic trees ; the luxuriant tropical vegetation feeding 
apparently but upon the moisture exhaled from the sea. There are 
rivers however, but these rivers run in invisible subterranean channels, 
and at a distance from the northern shore the fresh water bursts out 
amidst the salty surroundings, so that the manati, the heron, the fish- 
ermen in their canoes resort to the spot and slack their thirst. The 
inhabitants are described as Indians who are on the point of succeeding 
in reconquering their native soil from the Spaniards, by whom they 
were originally dispossessed. The Spaniards, when they landed on the 
shores in 15 17, were told by the indigenous race that white and bearded 
people had come thither from the distant east, built houses, temples, pal- 
aces and cities, and ruled the country for more than a thousand years. The 
ruins of these ancient edifices indeed exist. They were discovered in 
the first decennial of our century, and the groundwork as well as the 


detail of their architectual style, has a surprising resemblance to that 
of oriental Babylon and Egypt. Such are some of the notions 
respecting Yucatan. If this be all of it, we cannot but say that our 
knowledge of this peninsula is still enveloped in mist. But suggestions 
appear of problems still to be solved in all lines of geographical and 
historical research. The more, therefore, our scientific public shall be 
reminded of the existence of this area of 70,000 square miles, by works 
as original as this new map, the more these vague current notions con- 
cerning Yucatan will grow into well-formulated problems, and finally 
into solid and acceptable instruction. 

We understand that the map is the work of experts, and persons 
born and living on the soil of Yucatan itself. Its composition has 
grown out of a large amount of data, given by engineers who made 
surveys either for the Government or for owners of vast estates ; 
by military officers, who in their expeditions against the Indians laid 
down the lines of their marches ; and by foreign travelers and scien- 
tists, who in the interest of their special pursuits revised former data, 
and rectified them by means of more correct methods of observation. 
A special commission performed the labor of examining and selecting 
the material used in the formation of the map, which was reduced to a 
common scale, adapted to such astronomical positions of the main cities 
us were known, and especially to that frame of the coast line which is 
laid down and published in the mss. sheets of the Hydrographical 
Bureau at Washington. 

A map thus presented should not be underrated on account of the 
comparatively rudimentary studies to which it owes its origin. The 
most of the charts, if not all, existing of Spanish America were com- 
posed, and could not but be composed by similar proceedings and 
methods. It will be remembered of course that this map is the 
first step ever made to represent the interior of Yucatan by per- 
sons whom we may recognize as competent judges of the distances, 
position and classification of its cities, towns, villages, the spots of the 
ancient ruins, the correct spelling of their strange names, its depart- 
mental division and statistics of population. We admire the zeal with 
which this arduous work has been commenced, continued, and as we 
hear, completed under the greatest difficulties. The Yucatan Govern- 
ment has introduced the map into all the schools of the country. There 
is no doubt but that it will attract the attention of future cartographers, 
and the gross errors, now found on all maps of Yucatan, will be cor- 
rected in accordance to this new and reliable standard. 


This much for the new map of Yucatan. Let us add a few 
words on an ancient map, probably the first ever made of this peninsula. 
When the Spanish conquerors discovered Yucatan, they were told 
by the inhabitants that the country was an island. This was one of the 
pnncipal reasons why Cortes, after the fall of Mexico in 1527, resolved 
to go upon his unsuccessful expedition to Honduras. His expectation 
was to find Honduras to be separated from the island of Yucatan by a 
supposed imaginary strait, which would convey him toward the Pacific; 
but the strait turned out to be nothing more than a deep indentation of 
the coast, the Golfo Dulce, and the island a broad peninsula. Cortes* 
misconception is now proved to have originated from the poverty of the 
Maya vocabulary, which has no word descriptive of " peninsula." It 
employs the word '* peten " promiscuously for both island and penin- 
sula. The cartographers nearest to the epoch of the conquest are 
therefore fairly excused for having represented Yucatan as an island 
torn off from the Mexican main. Thus it appears on the globe of 
Orontuis Fines, 1531, on the globe of Ulpius, 1542, on that of St. Marks, 
Venice, 1548. These cosmographers had their information from exclu- 
sively Spanish sources. 

There is, however, one map in existence, which is of Portuguese 
origin, upon which Yucatan appears as a peninsula. This map is pre- 
served in the Munich Military Library, and Mr. Runstmann, an expert 
in mediaeval cartography, calls it " a part of a Portuguese Portulano," 
and gives it, he does not say on what grounds, the surprisingly early 
date of 1 5 14. If he is correct in this statement, it would prove that 
the Portuguese were not only acquainted with the peninsula form 
previous to the Spaniards, but that this country must have been dis- 
covered, and the details of its coast-lines explored and mapped down, 
long before the Castilians pretended, and as it is generally accepted 
up to the present day. 

The doubts excited by the inspection of this rare specimen of 
Portuguese cartography led us to glance at those maps of the New 
Western World, which are known to have been published before the 
aforesaid date of 15 14. We count five of them. First, that of the 
Ptolemy, of 1513; second, the so-called Petrus Martyr map of 151 1; 
third, that of Bernardus Sylvanus, 151 1; fourth, the Ruysch Ptolemy 
of 1508, and last, the map of Juan de la Cosa, 1500. Only two of these 
maps, the two editions of Ptolemy, will become of interest, if viewing- 
this subject under the impression that the Portuguse might possibly have 
navigated the coasts of Yucatan previous to the Spaniards. It will be 


seen that both these maps exhibit opposite to Cuba, in a near west, a 
certain portion of land, triangular in form, which bears no proper name, 
but the coast of which is studded with a series of names. The number 
of these names in the Ptolemy edition of 1508 is seven. They are given 
in Latin, and the western side of this triangular land is closed by a 
ribbon, upon which a legend is written in the same language. In the 
edition of 15 13 the names are nineteen in number; they are written in 
Portuguese, and the legend is left out. Notwithstanding these differ- 
ences, it will be found that these two drawings represent the same 
land, and that they were copied from a common original ; for on a closer 
inspection, the names put down in the edition of 1508 will be recog- 
nized as a Latinized version of the names appearing in the Ptolemy of 
15 1 3, the editor of which took care to put them down in their original 
form in Portuguse. Various of these names, however, are not quite 
legible. They appear in an abbreviated form, and must have been 
found so either by the copyist on the original itself, or been maimed by 
him, perhaps also by the printer. Attempts to restore these names 
have been undertaken, but without success, and the opinion is pre- 
vailing that this western portion of the New World was intended by 
the Ptolemy cartographers to represent that portion of the island of 
Cuba which had been discovered by Christopher Columbus in his two 
first voyages. 

If this opinion be correct, it is clear that the set of those names 
which are still legible, and convey a full geographical meaning, ought 
necessarily to belong to the named island. But this is not so. They 
widely differ from the names given by Columbus to the Cuban shores 
in his official reports, and so also from those put down by Juan de la Cosa 
on his map of Cuba, A. D. 1500. On closer study of this little carto- 
graphical puzzle, the shores as well as the names of this Antillan 
west-end will turn out to represent a fragmentary map, which shows the 
eastern and the northern coast of the peninsula of Yucatan. We intend 
to bring out this point in an article specially devoted to this subject. It 
will be demonstrated, with the necessary illustrations, that the editors 
of the Ptolemy map, 15 18, unacquainted as they were with the north of 
a certain sketch which they had received for publication, and which 
showed land discovered in the near west of Cuba, failed in giving the 
shores of this land the position which it actually and in nature requires. 
Had the editors delineated the southern shores as facing toward the 
east, and the eastern toward the north, the mysterious block of land 
would have long ago been recognized to represent that which it was 


intended to mean, namely, the two named coasts of the peninsula 
of Yucatan. This map will not only be found to exhibit true Yuca- 
tan names, but if compared with the new Yucatan map, also the 
bays, the capes, the rivers and hills of the same peninsula, in their nat- 
ural position and succession. As for the author of this sketch, it will 
be proved to the highest point of probability that it was Amerigo 
Vespucci, who prepared it as a result of his first voyage (loth of May, 
1497 — 15th of October, 1498). Due reference will be made to help 
gained from our examination of M. de Varnhagen's treatise, Am. Vespucci, 
son caractere, ses ecrits, sa vie et ses navigations, Lima, 1865, and Oscar 
Peschel's note 2, page 235, Geschichte der Erdkunde, Munchen, 1865. 
The former succeeded in presenting full literary evidence of a first 
navigation made by Amerigo Vespucci towards the Honduras and 
Yucatan coasts in the year 1479, while the other sagaciously suggested 
that the authorship of the Ptolemy map of 1573 should be assigned to 
Amerigo Vespucci, because of two errors in print, which appear with 
the same wrong spelling on this map, and the text of Vespucci's 

Should the new evidence, which we intend to bring forward for the 
authenticity of the Vespucci map, find acceptation, the long enter- 
tained issue, whether our continent ought to bear the name of the 
Florentine or the Genoese, must necessarily be decided in favor of the 
former. Columbus touched our continent in Paria on the 31st of Jul}^, 
1498; Vespucci, fourteen months earlier, on the Honduras shores, on 
the loth of May, 1497. Whether, however, Cabot might not have dis- 
covered the American shores still earlier than Vespucci, is a question 
which does not fall within the province of our research. 


Note. — The new map to which Mr. Valentini alludes'is entitled, " Mapa de la Peninsula de 
Yucatan Comprendiendo los Estados de Yucatan y Campeche compilado por Joaquin Hubbe y 
Andres Azuar Perez y revisado y aumentado con datos importarrtee por C. Herman Berendt, 
1873." [27 by 37 inches.] Editor 






I 780-1 782 

Translated for the Magazine frotn Baroji de 

Klinckowstrorn s Cotmi de Fersen 

Paris— \Z-Z 


Paris, 2d March, 1780 

Here I am, my dear father, at the 
height of my ambition. A great expe- 
dition of 12,000 men is being organized, 
but I am assured it will be raised to 
20,000. I have obtained permission to 
join it as aid-de-camp to the General, 
who is M. de Rochambeau ; but secrecy 
has been strongly pressed upon me, as 
it has been refused to many others. 
Every body wishes to join it, but a firm 
resolution has been adopted to send to 
it only such officers as belong to the 
marching regiments. I owe my ap- 
pointment to M. de Vergennes. He 
undertook to procure it for me. I 
am in a state of delight I can hardly 

When I spoke to M. de Rochambeau, 
he said a thousand kind things to me, and 
talked to me long of you, my father; he 
ended by saying that he would be de- 
lighted to have me near him, and to 
show you how much he esteems you, 
and how sincerely he is attached to you. 
The generals with him are the Mar- 
quis de Jancourt, the Count de Cara- 
man and the Marquis de Viomesnil ; the 
last two have considerable reputation ; 
that of M. de Rochambeau is made. 
It is on the whole the- best choice that 
could have been made. There are three 
German regiments, Anhalt, Royal Deux- 

Fonts and Royal Corse. I have not been 
able to see the list of French regiments, 
but the Colonels have been ordered to 
appear at Brest on the 15 th, and the 
rest of us the 25th, in order to leave 
from the ist to the 4th of April. The 
convoy will be escorted by twelve ves- 
sels and a sufficient number of Frigates. 
Our fleet will be commanded by M. 
Duchaffaud, and the Count d'Estaing 
is to command the fleet of observation, 
which will remain this year in the Chan- 
nel. The navy will burst with spite, but 
I think it for the best. 

Brest, 4th April, 1780 
Our embarkation progresses ; the ar- 
tillery, munitions of war and provisions 
are already embarked, and now that of 
the troops is being carried on. The 
first regiment arrived to-day, and all 
will be embarked on the 8th. M. de 
Rochambeau wishes to be in the road- 
stead on the loth, so as to sail on the 
1 2th or the 13th. I can not tell you 
how delighted I am, but my happiness 
will be only complete when we are at 
Cape Finistere. I wrote you, my dear 
father, that our division, for it can 
hardly yet be called an army, was of 
7,683 men. It is now reduced to 5,000 
by the negligence and incompetency 
which attend every thing now in this 
country. You can judge; when this 
expedition, which was then fixed at 
4,000 men, was first talked of, M. de 
Rochambeau refused to take charge of 
it in consequence of the small number 
of troops, and said that he would not 
accept the command unless there were 
7,000 men. At that time every body 
blamed him for his moderation ; he re- 



plied then that he was sure to have more 
than he could carry with him. The re- 
sult has justified him, for in place of 
30,000 tons, which M. de Sartines had 
promised him, he only found in all the 
transports gotten together at Brest 
12,000 tons; as each man is estimated 
to require two tons, this makes only the 
third. However, by dint of manage- 
ment we have found means to leave only 
2,595 "^^^ behind, and take with us 5088. 
We are all in despair at this, and can 
not help being surprised and indignant 
that care had not been taken to bring 
over the vessels from Havre and Saint- 
Malo to Brest during the winter instead 
of waiting for spring, when the Jersey 
privateers prevent any communication 
between these three ports, as is now the 
case; 10 or 12 large vessels were counted 
upon from Havre or Saint-Malo, which 
were obliged to return at full speed for 
fear of capture, and Bordeaux has been 
written to for others ; but if they do not 
arrive by the 12th of this month, we 
shall nevertheless leave, and the rest of 
our little army will join us as soon as it 
can. I have reason to believe that it 
will be increased 4,000 men, which is 
very necessary. 

We have four general officers ; M. le 
Chevalier de Chatellux, the Chevalier 
and the Baron de Viomesnil, two broth- 
ers, and M. de Wicktenstein, formerly 
Colonel of the regiment of Anhalt; all 
these four are Mar^chaux de Camp. 
We take a great deal of artillery, the 
siege train being very heavy. We have 
provisions for four months at sea and 
four months on land. We will be es- 
corted by seven ships of the line : The 
Due de Bourgogne of 80 guns, the Nep- 

tune of 74, the Conquer ant of 74, the 
Jason of 64, the EveilU of 64, the Pro- 
vence of 64, the Ardent of 64; this is the 
ship which was captured from the Eng- 
lish last year, and two frigates. The 
convoy is of 24 vessels. I do not yet 
know on what vessel I shall be; the 
general goes on board the Due de Bour- 
gogne^ and has with him his old aid-de- 
camp; there is no room there for any 
more, but I am sure to be on a ship of war. 

At Sea, 1 6th May (Monday), on 
board the Jaso7t, latitude of Finistere 
I have only time to write you two 
words, to tell you that I am well ; I have 
not suffered at all from the sea. We have 
already had heavy weather, in which one 
of our vessels was dismasted. The wind 
is favorable, and I believe that in forty 
days we shall be in America. We have 
just seen a large vessel a great distance 
off; it is not known whether she is a 
friend or foe. I have no time to write 

Newport, R. I., 5th Aug., 1780 
The letter I wrote you the i6th July, 
which returned to Newport the 23d, be- 
cause of the appearance of the English 
fleet, is now at the bottom of the ocean; 
it was lost as it left the harbor the 30th 
July; she struck on a rock. I sent you 
an account of the naval combat we had, 
and a plan, as also a little journal of the 
voyage. I have not the time to rewrite 
an account of the battle, and to draw the 
plan of it ; as for the journal, here it is : 
Left Brest the 4th (May); caught in a 
gale in the Gulf of Gascony the nth; 
the i6th or 17th doubled Cape Finis- 
tere, as far down as the 27 th degree of 



latitude, then steered to the west ; the 
2oth June, crossing the Bermudas, met 
five English vessels and a frigate ; we 
fought them for two hours without re- 
ceivmg any damage of consequence. 
We intended to have made land in 
Chesapeake Bay ; but the 4th, when we 
were not more than 15 leagues distant, 
we saw 1 1 vessels which we took to be 
men-of-war, which led us to change our 
course, and to steer for Rhode Island, 
where we arrived safely the evening of 
the nth, and came to anchor in the 
roadstead at 6 o'clock in the evening. 
It was not without serious fears that we 
should meet the English that we made 
the crossing from Chesapeake to this 
point ,• they were well founded, for Ad- 
miral Graves, who left England to over- 
take us and bring us to action, if it were 
possible, arrived at New York the 13th, 
took in fresh seamen, and appeared be- 
fore our harbor the 17th. If he had 
arrived before us he would have occu- 
pied Rhode Island, and we could only 
have entered after a battle, in which we 
would have, in any event, have lost our 
convoy, whatever other advantage we 
might have gained. 

I can tell you nothing about our cam- 
paign. I know nothing. We hope to 
join General Washington, who is only 
25 miles from New York, because we 
believe this to be the only way for us to 
operate and accomplish anything. I do 
not know if this junction can be effected. 
Meanwhile we are blockaded by twenty 
sail, of which ten ships-of-the-line ; they 
approach the coast very nearly every 
day. It is not believed anything will 
come of it ; such is my opinion. We 
are every moment in expectation of 

General Clinton, who has embarked 
at New York with 10,000 men ; we are 
ready to receive him ; our preparations 
all made. I hope he may come, but I 
can hardly believe he will commit such 
an act of folly. 

Newport, 8th September, 1780 
Nothing has happened since my last. 
We have not left our island ; we occupy, 
undisturbed and in the best of order, an 
extremely healthy camp, admirably 
chosen and perfectly entrenched, the 
works of which are not yet finished ; we 
are working at them. The strictest disci- 
pline is observed ; nothing is taken from 
the inhabitants except with their full 
consent and for cash ; there has not yet 
been a single complaint against the 
troops. This discipline is admirable. 
It astonishes the inhabitants, who are 
accustomed to be pillaged by the Eng- 
lish and by their own troops. The most 
entire confidence and the greatest har- 
mony exists between the two nations. 
If this be sufficient to ensure the success 
of the expedition, we are certain of its 

For the last four or five days we have 
not been blockaded ; it is not known 
whither this fleet has gone ; we are 
every moment looking for news from 
Jamaica ; if it is taken I fear we shall 
not have much to do here. General 
Clinton, who commanded at New York, 
remains at Long Island with 20,000 
men ; he has gathered a great supply of 
wood and provisions. He seems deter- 
mined to pass the winter there. I fear 
we shall pass ours here. I shall be con- 
soled, however, if we open the campaign 
in the spring. Our army is in the best 



possible condition. Officers and men 
are perfectly disposed and ready for the 
common cause. Now and then some 
little annoyances occur ; that is inevit- 
able, but the order and discipline main- 
tained is admirable, particularly for a 
French army ; this proves that they 
only need a good commander. We 
have not yet begun to manoeuvre, but 
shall in a few days. 

You know the French, my dear father, 
and what are called the Court people 
{gens de la cour), sufficiently to under- 
stand their despair at being obliged to 
pass the winter quietly at Newport, far 
from their mistresses and the pleasures 
of Paris ; no suppers, no theatres, no 
balls ; they are in despair ; only an 
order to march upon the enemy will 
console them. We had some extreme 
heat here during August ; I have never 
felt anything like it in Italy. Now the 
air is cooler, the climate superb and the 
country charming. We were on the 
mainland about eight days ago with the 
General. I was the only one of his aids 
who accompanied him. We remained 
ten days, and saw the finest country imag- 
inable, the inhabitants well-to-do, but 
without luxury or display ; they are con- 
tent with the simple necessaries of life 
which, in other countries are left to the 
lower class ; their clothing is simple but 
good, and their habits have not yet been 
spoiled by European luxury. This 
country will be happy if it enjoy a long 
peace, and if the two parties which at 
present divide it do not bring it to the 
fate of Poland and of so many other 
republics. These two parties are called 
the whigs and the tories. The first is 
wholly for liberty and independence ; it 

is made up of people of the lowest birth 
and no property ; the greater part of 
those who live in the interior of the coun- 
try belong to it. The tories are for the 
English, or it is more correct to say for 
peace, not caring much whether they are 
free or dependent ; they belong to a higher 
class, and alone possess any property in 
the country. Some have relatives and 
lands in England ; others, to preserve 
those which they had in the country, 
embraced the English cause, which was 
the stronger. When the whigs are the 
stronger they pillage the others to the 
best of their ability. This is nursing a 
hatred and animosity between them 
which will be extinguished with diffi- 
culty, and remain the source of a thou- 
sand troubles. 

Newport, 14th September, 1780 
I have neither any very interesting or 
very good news to send you ; there is 
one quite distressing for us, that of the 
defeat of General Gates, by Lord Corn- 
wallis, in South Carolina the loth August. 
The American general advanced impru- 
dently ; he was attacked, half of his 
troops were killed, the rest captured ; 
only he and his aid-de-camp were 
saved. We have as yet no details of the 
affair. Count Rochambeau had the 
news by an express which arrived the 
day before yesterday, but he has not yet 
made it public ; he does not speak of it, 
nevertheless the whole town knows it. 
An American, with whom I conversed 
this morning, said he had seen a letter 
addressed to a member of the Council, 
in which was the information that the 
militia, under the orders of General 
Gates, had all passed over to the Eng- 



lish at the beginning of the action. If 
this be true what dependence can be 
placed on such troops, and is not a brave 
man to be pitied who commands such 
men ? This, my dear father, in our 
present situation is not encouraging. It 
is to be hoped that it will change on the 
arrival of the second division, which we 
are all waiting for with the greatest im- 
patience. The Newport garrison begins 
to grow very sad. 

Newport, i6th October, 1780 
This, my dear father, is the first 
sure opportunity I have had of writing 
you for a long time. I am certain that 
it will reach you and be handed to you 
unread ; it will go by a frigate which M. 
de Rochambeau is about to send to 
France. The Duke de Lauzun sends 
one of his people and undertakes to 
have my letters delivered to Count de 
Creutz, to whom I write by the same 
opportunity. An officer is to go to 
France by this frigate to explain the 
state and position of this army and of 
our dear allies, both of which are bad 
enough. It is not known who will be 
entrusted with this commission ; every 
body says it will be myself ; many of the 
general officers, M. de Chatellux and 
Baron de Viomenil, have spoken of me 
as one who could perfectly answer the 
wishes of the General in this regard. I 
do not know what the end will be, but I 
shall take no step to obtain it, and shall 
not refuse it if it be offered me. But I 
would prefer not to be charged with such 
a disagreeable business. Something of 
interest might happen in my absence 
and I should be in despair not to have a 
hand in it. 

Our position here is very disagreeable. 
We are vegetating within reach of the 
enemy in the saddest and most frightful 
laziness and inaction, and are obliged, 
because of our small numbers, to the 
fatiguing part of defense ; we are of no 
use to our allies ; we cannot leave our 
island without exposing our fleet to 
capture or destruction ; our fleet cannot 
go out without sacrificing us to the 
enemy who, with his superiority in ships 
and men, would not hesitate to attack 
us and cut off our retreat from the 
mainland. There are all the while the 
English ships, large and small, who 
watch us from a short distance ; we dare 
not go out to meet them, for they have 
ships perpetually on the station at 
Gardner's Island, twenty miles to the 
southwest, and the English fleet of 15 to 
20 sail is nearly always in sight. So 
long as we are not stronger we must 
remain in our present position, that is, 
unless we adopt the plan of sending 
back the fleet and giving up Rhode 
Island to the English. One will always 
follow the other. So far from being 
of service to the Americans, we are 
a burthen to them ; we do not re- 
inforce their army, because we are 
twelve days march from it, separated by 
arms of the sea, which cannot be passed 
when they are blocked with ice. We 
are even a burthen, because by increas- 
ing consumption we heighten the price 
of supplies, and by paying hard money 
bring paper into discredit, and thus de- 
prive Washington's army of its facility of 
obtaining subsistence, which is refused 
for paper. Our condition is not better 
than our position; we only brought with 
us two million six hundred thousand 



livres of which one half in hard money and 
the rest in bills of exchange on a banker 
in Philadelphia, M. Holcker. We should 
have brought twice that amount. This 
want of specie while with a nation, where 
it is always necessary to have cash in 
hand, compels us to exercise great econ- 
omy where magnificence and profusion 
are necessary. This ruins our credit. 
The supply of forage has been neglected, 
and left to the care of an intendent, 
who has relied upon contractors; they 
have not taken a military view of the 
situation, but have only consulted their 
own interest, and instead of holding in 
reserve the forage of the island and for 
thirty or forty miles around, which was 
of easy transport, they consumed them 
in the first place, and kept for the win- 
ter that further distant. God knows 
how we shall obtain any ; we have al- 
ready been twice without forage, and 
for two days obliged to purchase each 
what he could find. 

The generals do not agree among 
themselves. The whole army is dis- 
couraged at remaining so long without 
doing anything. The second division 
does not arrive ; without it we shall 
do nothing, or at least nothing of con- 
sequence. M. de Rochambeau sends 
to France to give an account of his sit- 
uation, and to demand reinforcements 
of men as well as money. We shall sec 
what will come of it. 

I was about fifteen days ago at Hart- 
ford, forty leagues distant from here, 
with M. de Rochambeau. We were only 
six, the Admiral, his Chief of Engineers, 
his son, the Yicomte de Rochambeau, 
and two aids-de-camp, of whom I was 
one. He had an interview there with 

General Washington. M. de Rocham- 
beau sent me in advance to announce 
his arrival, and I had time to see this 
man, illustrious, if not unique in our cen- 
tury. His handsome and majestic, while 
at the same time mild and open coun- 
tenance perfectly reflects his moral qual- 
ities ; he looks the hero ; he is very cold ; 
speaks little, but is courteous and frank. 
A shade of sadness overshadows his 
countenance, which is not unbecoming, 
and gives him an interesting air. His 
suite was more numerous than ours. The 
Marquis de Lafayette, General Knox, 
Chief of Artillery, M. de Gouvion, a 
Frenchman, Chief of Engineers, and six 
aids-de-camp, accompanied him. He 
had besides an escort of 22 dragoons, 
which was necessary, as he passed 
through a country full of enemies. As 
there is no travelling by posting in this 
country, every one must journey with his 
own horses, and nearly always on horse- 
back, because of the bad roads. How- 
ever every body was in carriages, except 
our two aids-de-camp. We were three 
days making the journey. General 
Washington as many. On the way we 
learned the arrival of Rodney at New 
York; nevertheless we continued our 
journey. The two Generals and the 
Admiral were closeted together the 
whole of the day we passed at Hartford. 
The Marquis de Lafayette was called in 
as an interpreter, as Washington does 
not either speak French or understand 
it. They separated mutually pleased 
with each other; at least they say so. 
It was on leaving there that General 
Washington discovered the treason of 
General Arnold, one of the best they 
have, who has been twice shot through 



the body, and has always behaved well. 
He had been gained over by General 
Clinton, and was to have given up West 
Point, where he was in command. Ma- 
jor Andre, first aid-de-camp to General 
Clinton, had arrived, disguised as a 
countryman, to examine the fortifica- 
tions, and to agree upon the manner in 
which they should be attacked, and how 
General Arnold should be out of the way 
so as not to excite any suspicion. There 
was a frigate waiting on the Hudson 
River, whose boat was to meet him at a 
given place. All being arranged with 
General Arnold, Major Andre goes to 
find the boat, but does not find it. The 
frigate had been forced to take another 
position by the cannon of West Point, 
which fired upon it, and was two leagues 
lower down. Major Andre, ignorant of 
this, undertook to return to New York 
by land ; he was stopped by a party of 
countrymen, who were making careful 
patrols because General Washington 
was on the road. He (Andr^) shows 
them the passport of General Arnold ; 
they doubting its authenticity, notwith- 
standing all the offers he made them, 
took him to the army. At the same time 
Washington arrives at West Point ; he 
sends two of his aids-de-camp to Gen- 
eral Arnold to invite him to dine with 
him, and goes in person to visit the 
forts. The aids-de-camp find him at 
breakfast with his wife. A moment 
after they had seated themselves a per- 
son comes in who whispers a word in the 
ear of the General, who rises and says 
a word in an undertone to his wife ; this 
word was : " Good bye forever " — and 
goes out. The wife falls in a swoon. 
The aids-de-camp assist her without 

understanding the meaning of the scene ; 
and some minutes after arrives the 
courier who brings the news to General 
Washington. The traitor is pursued, 
but it is too late. If the English had 
succeeded in getting possession of this 
post, they were the masters of the whole 
of the Hudson River; they would have 
stopped all communication and junction 
between our army and that of the 
Americans, unless by a long detour, and 
Washington, who is encamped at Or- 
ange-town, between West Point and 
New York, would have found himself 
between two fires, and have inevitably 
been destroyed before we could have 
come up to his assistance ; perhaps it 
would have been all over for America, 
and we should have had the mortifica- 
tion of having arrived here only to wit- 
ness the complete ruin of our allies and 
to still further to ensure their depend- 
ence by the discouragement this would 
have occasioned. Our position would 
not have been better, for the English, 
having nothing further to fear from the 
Americans, would have turned all their 
forces upon us, and we are not in suffi- 
cient strength to resist them. Fortun- 
ately the blow was averted. It is said 
that Major Andre has been hanged ; it 
is a pity ; he was a youth of twenty- 
four and full of talent. The General 
has no news of it. I hope it may prove 

I have already informed you, my dear 
father, that I am extremely intimate 
with the Due de Lauzun. Opinions are 
very much divided concerning him. 
You will hear good and bad reports 
of him. The first are right, the second 
are wrong. If those who say them 



knew him, they would change their 
minds, and do justice to his heart. He 
has taken a friendship for me, and pro- 
poses to me in the frankest way imag- 
inable to accept the place of Colonel 
commanding of his legion, which is va- 
cant, and in a year he proposes to cede me 
the proprietorship of it as he desires to 
retire from the service. His legion con- 
sists of 1,000 infantry, 500 hussars and 
some small pieces of artillery. The 
proposition is too agreeable and advan- 
tageous for me to refuse; it will be 
doubly pleasant to me. The Due de 
Lauzun writes on the subject to the 
Queen, who is full of kindness for him ; 
she has a little for me. I wrote to her 
also, and hope that by the Frigate which 
will bring the reply to the letters it 
takes over I may receive my brevet. 
Lauzun assures me that there can be 
no difficulty about it. 

Newport, the i8th [October] 1780 
You have already heard of the defeat 
of General Gates in the southern country. 
I sent you word of it. Congress has re- 
called him to Philadelphia, and has 
given command of his corps to General 
Green. He is suspected, for he is on 
the closest relations with Arnold. It 
appears that his desertion had no conse- 
quences. Everything is quiet. At New 
York ten battalions of grenadiers and 
chasseurs, with detachments of other 
regiments of the army to the number of 
4,000, have been embarked ; they are 
for the south of America. A fleet has 
just arrived at New York from Cork, in 
Ireland, laden with supplies, of which 
they were beginning to be in great need ; 
this fleet has brought 4,000 recruits. 

English and Hessians together. What a 
war for the English, who are compelled 
to bring everything over, even to their 
provisions ! This power must have 
great resources to have sustained it so 

Newport, 13 th November, 1780 
The frigate which carried our letters 
left the 28th of last month. The 27th 
we saw a fleet of 13 sail of men-of-war, 
but not seeing it the next day, and re- 
ceiving word that it had stood to the 
eastward, three of our frigates went out ; 
the destination of the two others is not 
known. Otherwise we have no news. We 
think that M. de Guichen has returned 
to Europe. 

The Arnold affair had no conse- 
quences. Poor Major Andre, a young 
man of 28 years, of the highest expecta- 
tions, the friend of General Clinton, has 
been hanged. This spectacle has 
caused a great impression in the army, 
and the two officers whom General 
Washington had assigned to him as 
guards of honor to accompany him to 
execution had not the heart to follow 
him thither. 

General Gates, whose defeat you will 
have read in the Gazette, has been 
recalled to Philadelphia by Congress, 
and the command of his corps given to 
General Greene. He stands quite high 
with the army. It is said that Congress 
suspects General Gates on account cf 
his intimate relations with Arnold, and 
that he is recalled on this account. 
The three States of New York, Connec- 
ticut and Massachusetts have just named 
General Washington Dictator, with ab- 
solute power over the military. It is 



believed that the other ten States will 
do the same thing. This resolution will 
give nerve to affairs by changing their 
complexion and arousing the Americans 
from their dull indolence Fourteen 
Spanish and nine French vessels have 
just taken, off Providence, a convoy of 
fifty sail on their way from the Indies 
and the Islands ; they were richly laden. 
Our war is no more active than it was. 
There is talk of a slight advantage 
the Americans have had over an Eng- 
lish party ; the news is not certain, and 
I have my doubts of it. At New York 
6,000 troops, nearly all grenadiers and 
chasseurs have been embarked ; 3,000 
are already gone, and have landed in 
Chesapeake Bay. It is said that Clinton 
goes with the remainder. His object is 
certainly a southern expedition to seize 
North Carolina and Virginia, or to do 
all the damage possible in that quarter. 
They will meet but little resistance. The 
American corps there does not exceed 
4,000 men, and some militia upon whom 
no dependence can be placed. The 
half, or perhaps three-quarters of these 
4,000 men will, perhaps, have finished 
their term of enlistment in the month of 
January, when the army will be reduced 
to nothing. General Washington cannot 
leave the position he has taken without 
giving up to the English the entire 
course of the Hudson River and all the 
country in its neighborhood, and we, for 
want of sufficient means, cannot leave 
our island, where we are obliged to 
remain, like an oyster in his shell. The 
English will have entire freedom of 
action in the South ; they have at 
Charleston 6,000 men in garrison by 
whom they can reinforce their army, 

and half the country is with them. 
Their position is good if they know how 
to take advantage of it, and ours is des- 
perate if it do not change. 

M. de Rochambeau has just sent 
Lauzun's Legion into quarters on the 
mainland 29 leagues from here. Want 
of necessary forage compelled him to it. 
The Duke de Lauzun continues to treat 
me with the same friendship. He talks 
to me constantly of my affair, and tells 
me how happy he will be to transfer the 
ownership of his legion to me ; he does 
not wish money ; he said to me when I 
mentioned it to him : "/ do not sell jfien, 
though I have sometimes bought them. /, 
how eve 7', would myself pay to find a man 
to who7n I could leave my corps^ which I 
love as my children^ with such confidence 
as to you.'' The style is perfect, and 
thoroughly shows the man. The hope 
of a prompt success in this business en- 
chants me and makes me happy. 

Newport, 7th December, 1780 
You see, my dear father, we are still at 
Newport ; we are not even thinking of 
leaving it. We remain very quiet in our 
winter quarters. The army of Wash- 
ington went into theirs fifteen days 
since. Admiral Rodney has gone back 
to the Islands with his 10 Ships, 
and we have Arbuthnot here with 
7 Ships and 3 or 4 Frigates. Affairs 
are going on well in the South; Colonel 
Ferguson has been defeated by the 
Americans ; his corps of 1400 men has 
been nearly destroyed, which has com- 
pelled Lord Cornwallis, who commands 
the English forces in that quarter, to 
fall back on Charleston with his corps 
of 4,000 men, the greater part of which 



have died of fatigue or sickness. The 
English had sent Brigadier Leslie from 
New York, with a corps of 2,500 men, 
to join Cornwallis. By a letter from 
this officer to Lord Cornwallis, which 
was intercepted, we learn that he had 
disembarked at Portsmouth in Virginia, 
and that he was awaiting orders to effect 
a junction. Taking into consideration 
the retreat of Cornwallis towards Char- 
leston, it seems probable that it v/ill not 
be made. It is even said that Leslie 
returned to New York. 

Before going into winter quarters, 
General Washington wished to make an 
attempt on Staten Island ; he desired to 
draw the attention of the English to 
another direction by a foraging expedi- 
tion against Kingsbridge, but they 
were not deceived, and having on the 
contrary reinforced all their posts in 
Staten Island, he gave up the attempt. 
M. de Rochambeau has just returned 
from a little trip of six days to the main- 
land. I accompanied him, making a 
third; we saw neither a fine country nor 
good people ; they are for most part 
lazy and mercenary ; how with such 
qualities make any thing out of them 
for the war ? 


From the New York Mercury, March 22, 1767 
Sir — You request to be satisfied with 
our Method of electing our Rulers in 
this Colony, and what Security we have 

against fraud, and imposition, or guard 
against undue elections, whether per- 
sons viciously inclined may not give ip 
many votes for one and the same person 
at the same election without detection 
of punishment. It is with reluctance 
that I undertake to answer your request ; 
but since I am satisfied that it is not 
founded on (?) inimical to the colony, I 
shall give you as true and as just an 
account of the matter as I can, and so 
shall observe to you that the laws of the 
colony made to regulate the election of 
governors, deputy governors, assistants, 
treasurer and secretary requires, that the 
freemen in the several towns in the col- 
ony (who by the way are the only loyal 
electors) shall met together annully in 
the month of September, where, after 
they shall have chosen their deputies or 
representatives, shall give in their votes 
to an assistant justice of the peace or 
constable, with their names fairly writ- 
ten, which assistant, justice of the peace 
or constable shall make out a copy of the 
names of all those voted for, and the 
number of votes each person hath, and 
attest the same, and seal them up, and 
send them to the general assembly in 
October, when the votes of all the free- 
men in the government shall be com- 
pared, and the twenty persons who shall 
on such comparison be found to have 
the greatest number of votes, shall be 
the persons out of whom the twelve as- 
sistants shall be chosen ; the next elec- 
tion in the month of April preceding the 
election which is in the month of May, 
the freemen in all the towns are to meet 
in their several towns, and give in their 
votes for such twelve of the twenty 
as they chose should be assistants 



for the year then ensuing, and the 
constables are to receive the votes, 
seal them up, and either carry them or 
send them by one of the deputies to 
Stratford, and deliver them to those that 
shall be appointed to receive, sort and 
count them, and those twelve that have 
the greatest number of votes are to 
be assistants for the year then next 

This is the method of choosing our 
council, or assistants; the governor and 
deputy governor may be chosen out of 
any of the freemen of the colony ; and 
all the security we have for men's acting 
honestly, and all the guard we have 
against fraud, is a penalty of four or five 
pounds ; if any man that is not a free- 
man shall presume to vote in the choice 
of these officers, or if any man that is a 
freeman shall put in more than one vote 
for one man to one office at the same 

I must confess it looks to me as though 
this wanted an addition or an amend- 
ment ; and the fact in the case, if I am 
rightly informed, justifies my sentiments. 
I was told in the great ruffle there was in 
the government last election, when so 
many of our best men was slaughtered 
merely for their steady loyalty to the 
crown and the parliament of Great Brit- 
ain, and to save the priviledge of the gov- 
ernment from a legal forfeiture, there 
came a vast many more votes from one 
town than they had freemen,either at their 
meeting or in the town ; also in the ses- 
sions of the assembly this last October 
one of the persons appointed to receive 
and count the votes sent in for nomina- 
tion told me there came a paper from a 
certain town in New London County, 

on which was writ a certain number of 
names, and to these names a certain 
number of figures annexed, without be- 
ing attested by any assistant, justice or 
constable to be the votes of freemen of 
any town, or so much as sealed up ; and 
yet by the major part of the counties the 
law it self in that case was arbitrated 
away, and that paper received, and the 
number on it counted as the votes of 
the freemen of the town of Preston, 
without any of these things which the 
law, as it now stands, requires; this 
makes me think is as necessary at least 
that the counters should be sworn to act 
in the fall, as in the spring of the year. 

Thus I have attended in some meas- 
ure to answer your request. 

I am your humble servant. 

( ) 


Arnold at Saratoga. — In the battle 
of the 7th of October, 1777, which prac- 
tically decided the fate of Burgoyne's 
expedition, General Benedict Arnold is 
represented as galloping about the field 
like one beside himself, leading the 
troops to the charge with reckless dar- 
ing, and even unconsciously dealing 
blows on those about him. 

Wilkinson attributed his conduct to 
intoxication, but Major Armstrong, who 
assisted in removing Arnold wounded 
from the field, saw no signs of that. 
Other methods for accounting for his 
frenzied behavior have been suggested, 
but no evidefice bearing on the question 
has heretofore been produced that I am 
aware of. In the History of the Town 
of Northwood, New Hampshire, just 



published, I find some testimony which 
may aid us in solving the problem. 

Dr. Edmund Chadwick of Deerfield, 
N. H., was in October, 1777, acting as 
surgeon of Colonel Scammell's regiment, 
and was present at the battle in ques- 
tion. He related that during the action, 
while he was engaged in his professional 
duties in rear of the American troops, 
a hogshead of rum stood near him, the 
upper head of which was removed for 
the convenience of serving the contents 
to the men ; that Arnold rode up in hot 
haste, saying, " Give me a dipperful of 
that rum." It was handed him ; he 
drank the whoU, wheeled his horse, and 
dashed into the fight. 

The term " dipperful " is rather vague, 
but very diminutive vessels would be 
out of place in the army, and it would 
be a small dipper probably which con- 
tained less than a pint. It may be added 
that Dr. Chadwick was well known to be a 
gentleman of character and respectability. 

With regard to the statement of Arm- 
strong, it may be said that a great shock 
sometimes instantly sobers the most in- 
toxicated person. Arnold had been 
severely wounded, and had his horse 
shot under him, before he was taken 
from the field. 

Exeter, N. H, 


John Cruger and the declara- 
tion OF 1765. — In the Magazine for 
June, 1877 [I. 350-51], speaking of the 
Stamp Act Congress of 1765, John Aus- 
tin Stevens states that John Cruger of 
New York was the author, by tradition, 
of the "Declaration of Rights and 
Grievances " adopted by that body. If 
he mean the ''Resolves " of that Con- 

gress, I think he is mistaken, and I must 
claim the honor of their authorship for 
the "Farmer of Pennsylvania." 

In the year 1801 two young printers 
of Wilmington, Del., collected together 
the political writings of John Dickenson, 
and published them in two volumes. 
Their selection and arrangement were 
made under the direct supervision of Mr- 
Dickenson^ as he himself distinctly states 
in a letter to his kinsman. Dr. George 
Logan of Philadelphia, which appeared 
in Vol. I, page 413, etc., of the American 
Quarterly Review for 1826. This letter 
was occasioned by the assertion of Chief 
Justice Marshall, in the second volume 
of his " Life of Washington," that 
Richard Henry Lee was the author of 
the First Petition to the King, when in 
reality the author was Mr. Dickenson. 
Judge Marshall made the necessary cor- 
rection in a note to the fourth volume 
of his "Life of Washington." 

The " Resolves " referred to in the 
first part of this letter will be found in the 
first volume of Mr. Dickenson's writ- 
ings. As Mr. Dickenson himself justly 
remarks, had he allowed any article to 
appear in those volumes as coming from 
his pen, when in reality they came from 
another's, he would be guilty of an abso- 
lute dishonesty. 

Upon the strength of these facts, I 
am obliged to believe him the author of 
the "Resolves," and accordingly be- 
speak a place in the Magazine for this 
necessary correction. 

Wharton Dickenson. 

Honesdale^ Penn. 

The first great quarto bible in 
AMERICA. — Caleb Cresson, in his diarj', 



recently privately printed, describes a 
visit to Isaac Collins, at Trenton, on the 
25th August, 1 791. He says that after 
breakfast he "went up to his printing 
room, where his hands were busily em- 
ployed on a quarto edition of the Holy 
Bible, which they were near finishing ; — a 
great work, and, I believe, the first of 
the size printed in America. He told us 
he meant to strike off 5,000 impressions, 
which would occasion him to advance, 
in paper and workmanship, at least from 
;^4,ooo to ^5,000 before he could re- 
ceive any advantage. But as our Soci- 
ety in the United States, and particu- 
larly in Pennsylvania, have encouraged 
the task, by subscription and otherwise, 
I hope his laudable and industrious en- 
deavours may be finally blessed and 
prospered." — Caleb Cressons Diary. 


Franklin's grave. — I went into 
what is called the Church burying ground, 
and viewed the little spot that contains 
the earthly remains of Benjamin Frank- 
lin, once so popular, and noted in his 
day amongst the great and the learned, 
but death has now brought him on a 
level with the meanest. He made but 
little profession as to religion in his life, 
but I am told he thought it of some im- 
portance near his close, and so we must 
leave him in the hands of Infinite mercy. 
His cold bed is close up to the north 
wall, near the north-west corner. — Diary 
of Caleb Cresson^ 1791-1792. 


time, arrived in this city, the waggon 
which henceforward is to supply Phila- 
delphia regularly with fish. 

By this conveyance, fish, &c., will be 
brought in perfection to this city, even 
in the hottest weather. The waggon will 
travel in the night, and be only io| 
hours on the road ; by means of three 
stages with good horses kept ready, at 
proper distances from each other. Only 
a small quantity of Sheeps-head could be 
procured for our market on Friday, and 
they in consequence, v/ere sold perhaps 
rather dearer (yd. per lb.) than they will 
in future be disposed off. We owe this 
establishment to a company of gentlemen 
in this city, who have severally sub- 
scribed to put this plan in execution. 

Cape de verd dollars. — Provi- 
dence^ R. /., yune 23, 1 791. A consid- 
erable number of counterfeit Dollars of 
different dates, have been lately discov- 
ered in circulation in this town and the 
adjacent country. They are made of 
Block Tin, are not milled, and resemble 
those taken from a wreck on the African 
coast, usually called Cape de Verd Dol- 
lars, which have been corroded by the 
salt water. These counterfeits are easily 
detected, as they are light, and feel greasy 
to the touch. Petersfield. 

KET. — Philadelphia^ yune 7, 1791. 
Friday morning, [June 3] for the first 

Elk MEAT. — At Lake Saint Franyois 
we had two elks which were the first 
fruits of our hunt. We made a capital 
feast upon them. The elk is an animal 
as large as a mule and somewhat of the 
same form, except that the elk has 
cloven feet, and on his head very large 
horns which he sheds every winter, and 



which are as flat as those of the fallow 
deer. The flesh is very fine, particu- 
larly when fat, and the skin is held in 
high esteem. It is commonly called 
the Orignal here. The heat at this time 
and the Umited experience we had of 
life in the woods were the cause of our 
losing a great part of our meat. 

The manner of preserving it in the 
woods where no salt is to be had is to 
cut in very thin slices and spread it 
upon a gridiron, which is raised three 
feet above the earth and covered with 
small twigs, upon which the meat is 
spread ; then a fire is made beneath the 
gridiron, and the meat is dried in the 
fire and smoke until it contains no 
more moisture, and is dry as a piece of 
wood ; it is then put up in packages of 
30 or 40 lbs. which are wrapped in bark, 
and thus packed will keep five or six 
years without spoiling. When it is to be 
eaten it is reduced to powder between 
two stones and slowly boiled with Indian 
corn. The loss of our meat was the 
cause of our having nothing to eat but 
Indian corn and water for more than a 
month, for often we were not in places 
near which there was any fishing, and 
the season was not favorable for hunting. 
— Relation of V Abbe de Gallinee. — Mar- 
grfs French Discoveries and Scttlemeiits. 


means to introduce the art of printing 
among the Indians. W. K. 

First printing press for the 
CHEROKEE NATION. — London^ March 2, 
1791. The Indian chiefs depart for 
America on the 26th ; they go with 
deep rooted enmity to the Spaniards, 
and Mr. Bowles (an adopted Indian), 
the Cherokee Chief, takes with him a 
printing press, compositors, &c., and 

Hamilton and burr. — Your note on 
Follow the Drum (III, 198), and Songs 
of the Fathers (III, 265), bring to my 
mind what I have heard from my father, 
Major Bezalecl Howe, of the New 
Hampshire line of the Continental army. 
He was one of the founders of the Cin- 
cinnati, and present at the Fourth of 
July dinner at which Hamilton and 
Burr met for the last time. He ob- 
served that they exchanged the courtesies 
of the table, and had no suspicion that 
there was any hostile feeling. 

Passaic. John M. Howe. 


An historical medal. — A few years 
ago a medal was found in a grave near 
the site of the old Miami village at Fort 
Wayne, Indiana, by Mr. Henry Baker, 
while digging a drain for his farm, which 
is valuable as throwing some light upon 
the early intercourse of the French with 
the Miamis. .It was found with some 
buttons and other trinkets enclosed in a 
small copper kettle lying near the head 
of the skeleton. 

The obverse has a fine medallion 
portrait, in high relief, surrounded by 
the legend, "Guil. De Nesmond. Sen- 
atus Princ." On the reverse is a ceno- 
taph surmounted by an urn, with the 
legend, " Pietate, Justi. Insuper et 
Amore Coningis," and below it, " Ob. 

The medal is of copper or bronze, is 
perfectly preserved, and the head is un- 



doubtedly a portrait of the de Nesmond 
in whose memory it is struck. It is 
two and three-quarter inches in diam- 
eter, and perforated for suspension. 

The medal is of interest historically, 
for the reason that this point, as a por- 
tage to the Mississippi, has scant men- 
tion in history, although early known, 
and the site of the principal town of the 
great Miami Confederacy. 

Little Turtle, in his speech at the 
Treaty of Greenville, July 15, 1795, 
speaks of this point as '^ that glorious 
gate, through which all the good words 
of our chiefs had to pass, from the north 
to the south and from the east to the 
west." La Salle, in a report to Fronte- 
nac, made probably in 1682, mentions 
the route by the Maumee and Wabash 
as the most direct to the Mississippi, 
and he speaks, in his will, 1680-1, of 
possessions in the town of the Miamis. 
Yet for a long period the long route by 
way of the lakes was followed, and we 
find little mention of the shorter 

The date of the establishment of the 
Fort des Miamis at this point is not 

known with accuracy, although tradition 
says it was established in 1734 by 
De Vincennes, and was visited by De 
Celeron in 1749. Probably some confu- 
sion has arisen among historians from 
the fact that there were three forts of the 
name, one near the mouth of the St. 
Joseph of Lake Michigan, one at the 
present site of Fort Wayne, and the 
other down the Maumee near the divid- 
ing line between the States of Indiana 
and Ohio. 

If we were to judge from the scanty 
materials furnished by historians, we 
would be likely to conclude that little 
communication was had with this point 
and the natives here prior to the second 
quarter of the seventeenth century ; but 
this medal, now fortunately brought to 
light, proves that the relations of the 
French with the Miamis here were of an 
intimate character, else de Nesmond, 
who died in 1693, would not have been 
on such friendly ("Amore ") terms with 
Coningis as to cause his memorial medal 
to bear the friendly legend. 

Who was Coningis ? Perhaps the 
Chief of the Miami Confederacy at that 



time ; but the writer is unable to find 
any reference to such a personage. 

Little more can be found in American 
history of de Nesmond. Parkman 
speaks of a Marquis de Nesmond who, 
with a squadron of fifteen of the best 
ships of the French navy, sailed for 
Newfoundland in 1696 with orders to 
defeat the English squadron supposed 
to be there, and after being reinforced 
at Penobscot by 1,500 Canadian troops 
to fall upon Boston. (Frontenac and 
New France 382-4.) This could not be 
William de Nesmond whose portrait ap- 
pears on the medal, for he died in 1693. 

Who, then, was William de Nesmond, 
the friend of Coningis, and what were 
his relations and those of the French 
Ciovernment to the Miamis at the head 
of the Maumee prior to 1693 ? 

R. S. Robertson. 

Col. Broadhead's expedition of 
1779. — Can any of your readers inform 
me what is the title of the book in which 
I may find Colonel Daniel Broadhead's 
report of his expedition, against the In- 
dians, on the Alleghany river in 1779, ^^ 
Timothy Pickering ? A. E. 

Sinclairville^ Chautauqua Co., iV. Y. 

Ancient boston pasquinade. — The 
following verses, to all appearance in- 
edited, were found recently in a bundle 
of letters and other manuscripts, care- 
fully preserved for generations in a New 
England family, and dating from the 
latter part of the seventeenth century 
and the beginning of the eighteenth. 
I have no other clue to their history. 
Some of the personal allusions in these 

lines are plain enough. But what Gov- 
ernor was intended ? Who was the 
"Vice Gerent.?" and what is the sig- 
nificance of the allusion at the close ? 
Perhaps some " Boston man " of the 
present day maybe able to enlighten us. 


We have a Governor, an honest man 
As e're yet ruled the roost, deny it who can, 
A Gentleman by far too Good for those 
Unfaithfull men who lead him by the nose. 

Get D y, B r and the rest removed, 

He'I rule us better & be well beloved 
Rather than lose his aim, Achitophel 
Wou'd sink the Province to ye pit of Hell. 
He saills vv^ith every wind from every Quarter 
As suits his Turn, He'll Bless or Curse ye 

There's one fiend more, a Demon I had rather 

Not name, but since I must, 'tis C n M r, 

That fiend as false as Hell.— 

We've a Vice Gerent eke, one Goody vfho. 
One of the worst of all the Canvas Crew, 
A Thick scuU'd Sot who can't count fifty-seven. 
He's hardly sense to play at odd or even ; 
But some may say he's no such fooll, but can, 
Then I affirm. He's not ane honest man. 
Brand which you please, his honesty or scull, 
He's Knave or Ideot; — Witness Muster Roll. 

C. W. B., Westchester County, N. Y. 

Balcarres. — Why is it that all our 
historians of Burgoyne's expedition, 
down to W. L. Stone in 1876, persist in 
misspelling the name of the com- 
mandant of the British light infantry .?* 
They uniformly write it Balcarres, in- 
stead of Balcarres, as he wrote it him- 
self, and as it is given in Fonblanque's 
Life of Burgoyne, and we believe by 
English writers generally. 

Exeter. B. 




— Will one of your genealogical corre- 
spondents inform me if any relationship 
exists between General Geo. B. McClel- 
lan, the present Governor of New Jersey, 
and the Scottish house of Kirkcudbright ? 
I have always been under the impression 
that the Governor's ancestry sprang from 
the " green isle of Erin," but a friend 
informs me that his ancestry was pure 
and unadulterated Scotch. 

New York, D. F. T. 

De la neuville. — Can any reader of 
the Magazine give any account of the 
French officer bearing the above name, 
who was breveted a Brigadier-Genera 
in the revolutionary army by Congress ? 
It seems that there were two persons of 
the name in the American service, the 
other with the rank of Colonel. The 
General held his commission but a short 
time, probably on account of the jeal- 
ousy of some of the native officers of 
high rank. 

Exeter. B. 

Patrick henry. — Histories generally 
inform us that Patrick Henry, in his 
memorable speech before the Virginia 
Legislature on the resolutions upon the 
Stamp Act, said : " Caesar had his Bru- 
tus, Charles the First his Cromwell," etc., 
etc. It is denied by some that he ever 
used these words, and asserted that they 
were the invention of his biographers. 
Is there any contemporaneous authority 
that will settle this point .^ 

Brooklyn. Many Americans. 


Gate's burial place. — (III. 204.) 
General Gates died on the morning 
of Thursday, April 10, 1806, after a 
long and tedious illness, a sincere 
and devout evangelical Christian. His 
death occurred at his residence, now 
the corner of Tvs'enty-second street and 
Second avenue, then the Bloomingdale 
Pike. His funeral, however, took place 
at one o'clock on the following day at 
No. 59 Broadway, whither his body had 
been removed, probably to enable his 
friends in the city to attend more con- 

Through the courtesy of my friend. 
Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix, I am enabled to 
set the question where the General 
is buried at rest, as will be seen by the 
following leaf from the Register of 
Trinity Parish, kindly copied and sent 
to me by the Rector : 


Persons deceased. 

Where buried. 




April II.. 

Gen. Horatio Gates. 



A true copy from the Register of Burials of the Parish 
of Trinity Church in the City of New York. 

Attest : Morgan Dix, Rector. 

I have some other interesting informa- 
tion concerning General Gates, which I 
shall communicate later. 

William L. Stone. 

Jersey City Heights. 

Lost localities — conewago chap- 
el, new YORK. — (III. 203.) The Roman 
Catholic Church of the Sacred Heart at 
Conewago is located on the eastern banks 



of the Plum and Little Conewago Creeks, 
near their confluence in Adams county, 
Penn., not far from the York county 
line. The first church was a small log 
chapel, erected about 1740, and services 
conducted by a mission priest from 
Hartford county, Md. The first resi- 
dent priest was Rev. Matthias Manners, 
S. J., a German, whose proper name 
was Sittensperger, who, to anglicize his 
name, took the English equivalent, 
'' Manners." Father Manners was suc- 
ceeded by a number of priests, who 
were all members of the Society of 
Jesus, the most distinguished of whom 
was Father Pellentz, who built a stone 
church in 1787. This worthy father 
died in 1800, at the age of seventy- 
seven. In the years 1850-1 Rev. Jo- 
seph Enders, S. J., enlarged and beauti- 
fied the church. About six hundred 
acres of limestone land are attached to 
the Conewago church, which is laid off 
in two farms, advantageously tilled and 
improved, with houses and ample barns. 
The congregation being large — number- 
ing nearly three thousand souls — is self- 
sustaining, and the income of the farms 
goes into the general treasury of the 
Society of Jesus, to be laid out in erect- 
ing churches, founding colleges and sup- 
porting schools. The view from the 
steeple of the church at Conewago is an 
extensive and varied one of the sur- 
rounding country — Gettysburg, with its 
historic Round Tops and ramparts, and 
the South Mountain in the background ; 
the beautiful village of New Oxford, 
and the Pigeon Hills ; Hanover, with 
its numerous steeples and turrets, and 
beyond, towards Littlestown and the 

Maryland line, the magnificent and fer- 
tile valley of the Conewago. 

W. H. E. 

Ilarisburg, Penn. 

Lord bellomont's coffin. — (II. 
698.) The remains of Richard, Earl of 
Bellomont, at his death (March 5, 1701) 
were interred, not in the "Old Dutch 
Church *' according to Dunlap, but in a 
vault beneath the chapel of the fort, 
near the site of the present Bowling 
Green. About the year 1788 the fort was 
demolished to make way for the "Gov- 
ernment House " which was erected on 
its site. In the course of the work 
this vault was opened, and found to con- 
tain the remains of several persons, in- 
cluding those of Governor Bellomont. 
The " History of the Fort in Nev/ 
York " states that the coffins (which 
were of lead and in good preservation) 
found in the vault were taken by Mr. 
Pintard, who conducted the operations, 
and interred in St. Paul's church-yard, 
where they were left " without monu- 
mental notice," and that, furthermore, 
the silver plates of the coffins were re- 
moved by Mr, Van Zandt, who intended 
them for preservation, but after his death 
they were converted into spoons. 

I have little doubt but that the re- 
mains of a coffin spoken of as being in 
the Historical Society are fragments 
found at the time of Lord Bellomont's 
disinterment, and probably deposited in 
the Society by Mr. Pintard. 

In regard to the burial place of Leisler, 
I might say that in Valentine's Manual 
for 1866 there is a picture of Jacob 
Lesler's grave, but from what source 
obtained is not stated. The grave must 



have been located near the site of the 
present Chatham and Spruce streets. 
From there his remains were removed 
to the old church in Garden street, but 
whether there was a monument erected 
over them in the latter place, I have no- 
where seen stated. C. A. C. 

Lost localities — Manor of maske. 
(III. 203.) This was one of the Pro- 
prietary Manors in the Province of 
Pennsylvania, located west of the Sus- 
quehanna river in York, now Adams 
county. It contained 43,500 acres, and 
was surveyed in the year 1741 for the 
use of the Proprietaries, Thomas and 
Richard Penn. For a full description, 
see History of Pennsylvania by Dr. 
Egle, Jr., p. 281. 

Harrisburg^ Fenn, W. H. E. 

Lost localities — forest-of-dean. 
— (III. 203.) Forest-of-Dean was a local- 
ity in Cornwallshire, England, famous 
for its iron mines. Forest-of-Dean is 
the name of an iron mine in the town- 
ship of Monroe, Orange county, N. Y., 
west of Fort Montgomery, among the 
Hudson Highlands. The mine was 
opened about the year 1761, and was 
doubtless so named from the English 
mine in Cornwall. There is a little 
stream in the town of Monroe called 
Forest-of-Dean Creek. 

In a ruined Quaker meeting-house 
near my residence which was built about 
one hundred years ago, is a box-stove 
for wood, on which the following words 
are cast : '' Forest of Dean, 1767." This 
implies that so early as that date a 

smelting furnace and a foundry had been 
erected near the Forest-of-Dean mines, 
west of the Hudson. 

A portion of the great chain that 
spanned the Hudson river at West Point, 
and which was constructed at the Ster- 
ling Ironworks of Noble & Townsend in 
Orange county, was made of iron from 
the Forest-of-Dean mines. 

The Ridge, N. Y. B. J. L. 

Lost localities — the slote. — (III. 
203.) To the inquirer in the March 
number of the Magazine who desires to 
know where " the Slote " was, I would 
say that such designation was given by 
the low Dutch residents of Tappan and 
vicinity to its landing place, or grounds 
adjacent on the Hudson river. 

Within my memory store-keepers and 
farmers a few miles back, when they 
went to the wharf for supplies received 
by sloop or "periagua," always spoke 
of going to " the Slote." The name may 
be found, in connection with Tappan, 
in the town of '' Orangetown," Rockland 
Co., in Simeon DeWitt's County Map of 
the State of New York, published in 
1829. J. N. Ireland. 

William Livingston, — (II, 484.) In 
the biographical sketch of the war Gov- 
ernor of New Jersey there is an error 
as to his parentage. He was grandson, 
not son, of Robert Livingston, and son of 
Philip Livingston and Catherine Van 
Brugh. Editor. 

Battle of monmouth — (III. 59.) 
Your correspondent, R. C, alludes 



to Clinton's moonlight fllttings as the 
theme of many a jest during his 
subsequent services in America. While 
examining a file of the Pennsyl- 
vania Packet I found in the issue 
of September 9, 1780, a poem of 
considerable length, supposed to be 
written by a lady, relating to the move- 
ments of the British army, from which 
I copy the following verse and foot note 
referring to the retreat from Monmouth : 

So we dressed in high taste to see them embark, 
Not thinking that Sir Harry would go in the dark ; 
To light a retreat, as seen in his letter,* 
He once used the moon — for want of a better. 

* The battle of Monmouth, where Sir Harry Cliaton 
says that he took advantage of the moon; I suppose this 
is what the Lady alludes to. It may be well enough, 
however, to set her right, by informing her that he did 
not begin his retreat till the moon had gone down, which, 
vulgarly speaking, was really to take advantage of the 

• Philadelphia. 

— For one, I cannot accept J. W. de P.'s 
reply, for he does not meet the puzzle of 
my almanac. He questions Washing- 
ton's authorities, but places implicit faith 
in Clinton's statement ; but he cannot 
question the evidence of the almanac, 
which emphatically gives no room for 
Clinton's ''''benefit of an Jiours moofilighf^ 
if not more,'' io use the words of J. W. 
de P. T. H. M. 

Andre's remains. — (III, 203.) W. 
N. will find in the United Service Jour- 
nal for November, 1833, what may be 
called the official account of the removal 
of Andre's remains, written by Mr. 
Buchanan, the British Consul at New 
York, under whose directions the re- 

moval was effected. W. N. should, 
after reading this account, examine a 
reply to it in the New England Maga- 
zine for May, 1834, by Dr. Thatcher, en- 
titled, "Observations relating to the Exe- 
cution of Major Andre." 

W. N. will find an account of the 
affair in the New York Evening Post of 
August II, 1831 ; also, I presume, in 
any New York paper about that date. 

Alleghany, Pa. Isaac Craig. 

— Dean Stanley, in his Historical Memo- 
rials of Westminster Abbey, Murray, Lon- 
don, 1876, pp. 256-57, gives some refer- 
ence to the removal of the remains: '' The 
courtesy and good feeling of the Amer- 
cans were remarkable. The bier was 
decorated with garlands and flowers, as 
it was transported to the ship. On its 
arrival in England," etc., etc. ''The 
chest in which the remains w^ere en- 
closed is still preserved in the Revestry." 
And the Dean refers to Sargent's Life of 
Andre, pp. 409-11, where an account 
of the exhumation and removal can be 
found. T. H. M. 

— An account of the removing of Andre's 
remains to Westminster Abbey in 1821 
can be found in the New Englamd Mag- 
azine, VI., May 1834, and the United 
Service Journal, November, 1833, Lon- 
don, both of which are referred to in a 
brief notice of the matter in vol. VI., 
Pennsylvania Historical Society Me- 
moirs, Contributions to American His- 
tory, pp. 373-5. I suppose something 
can be found on the subject in Sargent's 
Andre, Boston, 1861. 

BrowTisville, Pa. H. E. H. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 

Copies, Box loo, Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 

limits of their territory the great lakes on the 
north, the Gulf of Mexico on the south, and 
the Mississippi on the west. 

" Our ancient possessions thus paid, to state 
the fact, the dowry of this people when it reached 
its majority. Indeed, according to the memorial 
of the Marquis of Vaudreuil of the i6th Febru* 
ary, 1756, the eastern boundaries of the French 
and English colonies were on the New England 
and New York side of the chain of mountains 
which begins below the St. George river, and 
extends as far as the Alleghanies ; thus these 
mountains form the frontier on the side of Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia and Carolina. 

"The same antagonism of France and Eng- 
land led twenty years afterwards to a new terri- 
torial increase of the United States, also taken 
from our ancient possessions. The space which 
we occupied to the west of the Mississippi, a 
space which we had ceded in 1763 to Spain, and 
which she had returned to us by the treaty of 
Saint-Ildefonse, completed our task of 1783 in 
favor of the new nation, destined to become the 
heir to the best part of our ancient empire. 

"William Pitt, son of Lord Chatham, had be- 
gun his political career by the announcement to 
Parliament of the treaty which avenged us for 
the humiliation of the Seven Years War, of 
which his father had been the principal leader. 
He felt this as a personal wound, and never 
forgot, in his hatred of Louis XVI. and 
of France during the Revolution, the loss 
which we had inflicted on his country. The 
treaty of Amiens, to which England was com- 
pelled to submit, suspended but for a moment 
the line of conduct which Pitt had followed. 
Soon after the refusal of the British Cabinet to 
surrender IVIalta, foreshadowing to tlie First 
Consul the rupture of peace, France ceded 
Louisiana to the United States, in order that at 
the moment of the outbreak of hostilities her 
enemy should not sieze upon it. This was a 
terrible blow, inflicted by one who thoroughly 
understood the science of tactics. England saw 
in the restitution of Malta a cause of danger to 
the eastern route to the Indies. The First Con- 
sul punished her want of faith by giving to the 
United States the western route. 

"When we consider the present state of the 
once French possessions, across which this great 
route passes, and see all this space — that is to 
say, the land lying between the Alleghanies and 
the Rocky Mountains, covered with a numerous 
population — it must be admitted that to fertilize 
it nothing less was necessary than constant 
deposits of European emigration. Any single 
nation would have exhausted itself without suc- 
cess. The cause of civilization has thus been 



suD DE l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614- 
i6g8. Memoires Originaux et inedits receuillis 
par Pierre Margry. 3 volumes grand in 8vo, 
jesus avec cartes. Librarie Orientale et Amer- 
icaine de Maisonneuve et Cie, Paris. For 
sale by B. Westermann & Co., New York. 

Vol. I — ^Voyages of the French on the 
Great Lakes — Discovery of the Ohio and 
Mississippi (1614-1684). Prefacing this vol- 
ume of 618 pages is a portrait of Cavelier de La 
Salle, engraved on copper by Charles Waltner, 
and an introduction by M. Margry to the 
entire work contained in the three volumes. 

Vol. II — Letters of Cavelier de La Salle, 
AND Correspondence relating to his Un- 
dertaking (1678-1685). This volume of 617 
pages contains also a large map of the bay of 
Cataracouy and its surroundings at the time 
of Cavelier de La Salle. 

Vol. Ill — Exploration of the Mouths of 
the Mississippi, and Voyage of the Abbe 
Jean Cavelier Across the Continent, 
from the Coast of Texas to Quebec. A 
second map at the beginning of this volume, 
taken from a chart in the geographical col- 
lection of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
represents the discoveries of Cavelier de La 
Salle from 1669 to 1683. The volume closes 
with a general index of the sources from v/hich 
all the documents contained in the entire work 
are drawn. 

Notice has already been called in this Maga- 
zine [111,315, 375, 637] to each of these vol- 
umes as it appeared ; but the subject is of suck 
importance to American students that the an- 
nouncement of M. Margry is now translated 
and commended to the reader as the best 
account of the purpose and contents of the 

" A few words seem necessary to explain the 
importance of the collection we here announce. 
We state in the first place that the antagonism 
of France and England did not alone assure in 
1783 the independence of the colonies of the 
latter power in North America; another of its 
results was to give to the United States as the 



admirably served by the circumstances which 
compelled France to cede this territory. Con- 
sequently, while it is perfectly true that it was 
sad for us to lose this country, after having left 
so many of our people in and entertained such 
hopes of it, we must look beyond and recognize 
that in the life of nations, as in that of individ- 
uals, there is something else than possession ; 
and that when a task has been finished, a mis- 
sion accomplished, contentment should follow, 
"Peoples also, who leave behind them the 
trace of services rendered, have the greatest 
wealth that can be desired. The part of France 
in North America seems to have been to prepare 
the destiny of the continent. Considered in this 
light, the aid given by her to the emancipation 
of the thirteen English colonies established on 
the Atlantic coast, and the increase of the 
United States by the cession of the largest part 
of her inheritance, are but our second title to 
the gratitude of North America. Our first in 
reality was in the discoveries we made, and the 
colonies v/hich we later established, a woik full 
of danger, of immense labor and abnegation 
of the present for the sake of the future ; an 
honorable work in that alone, since a large part 
of America must to this look for its origin, its 
birth and its first development. 

' ' These reasons have led me to collect the doc- 
uments relating to the explorations of the French 
in the territory ceded to the American Confed- 
eration by the treaties of 1783 and 1803. 

" The three volumes which I now publish are, 
as it were, a birth record of the numerous States 
which have sprung up in this vast extent of terri- 
tory. The documents which they contain are 
in fact the writings of those who first discovered 
the soil, followed the water courses, cleared the 
country, opened the forests and established set- 
tlements in the midst of a savage population. 
Those men were the fathers of these vast terri- 
tories, and since the recital of their deeds merits 
in their results the respect of the generations 
who have profited by them, since it is meri- 
torious enough for the descendants of the early 
settlers, in the midst of a population which more 
and more absorbs them, to take a just pride in 
it, I do not hesitate to say that beyond these 
considerations it is sufficiently interesting for his- 
tory in general to concern itself with the inci- 
dents as well as the men that it describes. 

" The first of these volumes comprehends the 
travels of the French on Lakes Huron, Erie and 
Ontario, as well as the discoveries in the Valley 
of the Mississippi. Tn these recitals one person 
rises above all others in the heighth of his intel- 
ligence, his courage and his perseverance, as he 
was above all his companions in his stature, 
which was so great that his head was visible 
above the tallest reeds. 

" The letters of this personage, of whom noth- 
ing has been known until now, elucidate and 

complete in the second volume the recital given in 
the first. Thus for the first time is had from the 
very hand of the discoverer of the Mississippi a 
knowledge of his important and chequered enter- 
prise, while another part of these letters prepares 
us for the expedition in which he lost his life. 

' ' The third volume, which contains a long and 
touching narrative of his last projects, and 
of the voyage of the Abbe Cavelier from Texas 
to Quebec, shows to us, in the first place, in the 
plans of French settlement on the Gulf of Mex- 
ico, a continuation of the efforts of our country 
in favor of the liberty of the seas from the time 
of Francis I. ; later in 1684, Louis XIV. being 
at war with Spain, the expedition of Cavelier 
de La Salle, who took advantage of the dis- 
covery of the Mississippi to cross the country to 
the conquest of the mines of Santa Barbara, 
will appear to us as a sequence of our march to- 
wards the auriferous center of Spanish power, a 
march of which the settlements in the Antilles 
were as preludes, and the expedition of Pointis 
one of the last episodes. 

" The introduction to these three volumes will 
sufBciently indicate the value of the material I 
here give, compared with the books which have 
hitherto been authority on this subject. Their 
value appeared so great to Mr. Parkman that 
he, the best informed of all authors upon our 
history in America, did not hesitate to consider 
this work as one of the most interesting monu- 
ments in the histor)' of the West. This is the 
judgment of an American wlio looks at history 
in the light of science only ; but the object I, a 
Frenchman, have in view will not be fully at- 
tained, unless in the awakening of noble mem- 
ories the publication of these glorious documents 
serve to assure the descendants of our first col- 
onists that they are not wholly forgotten in their 
ancient metropolis. Pierre Margry." 

We shall return to this subject in another 
form ; meanwhile repeat the hope that it may 
not be long ere a translation of these volumes 
make the interesting narrative familiar to the 
American people. 

Founder, Promoter and Noted Men. By 
James D. Reid. 8vo, pp. 846. Derby 
Brothers. New York, 1879. 
In this massive volume is presented a complete 
history of the telegraph on the American Conti- 
nent, and a continuous record of its introduction. 
Under the appropriate title of the Morse Memo- 
rials ten short chapters, which will prove of most 
interest to the general reader, prepare the way 
for the account of local detail in operation and 
management. These recite in an easy way the 
first beginnings of telegraphs in the rude signals 



familiar to antiquity, next the semaphore sys- 
tem of visual signals introduced at New York 
by Christopher Colles in 1812. We are now- 
brought to the Progress of Electrical Science in 
America, from the experiments of Franklin to 
the invention of a recording instrument devised 
by Professor Morse in 1832, constructed in 1835, 
and first practically completed in 1837, when a 
description of the register was filed in the Patent 
Office in Washington. This account is in the 
words of Morse. The apparatus was then in- 
complete. The electric current once confined 
and compelled to man's service, improvements 
in the control of its workings have been constant, 
chief among which the discovery of the second 
or combined circuit, or relay, as it is familiarly 
called, the honor of which was claimed for va- 
rious men of science, but is here definitely 
attributed to Morse. The Government refused 
to purchase the invention in 1843 when offered 
to it for one hundred thousand dollars, per- 
haps because it was thought that it might inter- 
fere with the mails, just as in the beginning of 
the century it declined the use of gas in light- 
houses in the fear that it might injure the whale 
fisheries. The tendency of legislation is now 
in the other direction, and the whole of the 
vast system of American lines may soon pass 
into Government control. 

In according honor to those to whom 
it is due, the great practical services of Mr. 
Henry O'Reilly h^ve not been overlooked ; 
and we must here Dear witness to the untir- 
ing industry of this gentleman, whose monu- 
mental history of the telegraph in America, 
deposited in the New York Historical Society in 
a large number of volumes of manuscripts and 
clippings from newspapers, supplies a complete 
account of the enterprise in its minutest de- 
tails. The Western Union Company was a nat- 
ural outgrowth of the plan of Mr. O'Reilly for 
a connection of the interior cities of the sea- 
board. Next to Morse and O'Reilly in import- 
ance comes the name of William Orton, whose 
remarkable administrative powers brought the 
colossal combination to a complete success. 
The writer of these lines knew him well ; in- 
deed it was at his personal request, founded on 
knowledge of his administrative powers, that 
Mr. Chase called him to the superintendence of 
the Department of Internal Revenue, when 
they attracted general attention. 


Incidentally of the State of California. 

By John S. Hittell. Svo, pp. 498. J. L. 

Bancroft & Co. San Francisco, 187S. 

This is the history of the City of the Golden 
Gate, prepared in accordance with the resolution 
of Congress of iNIarch, 1876, recommending 

the delivery in every town of a sketch of its 
history from its foundation. Of the value of 
these Centennial stones there is only one opin- 
ion. Since the Columbian discovery no event 
in the history of the world has had a wider in- 
fluence than the finding of gold in deposite in 
California. By extending the base of commer- 
cial credit it has given new life to the enterprise 
of mankind. It was propitious in its very be- 
ginning, and to it may be alone ascribed the 
escape of Europe from the distress which reached 
its climax in 1848. But for it the face of Euro- 
pean society might have been changed. As for 
San Francisco, it is not difficult to foresee that it 
is to become one of the cosmopolitan cities of 
the world, without a rival on the western coast 
of this continent. 

Mr. Hittell divides his subject into eras ; thus 
we have the Indian, Mission and Village Eras, 
each in a separate chapter, the whole of which 
include the story before the gold discoveries. 
Then comes the Golden Era and its decline, the 
Silver Era, and a final chapter on Generalities. 
The section devoted to Broderick is a singular 
chapter in the history of American politics. 
The reader for information or pleasure will be 
amply repaid. 

OND Missouri Brigades, 1861-1865 — and 
from Wakarusa to Appomatox. a Mili- 
tary Anagram. By R. S. Bevier. 8vo, pp. 
480. Bryan, Brand & Co. St. Louis, 1879. 
The first part of this volume is given to a 
history of the troops raised in Missouri for the 
Confederate service, who took the field under 
General Sterling Price, an excellent steel por- 
trait of whom prefaces the book. When the 
State authorities decided to join in resistance to 
the General Government, and plunged the State 
into secession. Price received his appointment 
as Major-General. Of the accuracy of the vol- 
ume as an account of the military movements 
in which these brigades took part, from the day 
when they crossed the border to join the Con- 
federate army until the last remnants struck 
their flag to General Canby on the Gulf in April, 
1865, we are not competent judges. In the 
view of the author nothing before or since the 
famous Anabasis of Xenophon can be at all 
compared to the patriotism and daring of the 
Missouri Brigades. 

The second part of the volume, made up of 
personal reminiscences of the author, taken 
from his own diary of the war, is extremely in- 
teresting, as all truthful narratives of personal 
experiences under danger and difficulty are. 
Mr. Bevier was Colonel of one of the battalions 
in the Second, later merged into the First Brig- 
ade. He pays but little attention to military 



matters, but his chapters are full of camp stories 
and personal sketches of men who played their 
part in life's battle, and are not likely to be 
forgotten either by their friends or their whilome 
foes. There is a portrait of the author and of 
some other men of mark in the contest. 

OF THE First Religious Society in Rox- 
BURY. By George Putnam, Minister of the 
Society. i6mo, pp. 368. Houghton, Os- 
good & Co. Boston, 187S. 
So long as Mr. Putnam lived he would not 
consent to any publication of his manuscripts, 
but leaving no restrictions behind, his rep- 
resentatives wisely prepared this volume for 
the press. There is nothing more melancholy 
than the idea that an intellectual life should 
close without some record of its strivings and its 
achievements. These productions cover a period 
of forty-five years, from 1830 to 1875. There 
is no dogma in these pure, fresh thoughts, 
which seem to well up with undisturbed serenity 
from a never failing source. The language 
is pure and natural, the images simple and 
homely, the pictures he draws vivid and per- 
sonal. Reading to-day his beautiful sermon 
entitled the Windows towards Jerusalem, which 
opens with a picture of Daniel looking out to- 
wards the holy cit